Among philosophers of the emotions, it is common to view emotional content as purely descriptive – that is, belief-like or perception-like. I argue that this is a mistake. The intentionality of the emotions cannot be understood in isolation from their motivational character, and emotional content is also inherently directive – that is, desire-like. This view’s strength is its ability to explain a class of emotional behaviors that I argue, the common view fails to explain adequately. I claim that it is already implicit in leading theories of emotion elicitation in cognitive psychology – “appraisal theories.” The result is a deeper understanding of emotional intentionality. Employing Peter Goldie’s “Feeling Theory” of the emotions as an example of the common view, I suggest that emotional feelings, too, should be understood on this model: emotional feelings toward items in the world cannot be disentangled from felt motivation.

Universiẗat, Diss.--Heidelberg, 2005.

À l’été 2010, le gouvernement canadien a annoncé le remplacement du formulaire long obligatoire par l’Enquête nationale auprès des ménages, un questionnaire facultatif. Ce changement a causé beaucoup de réactions, parce que cela affectera la qualité et la continuité des données recueillies, qui servent à appliquer différents programmes et lois, et qui sont utilisées par de nombreux groupes dans leurs fonctions de recherche et de représentation. Le présent mémoire a pour objectif de comprendre pourquoi le recensement devient parfois le centre d’un conflit politique, quels acteurs sont impliqués, et pour quelles raisons. À l’aide d’une analyse comparative de cas antérieurs dans différents pays, nous identifions trois éléments nécessaires pour que la méthodologie du recensement devienne un enjeu politique. Il s’agit de la présence: (1) d’un aspect identitaire; (2) d’une dimension idéologique qui concerne particulièrement le rôle de l’État et l’action positive; et (3) de programmes ou d’objectifs gouvernementaux qui dépendent directement des données du recensement. Pour évaluer si ces trois facteurs sont également présents au Canada en 2010, nous avons effectué des entrevues avec les groupes qui ont contesté la décision de l’annulation du formulaire long obligatoire. Ces groupes ont contesté la décision devant les tribunaux, et ont évoqué les risques de non-respect du gouvernement envers ses obligations légales, notamment envers la Charte des droits et libertés. L’analyse de ce conflit nous permet aussi d’évaluer les relations entre le gouvernement canadien et la société civile, et le manque de ressources et d’opportunités auquel font face les groupes d’intérêt et les représentants de minorités à la recherche d’équité. / In 2010, the Canadian government announced the cancelation of the long-form mandatory census of 2011. It was replaced by the non-mandatory National Household Survey. Many protests were heard, because the data will be less accurate and there will be no continuity with the previous censuses. This data has many purposes, like the application of laws or governmental programs. Different groups also use it in research and advocacy activities. This master’s thesis analyses different situations of controversy over the census methodology, in various countries, to understand how it becomes a political conflict, who are the actors that get involved and why they do so. We find that 3 conditions are necessary to turn a census into a political battlefield. It is : (1) an identity concern; (2) an ideological dimension, about the role of the State and of affirmative action; and (3) the presence of laws or programs that depend directly on the census data. To test this affirmation, we interviewed groups that contested the decision of the cancelation of the mandatory long-form census in Canada in 2010. They took the case in front of the Courts, and think that the government has now the opportunity to escape from some of its obligations, one of which is the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This controversy’s analysis shows patterns in the relations between the Canadian government and the civil society. Interest groups and minorities now face very little opportunity of doing advocacy activities before the federal government.

The main goal of the diploma thesis ?Analysis of the management leadership style and its impact on effectiveness of non-profit organization? is to analyse the methods of leadership and management, to characterize its manager?s style of the leadership and management, to suggest optimal system of the leadership and management and to judge their impact on the effectiveness of the performed activities and strategic aims I have chosen the local action group called civic association ?CHANCE IN NATURE ? Local action group? to be the object of this diploma thesis. This action group is located in South Bohemia. The thesis is divided in to three parts. In the first part I have focused to theoretical determination of the basic terms related to the setting of the diploma thesis. The second part discuses the characteristic of the chosen local action group. The last part is devoted to analysis of the leadership and the evaluation of received information and to verbalization of conclusion.

