[pt] A busca por refúgio, indubitavelmente um direito humano fundamental, representa o anseio por segurança e dignidade em meio a circunstâncias adversas. Contudo, este direito é frequentemente desafiado, especialmente para as crianças, que, independentemente do gênero, merecem sentir-se protegidas e asseguradas em qualquer parte do mundo. Com este contexto em mente, a presente pesquisa se propõe a abordar a vulnerabilidade exacerbada observada no caso das meninas refugiadas. Focalizando um estudo de caso específico de meninas provenientes do Afeganistão, que encontraram refúgio no Brasil, a dissertação realiza uma análise crítica da falta de visibilidade enfrentada por essas meninas perante a comunidade internacional, nas normas e diretrizes, assim como nos estudos sobre Migração e Refúgio. Buscando contribuições significativas, o trabalho propõe recomendações para lidar com esse problema, adotando uma perspectiva de ação conjunta e intersetorial. Os objetivos específicos delineiam a abordagem concreta da pesquisa, buscando mapear e analisar abrangentemente a defesa dos direitos humanos das crianças do gê feminino em normas internacionais, regionais e locais, adotando os Direitos Humanos Internacionais como paradigma para adequar a abordagem jurídica e social. Outro objetivo específico é analisar a situação do Afeganistão e das mulheres e meninas refugiadas oriundas deste país que buscam segurança, educação e uma melhor qualidade de vida no Brasil. Por fim, a pesquisa almeja examinar estratégias para melhorar a integração das meninas refugiadas na sociedade brasileira, com ênfase na educação, propondo uma chamada à ação dos formuladores de políticas públicas sobre o tema. / [en] The quest for refuge, undeniably a fundamental human right, embodies the yearning for safety and dignity amid adverse circumstances. However, this right is frequently challenged, especially for children, who, irrespective of gender, deserve to feel protected and assured anywhere in the world. With this context in mind, the current research aims to address the exacerbated vulnerability observed in the case of refugee girls. Focusing on a specific case study of girls originating from Afghanistan, who have sought refuge in Brazil, the dissertation undertakes a critical analysis of the lack of visibility faced by these girls in the international community, within norms and guidelines, as well as in Migration and Refugee studies. Seeking meaningful contributions, the work proposes recommendations to address this issue, adopting a perspective of joint and intersectoral action. The specific objectives outline the concrete approach of the research, aiming to comprehensively map and analyze the advocacy for the human rights of female children in international, regional, and local standards, adopting International Human Rights as a paradigm to align legal and social approaches. Another specific objective is to analyze the situation of Afghanistan and women and girls refugees from this country seeking safety, education, and an improved quality of life in Brazil. Finally, the research aims to examine strategies to enhance the integration of refugee girls into Brazilian society, with an emphasis on education, proposing a call to action for policymakers on the subject.

Denna uppsats undersöker vithet i tre ungdomsromaner. Analysen belyser hur vita normer skapar en uppdelning mellan ”vi” och ”dem” i romanerna vilket resulterar i hinder för stöd till ensamkommande flyktingbarn och potentiellt leder till självmord i dessa romaner. Uppsatsen avkodar även symboler och belyser representationen av vita och icke-vita karaktärer. Vidare analyseras hur dessa grupper klassificeras som ”vi” och ”andra” inom de valda romanerna. Analysen av romanerna visar hur institutioner spelar en roll i att upprätthålla vita normer och hur de vidmakthåller och förstärker dem. Uppsatsen visar hur invandrares närvaro används som en berättarteknik. Det innebär att invandrares närvaro användas för att berika berättelsen och utforska olika teman och idéer.

This thesis applies lessons drawn from a historical-cultural analysis of rural power structures in Afghanistan to understand the nature of the threat posed by that country's opiate economy and to assess the counter-narcotics policies of the United Kingdom, the Government(s) of Afghanistan, and the United States. It argues that that the opiate economy should be considered an Afghan-specific problem involving narcotics, not a "drug war" problem involving Afghanistan. Specific lessons are taken from a chapter dedicated to Afghan culture, history, and rural power structures, and applied in chapters analyzing the opiate economy and current counter-narcotics policies. Several insights that are critical to sound policy, and that are not found in existing literature, are developed. Overall, the current policy emphasis on aggressive eradication of opium poppy is incongruent with local cultural and political realities and undermines central government stability. Counter-narcotics policy makers should adopt a roll-back strategy, eliminating cultivation from minor-cultivation provinces first for democraticgovernance, cultural, and counter-narcotics reasons. Counter-trafficking should be prioritized over eradication efforts and should particularly target anti-government forces, many of which are legacy groups of the anti-Soviet jihad and are not accountable to or culturally integral to rural society.

