Dans le cadre de ce mémoire, nous proposons d'étudier la politique étrangère sous l'angle de l'influence bureaucratique. En particulier, nous chercherons à déterminer quel ministère y exerce une influence. Pendant les années 1990, la relation entre la Défense nationale et les Affaires étrangères est caractérisée par une résistance des premiers au concept dominant de sécurité humaine prôné par les seconds. Nous observons un changement dans cette relation au tournant du 21e siècle. Nous postulerons tout d'abord qu'il existe deux cultures organisationnelles qui distingueraient les « militaires » des « diplomates » tant dans leur compréhension des enjeux politiques que dans la mise en œuvre des décisions. Ensuite, pour mettre à jour l'étude de leur relation, nous proposons l'hypothèse que plusieurs facteurs auraient modifié la politique étrangère et accordé une influence accrue à la Défense nationale au sein de la bureaucratie canadienne. Deux discours, celui des « États faillis » et celui de la coordination gouvernementale, structurent les rôles joués par ces acteurs. De plus, d'un point de vue théorique, cette recherche tentera de complémenter l'approche bureaucratique de Graham Allison avec des éléments du constructivisme critique tel que proposé par Jutta Weldes. Pour cette analyse, nous utiliserons une méthodologie axée sur une série d'entrevues et sur des documents de planification obtenus en vertu de la Loi sur l'accès à l'information. Finalement, nous procéderons à une étude du cas, celui de la mise en œuvre de la politique étrangère du Canada en Afghanistan et de la guerre qu'il livre à Kandahar. Dans cette province, le débat limité au bon ratio entre militaires et membres du personnel civil ignore plusieurs réalités culturelles, historiques et sociales. L'objectif canadien demeure le renforcement d'un modèle étatique contraire à la culture locale. En conclusion, autant l'étude du cas de l'Afghanistan que celle de la politique étrangère soutiennent la thèse d'une décennie où la diplomatie canadienne est en déclin et où une influence accrue est accordée à la Défense nationale. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Politique étrangère, Diplomatie, Militaire, Canada, Afghanistan.

L’Afghanistan a été au début du XXIème siècle l’opération majeure des armées françaises. C’est aussi une période tout au long de laquelle la stratégie de communication de cette institution se développe. La communication militaire, partagée entre un volet opérationnel sur le théâtre, un volet institutionnel au sein des armées et un volet politique au cabinet du ministre, s’est avérée un exemple original en matière de relations publiques. Nourris d’éthique et d’une forte conviction, les communicants ont opté pour une pratique plus tournée vers l’ouverture d’un dialogue avec les journalistes plutôt que vers la quête de résultats. En résulte une satisfaction relative du travail accompli dans ces deux groupes, sans que l’un ou l’autre n’ait dû renoncer à remplir sa propre mission. Le récit médiatique est relativement équilibré, même s’il est de plus en plus négatif au fil des années qui passent. Mais il contient également toute la symbolique valorisante de soldats dévoués et persévérants, soucieux de remplir leur mission. / In the early XXIst century, Afghanistan was the major operation for french armed forces. All along that period, communication strategy of that institution has evolved, to face the standards of time and requirements of a professionalizing force. Military press relations, shared between communication about operations on the field, institutionnal communication inside the armies and a political communication in the minister’s office, has been an original example of public relations. Fostered by ethic and a strong conviction, press officers have opted for an open dialogue with journalists rather than for a search of outcomes. The result is a relative satisfaction of work done in those two groups, without any obligation for both of them to renounce to its own objective. Ensue a media narrative relatively balanced, even if it goes more and more negative over the years. Journalists reach that way their information duty by disclosing dysfunctions of this operation. But it also contains every positive symbols about devoted and persistents soldiers, concerned with fulfilling their mission.

