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自民國八十九年農業發展條例將農地開放自由買賣，並在農舍興建制度中增加了獎勵集村方式興建農舍的相關措施，藉使農民興建農舍時能捨棄在自有農地上興建農舍而共同參與集村方式以興建其所需之農舍，使消弭個別農舍對農業環境景觀等負面影響，並能夠達到維護農業、農民、環境等多重目標，此為集村興建農舍之緣起。 在本研究以親自探訪集村興建農舍已完工及正在籌備個案，同時對照農地政策之核心意涵是否達成之，期能給予未來法規修訂參考及建議。 然而，在針對全省集村興建農舍個案研究後發現以下問題與結果：因一般民眾難以整合協調以及理解相關法規，目前集村興建農舍多由建商開發、召集、銷售。而在農地政策管地不管人之保護傘下，反而成為建商營利目標以及一般民眾達到入住花園別墅之夢想；既然落為建商營利目標，再加上法規規定可以鄰近鄉鎮之農地為配套地，與興建集村農舍使用基地，合併計算加總面積之因素。故造成建商購入偏遠且低價配套地，搭配農舍基地湊足法規所需農地總面積，而該配套地因與農舍距離甚遠又毫無耕作環境與價值，實難達到農地農用之目標。 針對以上問題與結果，本研究並提出以下之建議： 一、農民應重新定義，農舍起造人應嚴格限制。 二、集村方式興建農舍應與個別興建農舍審核標準相同。 三、集村個案之農用農地應於適當距離範圍內，以利農業使用，並應嚴格禁止再分割情形，以防農地細分。 四、興建農舍應以農業經營需求為必要者。 五、集村興建農舍應成立社區管理委員會。 六、政府應結合農村社區土地重劃，提供適當之集村農舍建用農地。 / When agricultural development regulations lifted the ban and authorized the sales of farmland freely in 2000, it also supplemented related measures with incentives for farmers to build collective farmhouses so that farmers will give up constructing individual farmhouses on own their land, and jointly build collective farmhouses. This could help to eliminate the negative impact individual farmhouses have on the natural landscape of agricultural environments, and also achieve multiple objectives in upholding agriculture, farmers, environment, etc. And this is how collective farmhouses came about. Site visits were made to completed farmhouses; cases that were being prepared were also visited. At the same time, the research study also refers to the core meaning of policies related to farmlands in the hope that it can act as a reference and also offer suggestions to future legal revision and modification. However, the following problems and results were found after research was done in a province: as most people find it hard to integrate, coordinate, and understand the relevant legal provisions, current collective farmhouses are mostly carried out by construction companies who take on the tasks of development, gathering, and sales. However, as agricultural policies deals with land only and not individuals, such policy has, on the contrary, caused construction companies to view this as a profit target and the general public to see it as a grand dream. Given with the policy that it has helped construction company to make profit as well as the fact that the laws regulate farmland proximal to neighboring township taken as the supporting land, the site used for the construction of collective farmhouses can combine that of the supporting land to become the aggregate size of construction land. Therefore, it has encouraged companies to purchase remote and inexpensive support to work with the site of farmland in order to make up the aggregate size of the needed farmland as regulated by law. Furthermore, since the supporting land is far from the farmhouse and found without farming environment and value, it is, in fact, hard to achieve any objective of farmland solely for agricultural purpose. As such, this study has put forth following suggestions: 1. redefine the definition of a farmer, and the conditions of builder of a farmhouse should be strictly confined. 2. the construction of collective farmhouses should be given the same severe screening standards as those of individual farmhouses. 3. farmland for agricultural purposes should be limited to a suitable distance to be used for agricultural purposes, and legal provisions should strictly prohibit further partitioning and avoidsub-partitioning. 4. construction of farmhouse should be authorized to those which are found necessary for agricultural operation. 5. community management committees should be established for collective farmhouses. 6. the government should integrate village communities for land re-zoning in order to provide suitable farmland for collective farmhouses.

Notable structural changes have taken place in the world sheepmeat market over the 1960-80 period. Imports into the major consuming countries of the EEC are declining as a result of changing tastes, higher import barriers and other factors. World exports have steadily increased however, and sales diversified into a number of alternative, expanding markets. Little quantitative information exists on these markets. An econometric model was constructed to analyse the changes on a global basis. The model covers production, consumption and trade in the main importing and exporting regions over a twenty one year period. These components form a dynamic, simultaneous system which solves for the world price. It allows the impact of changes in any particular market to be evaluated in terms of the effect on other markets and international prices. Simulation analysis is employed to test the effects of various shocks to the market, and to evaluate the impacts of certain policy changes, such as those recently implemented in the EEC. The changes are assessed against a Base simulation, which also provides a forecast of the market situation through the 1980's. From the conclusions various policy implications are drawn with respect to NZ's exports.