La décision d’intervenir militairement ou non dans un conflit est certainement l’une des plus importantes qu’un État puisse prendre. Ces décisions sont coûteuses et très prégnantes tant au plan financier, politique que social. La recherche exposée vise à analyser les processus décisionnels canadiens en matière d’intervention militaire lors de la guerre du Golfe, la guerre en Afghanistan ainsi que la guerre en Irak. Le Canada est un cas très intéressant à étudier, car malgré son statut de puissance moyenne, il a pris part à sept conflits armés depuis 1867. Cette recherche tentera donc de déterminer ce qui motive le Canada à investir des ressources financières et humaines dans certains conflits, alors qu’il choisit de ne pas s’impliquer dans d’autres. Certaines théories des relations internationales affirment que la politique de défense des États est guidée par le désir de maximiser leur puissance sur la scène internationale. D’autres théories mettent plutôt l’accent sur les valeurs des États, ou bien sur leur intégration dans des institutions internationales. Ces différentes hypothèses soulèvent l’importance des facteurs internes et externes, mais ne permettent pas de savoir lesquels priment. Ainsi, grâce à un modèle de prise de décision réaliste néoclassique, synthétisant ces deux types de facteurs, il est possible de déterminer lesquels des éléments internes (contraintes de politique interne, perception des dirigeants) ou externes (position relative du Canada dans le système international) prédominent lors de la décision d’entrer ou non en guerre. / The decision to intervene militarily or not in a conflict is certainly one of the most important a government can take. These decisions are extremely significant financially, politically and socially costly. The research presented in this document analyzes decision-making processes in Canada during the Gulf War, the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq. Canada is a very interesting case to study because despite its middle power status, it took part in seven armed conflicts since September 1867. This research will therefore try to identify the reasons for Canada to invest financial and human resources in some conflicts, while it chooses not to get involved in others. Some theories of international relations argue that the defence policy of states is guided by the desire to maximize their power on the international stage. Other theories will instead focus on values or norms internalized by states, or their integration into international institutions. These different assumptions raise the importance of internal and external factors, but do not tell which will prevail. Thus, using a neoclassical realism model of decision making synthesizing these two factors, it will be possible to determine which internal (internal policy constraints, perceptions of managers) or external factors (Canada's relative position in the international system) dominate in the decision to go to war.

Cette thèse porte sur la question de la mobilisation de la nouvelle génération des femmes en Afghanistan après 2001. Elle interroge d’abord l’existence d’un mouvement féministe, selon les significations des outils théoriques occidentaux. Ensuite, elle analyse la mobilisation des femmes à partir des éléments qui provoquent une mobilisation pour la transformation socialeet politique afin d’assurer les droits des femmes : ceux qui ont un impact important sur la société comme la politique ou l’économie qui ne laisse pas la place aux femmes pour s’exprimer librement. La nouvelle génération des femmes qui ont grandi sous la Révolution et les théories des révolutionnaires s’engagent progressivement dans un combat pour le droit et la démocratie sous l’influence du développement : la modernisation économique, l’éducation, l’immigration et la mondialisation. / This thesis focuses on the topic of mobilization of the new generation of women in Afghanistan after 2001. First, it questions the existence of a feminist movement in Afghanistan, according to the meanings and Western theoretical tools. Then it analyzes themobilization of women from the elements that cause mobilization for social and political transformation to ensure women's rights: those that have a significant impact on society such as politics and economy of both countries which do not leave room for women to express themselves freely. The new generation of women who has grown up under the Revolution andrevolutionary theories has mobilized progressively in a fight for rights and democracy under the influence of development: economic modernization, education, immigration and globalization.