Text in English / In this study the use of the narrative analogy in couple's counselling has been outlined. A literature study situates the narrative analogy within a wider philosophical framework. The underlying assumptions of the narrative analogy, both in general and in the work with couples, as well as the role of the counsellor using the narrative analogy, are explored. A case example is described to illustrate the use of the narrative analogy. / Social Work / M. Soc. Sc. (Mental Health)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Douglas Silva Telles.pdf: 625359 bytes, checksum: 485d556952bd808345404cdb1e9fa142 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-05 / This study aims at the analysis and discussion about the collective authority in Brazilian law through the exposure of plural interest (diffuse, collective and individual homogeneous), with its existing forms, evolution and extension. How to guardianship collective, the exhibition begins by presenting the popular action provided for in Law no. 4.717/1965, followed by action civil service, provided by Law no. 7.347/1985, and finally through collective action, approved in Brazilian law by the Code of Consumer Protection, Law no. 8.078/1990. It used the Class Action North America as a reference to explain the origin and form of collective actions in Brazilian law. Finally, it proposes discussion as the existence of a single lawsuit nature of collective defense for the interests of all metaindividuais and extent of legitimacy, so that the Brazilian collective action can be judged by a single individual from the admissibility of such action, just as occurs in the Office of reference. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo a análise e discussão a respeito da tutela coletiva no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro por meio da exposição dos interesses metaindividuais (difusos, coletivos e individuais homogêneos), com suas formas existentes, evolução e extensão. Como tutela coletiva, a exposição se inicia pela apresentação da ação popular, prevista na Lei nº 4.717/1965, seguido pela ação civil pública, prevista na Lei nº 7.347/1985, e, por fim, pela ação coletiva, recepcionada no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro pelo Código de Defesa do Consumidor, Lei nº 8.078/1990. É utilizada a Class Action norte-americana como referência para explicar a origem e forma das ações coletivas no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Por fim, é proposta como discussão a existência de uma única ação judicial de natureza coletiva para defesa de todos os interesses metaindividuais e a extensão da legitimidade, para que a ação coletiva brasileira possa ser ajuizada por um único individuo, a partir da admissibilidade dessa ação, tal qual ocorre no instituto de referência.

An architecture for actionbased planning and cooperation between multiple AI-agents based on the GOAP-architecture was developed together with a system to be used in advanced AI-courses at Linköping unversity. The architecture was implemented in this system to show the possibilities of our work.

This thesis concerns the question of what it is for a subject to act. It answers this question in three steps. The first step is taken by arguing that any satisfactory answer must build on the idea that an action is something predicable of the acting subject. The second step is taken by arguing in support of an answer which does build on this idea, and does so by introducing the idea that acting is doing something which is an exercise of a particular kind of disposition on the part of the acting subject. The third step is taken by arguing that the disposition in question must be of a kind which is exercised in conditions in which the acting subject thinks they are acting. From this vantage point the thesis develops many further commitments: That action is constitutively subject to a mode of explanation that mentions the kind of disposition just mentioned; that any case of acting requires a veridical representation of a means by which the action is performed; and that a problem about the underspecified nature of desire ascriptions can be solved by appeal to the conceptual materials made available by these investigations. The thesis finally develops several objections to the account it gives, both substantive and methodological, and explains why these objections ought to be rejected.