This study examines the nature and possible causes of the changes in the art and artistry of Abdul Rahim Ghafori, an Afghan artist who has migrated to Sweden. The premise of this paper is that over time a person who migrates to another culture will undergo change. In an artist this change should manifest itself in his art and artistry. The study examines this process of change and how it is manifested in the artistry and art of Abdul Rahim Ghafori. The study intends to increase knowledge and understanding of the changes a person undergoes when experiencing a culture change. / Studien är en detaljerad fallstudie vilken ingående belyser ett konstnärskap och utförligt diskuterar ett antal av konstnärens verk. Studien undersöker vilka förändringar i konst och konstnärskapberoende på kulturbyte som kan skönjas hos den afghanske men till Sverige invandrade konstnären Abdul Rahim Ghafori. Att det över tid sker en förändring hos en person som invandrat till en annan kultur är ett utgångsantagande för studien. Hos en konstnär bör denna förändring visa sig i konst och konstnärskap. I studien undersöks vad som händer och hur detta visar sig i Ghaforis konstnärskap och konst samt vilka möjliga orsaker dessa förändringar har. Studien avser att utöka kunskapen om och förståelsen för de förändringar en människa går igenom när han eller hon byter kultur.

L’adhésion à l’OTAN façonne-t-elle l’imaginaire sécuritaire ? À travers l’analyse des discours des locuteurs autorisés australiens et français sur le thème de la guerre en Afghanistan (2001-2012), ce mémoire vise à comparer les imaginaires sécuritaires de ces deux États au regard de leur relation avec l’OTAN. Lorsque ces éléments constitutifs sont mis bout à bout, avec le récit entourant le cadre d’opération (chapitre 1), celui de la représentation de l’ennemi (chapitre 2) ainsi que celui de la la désignation de la menace (chapitre 3), l’ensemble que l’on appelle l’imaginaire sécuritaire permet de mieux comprendre les décisions qui sont prises en matière de politique étrangère. La comparaison de l’imaginaire sécuritaire entre la France, qui est pourtant membre de l’organisation transatlantique, et l’Australie, qui n’en est pas membre, indique que l’Australie partage un imaginaire sécuritaire proche de la France laissant apparaître que l’OTAN n’a pas d’impact et qu’il faut chercher dans un ensemble plus large la réponse. L’analyse suggère que les deux gouvernements (re)produisent un discours dans lequel ils cherchent à accroitre l’espace discursif entre un « eux » barbare et un « nous » magnifié. / Does NATO membership shape the security imaginary? Through a discourse analysis of Australian and French authorized speakers on the subject of the war in Afghanistan (2001-2012) this dissertation compares the security imaginary of these two states in terms of their relationship with NATO. Accounting for the narrative surrounding the operating framework (Chapter 1), the representation of the enemy (Chapter 2) as well as the designation of the threat (Chapter 3), security imaginary allows a better understanding of foreign policy decisions. Comparing France’s security imaginary, which is a NATO member, with Australia’s, which is not, reveals that Australia shares a security imaginary similar to France’s. Thus, NATO membership does not seem to have an impact on security imaginary. The analysis suggests that both governments (re)produce a discourse in which they seek to increase the discursive space between a barbaric "them" and a magnified "us".

The use of arguments containing increasingly technical materials has grown significantly in the recent years. Specifically, arguments that are used to justify military expenditures or to allege violations of international agreements are becoming more sophisticated. This study examines the dissemination and use of technical argument in claims made by the United States government that the Soviet Union violated chemical and biological treaties in Southeast Asia and Afghanistan. This study employs the Jowett-O'Donnell method for analyzing propaganda to determine the extent and effectiveness of the government's claims. The study concludes that propaganda was used extensively by the government in order to justify new weapons programs and that the propaganda campaign was effective because of the technological orientation of its claims.