Les inscriptions persanes de Ghazni constituent des témoignages artistiques ainsi que des sources primaires originales sur l’histoire culturelle des Ghaznavides (366-582/977-1186). Leur étude nous informe sur l’apport de cette dynastie à l’affirmation du persan moderne comme langue épigraphique « nouvelle » complémentaire à l’arabe, et sur les spécificités de cette réalisation. Le corpus examiné réunit 228 fragments d’inscriptions poétiques en persan, dont 113 inédits. Ces textes sont sculptés sur des plaques en marbre relevées par la Mission Archéologique Italienne en Afghanistan dans les années 1950-1960 et provenant pour la plupart d’un palais royal fouillé à Ghazni. Forte d’une approche interdisciplinaire, nous poursuivons deux objectifs principaux : le premier est d’offrir une analyse exhaustive de ce corpus épigraphique, qui fasse ressortir toute information historique dont il est porteur. Le second vise à la mise en contexte des inscriptions et se traduit par une étude comparative des sources épigraphiques et littéraires produites à Ghazni et dans l’ensemble du monde iranien aux Ve/XIe et VIe/XIIe siècles. La diffusion de l’épigraphie persane dans la capitale ghaznavide est confirmée par certains documents inédits externes à notre corpus principal, qui posent des jalons pour une chronologie de cette pratique à l’échelle locale et régionale. Nous constatons en outre le rôle central joué par la poésie persane dans la tradition épigraphique des Ghaznavides, qui emprunte le vocabulaire des panégyristes pour célébrer l’idéologie royale et les valeurs de l’Islam. Cet usage trouve des échos dans les autres régions de l’Iran pré-mongol et donne une voix à la politique culturelle des dynasties musulmanes orientales. / Persian inscriptions from Ghazni may be regarded as both artistic testimonies and original primary sources for the cultural history of the Ghaznavid dynasty (366-582/977-1186). They provide evidence of the Ghaznavid contribution to the rise of New Persian as an epigraphic language complementary to Arabic, and of the distinctive features of its use. Our study focuses on a corpus composed of 228 fragments of Persian poetic inscriptions, 113 of which have remained unpublished until now. These texts, carved onto marble dado panels, were mostly retrieved from a royal palace in Ghazni and recorded by the Italian Archaeological Mission in Afghanistan in the 1950s and 1960s. Through an interdisciplinary approach, we pursue two main goals: firstly, to offer a comprehensive analysis of this epigraphic corpus in order to bring to light any historical data it may disclose. Secondly, to place the Persian inscriptions in context by means of a comparative study of epigraphic and literary sources produced in Ghazni and in the Persianate world between the 5th/11th and the 6th/12th centuries. The spread of Persian epigraphy in the Ghaznavid capital city is confirmed by a set of documents that falls beyond our main corpus and until now has remained unknown. This new evidence provides chronological benchmarks for the use of Persian epigraphy at local and regional levels. We also note the central role played by Persian poetry in the Ghaznavid epigraphic tradition, borrowing the vocabulary of court panegyrists to build up a celebration of royal and Islamic ideals. This particular use finds echoes in other regions of pre-Mongol Iran and gives voice to the cultural policy of Eastern Islamic dynasties.

<p>This study examines the nature and possible causes of the changes in the art and artistry of Abdul Rahim Ghafori, an Afghan artist who has migrated to Sweden. The premise of this paper is that over time a person who migrates to another culture will undergo change. In an artist this change should manifest itself in his art and artistry. The study examines this process of change and how it is manifested in the artistry and art of Abdul Rahim Ghafori. The study intends to increase knowledge and understanding of the changes a person undergoes when experiencing a culture change.</p> / <p>Studien är en detaljerad fallstudie vilken ingående belyser ett konstnärskap och utförligt diskuterar ett antal av konstnärens verk. Studien undersöker vilka förändringar i konst och konstnärskapberoende på kulturbyte som kan skönjas hos den afghanske men till Sverige invandrade konstnären Abdul Rahim Ghafori. Att det över tid sker en förändring hos en person som invandrat till en annan kultur är ett utgångsantagande för studien. Hos en konstnär bör denna förändring visa sig i konst och konstnärskap. I studien undersöks vad som händer och hur detta visar sig i Ghaforis konstnärskap och konst samt vilka möjliga orsaker dessa förändringar har. Studien avser att utöka kunskapen om och förståelsen för de förändringar en människa går igenom när han eller hon byter kultur. </p>