Cette recherche vise à saisir les conditions d’émergence, de stabilisation et de déstabilisation de l’organisation de la vitiviniculture instituée en France dans la première moitié du XXe siècle. Au cours de cette période, l’État accorde aux Appellations d’Origine Contrôlée (AOC), érigées en modèle d’excellence et de rareté, le pouvoir de contrôler leur propre réglementation, tandis qu’il place sous sa tutelle les autres catégories de vin, établies en problème public en raison d’une surproduction chronique. Mais l’intégration européenne, dès les années 1970, s’accompagne d’un changement d’échelle réglementaire et de nouvelles régulations politiques sectorielles. Dès lors, et contre toute attente, les vins d’AOC sont graduellement concurrencés, en prix et en réputation, par ceux qui étaient autrefois les moins valorisés. Nous montrons historiquement que la forte indépendance des vins d’AOC, d’une part, et la dépendance des autres vis-à-vis des autorités, de l’autre, ont posé les conditions de ce bouleversement. La Gironde et le Languedoc-Roussillon, territoires administrativement différents, mais structurellement dominants à l’échelle nationale, constituent deux terrains d’observation appropriés. Les deux conceptions vitivinicoles qui divisent la vitiviniculture nationale s’y sont développées de façon emblématique. Les syndicats qui en ont été les fers de lance ont noué des relations asymétriques avec les autorités. L’entrée en vigueur de la réglementation communautaire les a alors atteints différemment, de sorte que des évolutions en ciseau ont été enregistrées. Sur cette base, la thèse engage une problématique de portée générale. Le cas de la vitiviniculture permet d’interroger dans la longue durée l’incidence des changements d’échelles sur la régulation politique de l’économie. En articulant des schémas d’analyse et des outils fournis par la science politique et la sociologie économique, la démonstration livrée permet de préciser les conditions dans lesquelles une politique publique (nationale puis communautaire) en arrive à déstabiliser les conduites économiques sans que ce résultat ait été visé ni même anticipé. / This research aims to understand the conditions that emerged and caused the stabilization and destabilization of the organizational structure of the wine industry, which had first been established in France in the first half of the twentieth century. During this initial period, the State granted to certain wines the “controlled designation of origin” or Appellations d'Origine Contrôlée (AOC) – established as a singular model of excellence – the power to control their own regulations, while also placing other categories of wine under its guidance due to the public interest issue of chronic overproduction. However, with the deepening of European integration as of the 1970s, a rescaling of regulatory changes began, including new sectoral policy regulations. Since then, and against all expectations, AOC wines gradually began to compete in price and reputation against those which had once been valued the least. This thesis reveals, on the one hand, the historically strong independence of AOC wines and, on the other hand, the dependence of the others wines vis-à-vis public authorities, set the terms of this upheaval. Gironde and the Languedoc-Roussillon, while administratively different territories, but both structurally dominant on a national level, have been the two most relevant fields of observation. The two conceptions of wine emblematically developed in those two regions have divided the national wine industry. The unions who spearheaded each of the two types of wine also developed asymetrical relations with the authorities. Moreover, the implementation of European Community legislation affected them differently, thus creating a price ‘scissors’ phenomenon. By examining the tensions this caused, this thesis tackles a wider problem. The case of the wine industry thus enable analysis to examine the long term impact of scaled changes with regards to the political regulation of the economy. Through the application of analytical frameworks and tools provided by political science and economic sociology, this example allows to focus on the conditions under which public policy (national and communautaire”) came to destabilize economic behaviour without the results that occurred having been aimed for, or even anticipated.