This thesis explores the historical evolution of the nature of the link between a product and its place of origin in the European sui generis systems of GI protection, with a specific focus on the EU Regulation 1151/2012 on Geographical Indications for the protection of agricultural products and foodstuffs. It concludes that this link has substantively changed, since the 1930s, when some early forms of sui generis GI systems were introduced in southern Europe, especially in France and Italy. While these regimes were based exclusively on the concept of terroir, a cipher for the physical link between a product and a place, an empirical analysis carried out in the present work reveals that, today, the history of the product and of its method of production is, statistically, the predominant linking factor. Furthermore, the research shows that the historical link is almost always mentioned in the specifications of EU GI products, when protected both by Protected Designations of Origin (PDO) or Protected Geographical Indications (PGI), which are the two quality schemes provided by EU Law. In particular, the terroir element, which characterises PDOs, also appears frequently in PGI specifications, where it should be superfluous, thus suggesting that the differences between these two quality schemes are unclear. Finally, the emergence of the historical element confirms that GIs can contribute to the protection of products that are linked to a geographical area not by physical and environmental factors, but by the socio-cultural traditions of a specific place. Although history can constitute a valid product/link, however, it must be used with caution, as it can be mystified and reconstructed in an arbitrary and unfounded way. This is dangerous, because it can turn GIs into a mere marketing tool, thus damaging the origin function that distinguishes them from the broad family of quality labels.

La Libye est l’un des pays arabes les plus importants du fait de sa grande richesse pétrolière, ainsi que de sa situation stratégique, en bord de Méditerranée et proche du Sud de l’Europe. Cependant, depuis son indépendance en 1951, elle a connu différents mouvements politiques ayant généré une influence considérable sur tous les domaines de la vie en Libye ; de ce fait, cette étude traite en premier lieu l’influence des mouvements politiques, de l’indépendance en 1951 jusqu’à la chute de Kadhafi en 2011, sur l’organisation des pouvoirs publics territoriaux. Cette influence s’est caractérisée par une instabilité de cette organisation ainsi que de l’aménagement du territoire. Se basant sur cette réalité, nous avons analysé dans cette étude les moyens mis en place par les gouverneurs libyens d’utiliser cette organisation dans le but de garantir la permanence de leur pouvoir, en maintenant notamment une constante insécurité juridique et administrative. Cette instabilité organisationnelle et l’insécurité juridique ont eu un impact majeur sur le processus d’aménagement du territoire. En effet, les pouvoirs territoriaux devraient être en mesure de tenir un rôle large afin de mener à bien ce processus, rôle issu des rapports directs qu’ils entretiennent avec le peuple et ses besoins. Cette relation devrait constituer le principe premier de l’organisation des pouvoirs à tous les niveaux. Ainsi en deuxième lieu, nous avons étudié l’influence de l’insécurité juridique et de l’instabilité de l’organisation des pouvoirs territoriaux sur le processus d’aménagement du territoire. Cet impact est relatif à la répartition des compétences en planification urbaine et aux appareils locaux de contrôle, ce qui a entrainé à son tour un arrêt de l’élaboration et de la mise en œuvre des plans et des schémas de développement. De tels troubles ne pouvaient que mener à une remise en question de l’efficacité des solutions proposées par les autorités compétentes pour réduire les problèmes de l’accès aux services nécessaires pour tous les citoyens. / Libya is one of the most important Arab countries due to its great oil wealth and its strategic geographic position, along the Mediterranean sea and close to southern Europe. However, since it’s independence in 1951, it has experienced different political movements which had left a great influence, on all aspects of life in Libya. From this fact, our study deals first of all with the influence of political movements, since independence in 1951 until the fall of Qaddafi in 2011, and the structure of locale public territorial authorities. This infuence has been characterized by the instability of the organization and the planning of local public territorial authorities. This study is based on the analysis, which is the use of the instability as mean to ensure the durability of power, including maintaining a constant legal and administrative uncertainty. This territorial structure instability and legal uncertainty has had a major impact on the process of planning of local government. Indeed, the territorial authority should be able to carry out this process, and playing a role which comes from a direct relationship of the people and their needs. This relationship should be the first principle of the organization of power at all levels. Secondly, we studied the influence of legal uncertainty and instability in the organization of territorial authorities on the process of planning at the local level. This impact is linked to the sharing of competences in urban planning and local control apparatus, which in turn led to an interruption of the enlargement and implementation of plans and development schemes. Such disorders could only lead to troubling the effectiveness of solutions proposed by the competent authorities to reduce the problems of access to necessary services required by all citizens.

The thesis was focused on the evaluation of the systém of the milk quotas. This mode of regulation of the milk market should be completed in 2015. The aim of the thesis was to assess the pros and cons of regulation, including the potential impact of the termination of this systém for milk producers in the Czech Republic. In the first part has been processed the information about the milk quota system, its development and possible future condition. The second part of the thesis was focused on the assessment of the information obtained from a questionnaire survey from milk producers.