<p>Uppsatsens huvudsyfte är att undersöka om amerikanska och brittiska stridserfarenheter av kalibern 5,56 i Afghanistan kan bidra till att utveckla den svenska Försvarsmaktens taktiska förmåga. Anledningen till varför jag valde att utgå från dessa länder är därför att de har fler öppna källor samt har mer erfarenhet än många andra. Studien genomfördes genom en kvalitativ textanalys av bland annat reglementen, rapporter och artiklar. Uppsatsen visar att Försvarsmaktens kaliber till sin automatkarbin, 5,56, var potent för stridstaktikanpassad för invasionsförsvar. Detta delvis på grund av kaliberns egna logistiska fördelar men även därför att de prioriterade vapensystemen för infanteriförbanden, lätta pansarvärnsvapnen, innebar relativt korta stridsavstånd. Studien visar därefter att idag, för amerikanska och brittiska styrkor i dagens konflikt i Afghanistan, är 5,56 otillräcklig. Stridsavstånden är generellt för långa för att kalibern skall avge sin optimala verkan i målet. Studien belyser vad dessa nationer vidtagit för åtgärder, samt vilka åtgärder som planeras eller finns som förslag för att förbättra sin stridstaktiska förmåga. Den mest optimala förbättringen anser många är att byta ut kalibern 5,56 mot en grövre mellankaliber i spannet 5,56-7,62. Förslag som förändrad skjututbildning, optikutveckling och nya vapeninköp nämns också. I diskussionen diskuteras om eller hur den svenska Försvarsmakten kan dra nytta av de andra nationernas erfarenheter. Resonemanget ger det generella slutsatsen att Försvarsmakten kan utveckla sin stridstaktiska förmåga genom att studera andra nationer. Ett snabbt konkret exempel vore att implementera skarpskyttevapnet ak4 med förstorande optiskt hjälpmedel i svenska Försvarsmaktens skytteförband.</p> / <p>The main purpose with this study is to investigate whether U.S. and British combat experience of the caliber 5.56 in Afghanistan is helping to develop the Armed Forces' tactical ability. The reason why I chose to rely on these countries is because they have more unclassified sources and has more combat experience than many others. This study was conducted through a qualitative text analysis of for example regulations, reports and articles. This essay shows that the Swedish Armed Forces standard caliber that is being used in today’s assault rifle (ak5c), were potent in battle tactics designed for the defence of Sweden. This is partly becauseof 5,56 own logistical advantages and also because light anti-tank weapons had priority over small arms weapons. This resulted in relatively short shooting distances. The study shows thereafter that the U.S. and British troops in today's conflict in Afghanistan, thinks that 5.56 is insufficient. Combat distances are generally too long for the caliber to deliver its optimum effect in the target. The study highlights what kind of actions these nations have taken, and what measures are planned to improve its combat tactical ability. The study reveals that the most optimal improvement, are to replace the 5.56 with a bigger medium sized caliber. Proposals to change the marksmanship training, optics development and to purchase new weapons are also mentioned. In the end of this essay there is a discussion on, or how the Swedish Armed Forces can implement U.S and British experiences. The reasoning in the final chapter gives the general answer that the Swedish Armed Forces indeed can develop their tactical combat skills by studying other nations. An example would be to implement the older ak4 with magnifying optics that could improve the longer range capabilities of the infantry units.</p>