Les activités physiques, et les jeux traditionnels font partis de la culture universelle, et appartiennent à l’humanité. Les peuples d’Afrique ont dû abandonner les leurs avec l’arrivée des sports modernes pendant la période de colonisation. Les activités physiques et jeux traditionnels du Gabon avaient dans la plus part des cas un but utilitaire allant de la préparation physique des jeunes au service de la communauté, aux activités de loisirs pour tous comme des danses lors des évènements commémoratifs ou des cérémonies rituelles et initiatiques. Ces activités ont disparu car la politique coloniale consistait à dévaloriser les pratiques autochtones, en valorisant la culture occidentale dont les sports.Nous avons présenté certains jeux traditionnels du Gabon sur la base d’une étude que nous avons commencée depuis quelques années, car nous avons peut-être à travers eux une des propositions que nous ferions, pour redynamiser et diversifier les Activités Physiques et Sportives en milieu scolaire au Gabon. En effet, contrairement aux sports occidentaux, les jeux traditionnels du Gabon ont une exigence matérielle très simple. De plus, les matériaux et les instruments nécessaires à leur pratique se trouvent dans la proximité de leur lieu de pratique. Et nous avons démontré que si les APS disparaissent des emplois du temps dans les programmes scolaires au Gabon, c’est entre autres raisons à cause du coût élevé du matériel didactique de sport, car les sports constituent aujourd’hui l’essentiel des contenus des programmes d’APS. Nous avons aussi présenté les jeux traditionnels du Gabon pour attirer l’attention des autorités gabonaises devant le risque de disparition de cette catégorie du patrimoine culturel national. Nous l’avons fait parce que nous pensons que dans un contexte de mondialisation où chaque entité valorise son identité culturelle et cherche à pérenniser ses traditions, le Gabon pourrait, grâce à ses activités physiques traditionnelles avoir sa propre identité, peut-être s’en référer pour entrevoir une partie de son histoire.Après avoir signalé l’existence des jeux traditionnels du Gabon, il nous a paru opportun d’évoquer le sport qui les a remplacés, sa signification, son expansion et son organisation internationale. Mais que faut-il entendre par le terme sport, au regard des nombreuses définitions qui sont proposées par différents auteurs ? Nous pouvons classer ses définitions selon des spécialités. Ce qui dénote de la complexité à situer le phénomène, tant les pratiques sportives et leurs corollaires se retrouvent dans la quasi totalité de la vie sociale de nos jours.Le Gabon comme beaucoup de pays africains anciennes colonies de la France va hériter des pratiques et des structures sportives du colonisateur. Cependant, le Gabon manque de cadres et de techniciens du sport, les équipements et infrastructures sont précaires et insuffisants. Il convient de mettre en place des politiques sportives réalistes et se projeter sur le long terme. Au contraire les autorités gabonaises vont semble-t-il faire le choix du sport de haut-niveau au détriment du sport scolaire et du sport de masse qui sont de notre point du vue de véritables bases de politiques sportives pouvant garantir des résultats constants et durables.Pour réaliser cette étude donc la problématique pose la question du fonctionnement et du rendement des institutions sportives mises en place par l’Etat pour apporter du prestige et le rayonnement du Gabon au niveau international. Il a fallu faire objectivement le constat d’une insuffisance de résultats d’une manière générale du sport gabonais. Pour cela des études au niveau des trois groupes d’institutions reconnus comme étant dépositaires du destin du sport et des politiques publiques, ont été réalisées. Elles nous ont entrainées dans l’administration centrale de l’Etat, et nous y avons étudié l’organisation et le fonctionnement du Ministère des Sports, de ces services extérieurs et organes sous tutelles. Nous avons par la suite étudié le deuxième acteur public de la gestion du sport au Gabon, qui sont les collectivités territoriales, et nous avons observé que leur rôle dans le contexte de l’inapplication de la loi sur la décentralisation reste tout à fait symbolique. Le troisième acteur ou groupe d’acteurs que nous avons étudié dans cette recherche est le mouvement olympique gabonais, dont l’organisation est recommandée par les institutions sportives internationales. Et nous avons rappelé cette hiérarchisation du sport mondial. Le Gabon qui accède à l’indépendance le 17 Août 1960 et expérimente la démocratie multipartite depuis 1990 est un pays potentiellement riche et politiquement stable, ces deux atouts auraient pu favoriser le développement du sport. Au contraire, certaines fédérations sportives n’existent que de nom, le sport scolaire et l’EPS tendent à disparaître des emplois du temps. Les équipements sportifs sont insuffisants. La formation et la recherche sont en friche. En compétitions officielles les performances des équipes gabonaises laissent à désirer.Certains spécialistes de sciences politiques affirment que si la société doit être transformée, cela ne peut commencer que par les institutions, instances de médiations entre les élites politiques et les citoyens. Si l’hypothèse est recevable, quel rôle peuvent tenir les institutions sportives dans cette perspective au Gabon ? Les institutions de sport au Gabon ne semblent pas avoir atteint leurs objectifs au vu des nombreux conflits internes, des