This thesis examines important aspects of Canada and Britain’s participation in the Korean War of 1950-53 and the Afghanistan Conflict of 2001-present with a view to better understanding how international law influenced this participation, and whether key leaders and officials understood said law as a binding and distinct phenomenon. It draws on constructivist International Relations (IR) theory and “interactional” International Law (IL) theory, and employs a method of historical reconstruction and process tracing. I argue that, contrary to what realism might predict, international law helped define and shape each state’s possible course of action in the wars, and the justifications that could be made for their behaviour. More specifically, Canada and Britain’s involvement in the conflicts suggests that, when states use force, international law can play four broad roles: 1) it helps constitute the identities of the actors at issue; 2) it helps regulate the political and military practice of the actors at issue; 3) it permits and legitimates certain political and military practices that otherwise might not be permitted; and 4) it helps structure the process by which agents seek to develop and promote new legal rules and legitimate practice. However, I also contend that, contrary to what IL scholars might predict, the discourse and actions of Canadian and British leaders and officials during the Korean War and Afghanistan Conflict offer mixed support for the hypothesis that, when states use force, policy-makers understand international law as a binding and distinct set of legal rules, and the legal status of these rules impacts their decision-making. In sum, my findings suggest that international law can play important roles in world politics and the use of force by states, but it is unclear whether these effects are attributable to an obligatory quality in law.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis presents a historical analysis of the evolution of US Army Special Forces operations from 1995 to 2004, focusing specifically on operations conducted in the Balkans (Bosnia and Kosovo), Afghanistan and Iraq, answering the research question: How have the operations conducted by US Army Special Forces evolved from the Balkans in 1995 through Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) to Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF)? The thesis examines the progression of Special Forces operations during each of the aforementioned campaigns, analyzing their evolution in the areas of intelligence operations, unconventional warfare and foreign internal defense, close air support, integration with conventional forces and the institutionalization of lessons learned. The thesis concludes by examining future roles of US Army Special Forces with respect to employment. Tracing the progression of Special Forces employment from the Balkans to OIF is critical to understanding the factors contributing to the success of Special Forces operations in both the decisive operations and stability and support (SASO) phases of OEF and OIF. / Major, United States Army

The WikiLeaks Afghanistan war logs contain more than 76 000 reports about fatalities and their circumstances in the US led Afghanistan war, covering the period from January 2004 to December 2009. In this paper we use those reports to build statistical models to help us understand the mortality rates associated with specific circumstances. We choose an approach that combines Latent Dirichlet Allocation (LDA) with negative binomial based recursive partitioning. LDA is used to process the natural language information contained in each report summary. We estimate latent topics and assign each report to one of them. These topics - in addition to other variables in the data set - subsequently serve as explanatory variables for modeling the number of fatalities of the civilian population, ISAF Forces, Anti-Coalition Forces and the Afghan National Police or military as well as the combined number of fatalities. Modeling is carried out with manifest mixtures of negative binomial distributions estimated with model-based recursive partitioning. For each group of fatalities, we identify segments with different mortality rates that correspond to a small number of topics and other explanatory variables as well as their interactions. Furthermore, we carve out the similarities between segments and connect them to stories that have been covered in the media. This provides an unprecedented description of the war in Afghanistan covered by the war logs. Additionally, our approach can serve as an example as to how modern statistical methods may lead to extra insight if applied to problems of data journalism. (author's abstract) / Series: Research Report Series / Department of Statistics and Mathematics

The master thesis examines the war reporting of two Czech dailies (Mladá fronta DNES and Právo), specifically their coverage of the Czech Army mission and deployment in Afghanistan. In the theoretical part the quality of reporting, topic and factors that influence the journalist work are considered. A major theme is the relationship of media and political elites and some of its manifestations - the CNN effect connected with the media and public push on the departure of US military from Vietnam, and peace- journalism a concept of reporting on wars by exploiting more themes like reconstruction and peaceful solutions rather than war and combat. The quantitative analysis aims to verify these phenomenon in the Czech media. This is done mainly by analysing the reports sources and looking for the presence of three frames derived from the theoretical literature on this topic: heroic framing applied on Czech soldiers, national framing reflecting the national interests, and humanitarian and development aid framing.

No description available.