Uppsatsens huvudsyfte är att undersöka om amerikanska och brittiska stridserfarenheter av kalibern 5,56 i Afghanistan kan bidra till att utveckla den svenska Försvarsmaktens taktiska förmåga. Anledningen till varför jag valde att utgå från dessa länder är därför att de har fler öppna källor samt har mer erfarenhet än många andra. Studien genomfördes genom en kvalitativ textanalys av bland annat reglementen, rapporter och artiklar. Uppsatsen visar att Försvarsmaktens kaliber till sin automatkarbin, 5,56, var potent för stridstaktikanpassad för invasionsförsvar. Detta delvis på grund av kaliberns egna logistiska fördelar men även därför att de prioriterade vapensystemen för infanteriförbanden, lätta pansarvärnsvapnen, innebar relativt korta stridsavstånd. Studien visar därefter att idag, för amerikanska och brittiska styrkor i dagens konflikt i Afghanistan, är 5,56 otillräcklig. Stridsavstånden är generellt för långa för att kalibern skall avge sin optimala verkan i målet. Studien belyser vad dessa nationer vidtagit för åtgärder, samt vilka åtgärder som planeras eller finns som förslag för att förbättra sin stridstaktiska förmåga. Den mest optimala förbättringen anser många är att byta ut kalibern 5,56 mot en grövre mellankaliber i spannet 5,56-7,62. Förslag som förändrad skjututbildning, optikutveckling och nya vapeninköp nämns också. I diskussionen diskuteras om eller hur den svenska Försvarsmakten kan dra nytta av de andra nationernas erfarenheter. Resonemanget ger det generella slutsatsen att Försvarsmakten kan utveckla sin stridstaktiska förmåga genom att studera andra nationer. Ett snabbt konkret exempel vore att implementera skarpskyttevapnet ak4 med förstorande optiskt hjälpmedel i svenska Försvarsmaktens skytteförband. / The main purpose with this study is to investigate whether U.S. and British combat experience of the caliber 5.56 in Afghanistan is helping to develop the Armed Forces' tactical ability. The reason why I chose to rely on these countries is because they have more unclassified sources and has more combat experience than many others. This study was conducted through a qualitative text analysis of for example regulations, reports and articles. This essay shows that the Swedish Armed Forces standard caliber that is being used in today’s assault rifle (ak5c), were potent in battle tactics designed for the defence of Sweden. This is partly becauseof 5,56 own logistical advantages and also because light anti-tank weapons had priority over small arms weapons. This resulted in relatively short shooting distances. The study shows thereafter that the U.S. and British troops in today's conflict in Afghanistan, thinks that 5.56 is insufficient. Combat distances are generally too long for the caliber to deliver its optimum effect in the target. The study highlights what kind of actions these nations have taken, and what measures are planned to improve its combat tactical ability. The study reveals that the most optimal improvement, are to replace the 5.56 with a bigger medium sized caliber. Proposals to change the marksmanship training, optics development and to purchase new weapons are also mentioned. In the end of this essay there is a discussion on, or how the Swedish Armed Forces can implement U.S and British experiences. The reasoning in the final chapter gives the general answer that the Swedish Armed Forces indeed can develop their tactical combat skills by studying other nations. An example would be to implement the older ak4 with magnifying optics that could improve the longer range capabilities of the infantry units.

La décision d’intervenir militairement ou non dans un conflit est certainement l’une des plus importantes qu’un État puisse prendre. Ces décisions sont coûteuses et très prégnantes tant au plan financier, politique que social. La recherche exposée vise à analyser les processus décisionnels canadiens en matière d’intervention militaire lors de la guerre du Golfe, la guerre en Afghanistan ainsi que la guerre en Irak. Le Canada est un cas très intéressant à étudier, car malgré son statut de puissance moyenne, il a pris part à sept conflits armés depuis 1867. Cette recherche tentera donc de déterminer ce qui motive le Canada à investir des ressources financières et humaines dans certains conflits, alors qu’il choisit de ne pas s’impliquer dans d’autres. Certaines théories des relations internationales affirment que la politique de défense des États est guidée par le désir de maximiser leur puissance sur la scène internationale. D’autres théories mettent plutôt l’accent sur les valeurs des États, ou bien sur leur intégration dans des institutions internationales. Ces différentes hypothèses soulèvent l’importance des facteurs internes et externes, mais ne permettent pas de savoir lesquels priment. Ainsi, grâce à un modèle de prise de décision réaliste néoclassique, synthétisant ces deux types de facteurs, il est possible de déterminer lesquels des éléments internes (contraintes de politique interne, perception des dirigeants) ou externes (position relative du Canada dans le système international) prédominent lors de la décision d’entrer ou non en guerre. / The decision to intervene militarily or not in a conflict is certainly one of the most important a government can take. These decisions are extremely significant financially, politically and socially costly. The research presented in this document analyzes decision-making processes in Canada during the Gulf War, the war in Afghanistan and the war in Iraq. Canada is a very interesting case to study because despite its middle power status, it took part in seven armed conflicts since September 1867. This research will therefore try to identify the reasons for Canada to invest financial and human resources in some conflicts, while it chooses not to get involved in others. Some theories of international relations argue that the defence policy of states is guided by the desire to maximize their power on the international stage. Other theories will instead focus on values or norms internalized by states, or their integration into international institutions. These different assumptions raise the importance of internal and external factors, but do not tell which will prevail. Thus, using a neoclassical realism model of decision making synthesizing these two factors, it will be possible to determine which internal (internal policy constraints, perceptions of managers) or external factors (Canada's relative position in the international system) dominate in the decision to go to war.