irrégularités continuelles dans leur fonctionnement, et des insuffisances observées dans les performances sportives actuelles en compétitions officielles. Ces institutions sportives vivent-elles l’expérience démocratique engagée dans le but de restaurer l’autorité de l’Etat, libérer les énergies créatrices, protéger les droits des populations, et favoriser le développement global (l’émergence) du Gabon? Au regard des perspectives politiques récentes, un changement pourrait s’amorcer. / Physical activities and games are part of universal culture, and mostly of humanity. African populations had to give up theirs with the creation of modern sports during the settlement era. Physical activities and traditional games in Gabon had mostly a practical aim, going from physical training for teenagers to community service, to leisure activities for all, just like dances during memorial events or initiatory and ritual ceremonies. These activities have disappeared because the colonial policy was to depreciate native practices, by promoting western culture that included sports.We have presented some traditional games in Gabon on the basis of a study we started a few years ago, because we may have found though this study a suggestion we would make, to revitalize and diversify Sport and Physical Activities (SPA) in the school area in Gabon. Indeed, contrary to western sports, traditional games in Gabon have a fewer equipment needs. Moreover, equipment and instruments needed for their practice are located around the area of practice. And we have demonstrated that if SPA disappear from schedules in Gabonese schools, this is mainly due to a high cost for sport didactic equipment as today, sport is the main part of the SPA schedules.We have also presented Gabon traditional games to draw Gabonese Authorities attention to the risk that this category of national cultural patrimony may disappear. We did it as we think that in a globalization context in which each entity promotes its cultural identity and aims at making durable its traditions, Gabon could have its own identity thanks to its traditional physical activities. And it could also use it as a reference for a part of its history.After we informed the existence of traditional games in Gabon, we found it appropriate to mention the sport that replaced them, its meaning, its expansion and its international organization.But what is sport exactly, if we refer to many definitions suggested by different authors? We can order these definitions through specialties. This shows how complicated it is to evaluate this phenomenon. Besides, nowadays we can find sport practices and their corollaries nearly everywhere in social life.Gabon, such as many African countries being former colonies from France, is going to inherit practices and sport structures from its colonizer. However, Gabon is short of sport executives and technicians, equipment and facilities are precarious and insufficient. Realistic sport policies have to be set up, and a long-term projection has to be considered. On the contrary, Gabonese authorities may choose high-level sport to the detriment of school and leisure sport, which are, according to us, real basis of sport policies to guarantee continuous and lasting results.The main issue of this study is about the functioning and productivity of sport institutions introduced by the State to bring prestige and Gabon influence at an international level. To realize this study, we had to notice insufficient results, generally speaking, in Gabonese sport. So, studies were made around the three groups of institutions dealing with public policies and sport destiny.They led us to the State central administration, and we studied the organization and functioning of the Sport Department, its external services and trust organs. Then we studied the second public actor in the sport management in Gabon, which are territory collectivities, and we noticed that their role remains really symbolic, in their failure to enforce the law on decentralization. The third actor or group of actors we studied in this research is the Gabonese Olympic movement, which organization is recommended by the international sport institutions. And we reminded this global sport hierarchy.Gabon that became independent on the 17th of August 1960, and that tries out multipartite democracy since 1990, is a politically stable and wealth country. These two assets could have helped to develop sport. On the contrary, some sport federations only exist thanks to their name; school sport and the SPE are to disappear from schedules. Sport equipment is insufficient. Training and research are wasted. During official events, Gabonese teams performances are quite below-average.Some political scientists claim that if society has to be transformed, it has to start with the institutions, authorities for negotiation between politic elites and citizens. If the possibility is acceptable, what is the role of sport institutions in this perspective in Gabon? Sport institutions in Gabon do not seem to have reached their targets if we look at the numerous internal frictions, constant irregularities in their functioning, and insufficiencies in their current sport performances in official events. These sport institutions live the democratic experience in order to reestablish State authority, to release creative energies, to protect populations’ rights, and to promote Gabon global development?With regard to the recent political views, a change could get under way.