Cette thèse s’efforce de démontrer que l’évolution de l’agriculture et de la politique du développement agricole en Indonésie est fondée sur de longues expériences historiques s’étendant de l’époque précoloniale jusqu'à aujourd’hui. Les processus de développement ne sont pas de formes linéaires. Ils se sont réalisés par petits à-coups. Suivant les époques, ces différents processus de développement agricoles ont pu suivre des directions opposées.Ceux-ci ont également connu des contradictions fondamentales qui varient en fonction des intérêts de leurs promoteurs. Ces différents développements dépendent en effet de l'État et de ses relations avec d’autres agents comme les grands planteurs (propriétaires des plantations) et les paysans. Ces relations ne sont pas souvent fondées sur un principe d’égalité. L’influence des paysans en matière de négociation est souvent faible face aux autres agents économiques. L’héritage colonial et les structures féodales se font encore sentir de nos jours, et les paysans sont souvent en position de faiblesse, à moins qu’ils s`organisent entre eux pour leurs intérêts communs. Même si les quantités de productions agricoles sont en augmentation, la structure agraire inégale n'a pas beaucoup changé jusqu’à maintenant, depuis les époques féodales (locales), coloniales (européenne) et pendant l`occupation japonaise peu de choses ont changé. Les paysans doivent s’organiser et coopérer ensemble afin d’obtenir l’accès aux terres agricoles et défendre cet accès. Pour les paysans papous, la question principale reste posée : quels seraient des intérêts communs ou convergents entre les paysans indonésiens, ceux du centre (Java), ceux de la périphérie et ceux de Papouasie par exemple pour construire un meilleur avenir pour eux et lutter contre les fortes pénétrations dont ils souffrent aujourd'hui des investissements des capitalistes étrangers, mais aussi de celles des nationaux avec leurs propres élites locales ? / This dissertation asserts the complexity of the Indonesian agricultural problems. These problems occurred after the independence in a non-linear historical trajectory. However, the historical inheritance of the successive agricultural and land policies implemented since the precolonial period has also influenced the current situation of the largest actor in agricultural sector, Indonesian peasants. The development processes are not in linear forms, but conjectural ones. They are realized by short burst. According to the periods, they have followed opposite directions. The processes of agricultural development depend on the interests of their promoters : the state and its relations with other agents such as the large planters and the peasants. These relations are often not in equally beneficial. The bargaining position of the peasants is often weaker relative to theother economic agents. Even though the results of agricultural production are increasing, the unequal agrarian structure has not changed much since the feudal (local), colonial (European) and fascist (Japanese) periods. The Indonesian peasants need to self-organize and to cooperate together in order to increase its bargaining position so that they can access the agriculture lands as well as defend them. In the case of the Papuan peasants, the open question is what would be the common or converging interests of Indonesian peasants in general, compared to those in the peripheral regions such as Papua, to prepare a better future for them at the face of strong penetrations they suffer today from foreign and national capitalists, and their own local ruling elites? While ruling out independence option, Javanese and Papuan peasants need to cooperateand, if possible, join force to increase its bargaining position against the strong penetration of capitalists.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2016-10-21T11:18:45Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-11-08T18:40:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-08T18:40:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Celso Lucas Fernandes Oliveira - 2016.PDF: 1921775 bytes, checksum: 15f5508da264975bd9fe3e6f4470b5a1 (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-01 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Goiás - FAPEG / This study aims to investigate the main aspects of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), created by the European Community in 1962 to ensure the agricultural self-sufficiency of the trade bloc and to maintain the level of income of European farmers, by the implementation of a policy of support for the regional production and internal market protection. This research is intended to analyze how the policy is structured and what are the real consequences of it for the economy of developing countries, based on the assumption that the protectionist measures and subsidies result in great damage to international trade, especially for poor countries, which rely mainly on agricultural exports to sustain their economies. In this context, a critical analysis will be made about the way the CAP remains in the context of agricultural trade liberalization that is defended in the World Trade Organization (WTO), based on multilateral agreements and negotiations currently in progress. In addition, the analysis will consider the concept of multifunctionality of agriculture, which appears as a justification for maintaining the CAP, and the relation between international trade and the right to development. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo investigar os principais aspectos da Política Agrícola Comum (PAC), criada pela Comunidade Europeia em 1962, visando garantir a autossuficiência agrícola do bloco econômico e a manutenção do nível de renda dos produtores rurais europeus, a partir da implementação de uma política de apoio à produção regional e de proteção do mercado interno. Tal pesquisa tem como intuito analisar como essa política se estruturou e quais são as reais consequências dela para a economia dos países em desenvolvimento, partindo-se da hipótese de que as medidas protecionistas e os subsídios resultam em grandes prejuízos ao comércio internacional, principalmente para os países mais pobres, que dependem basicamente das exportações agrícolas para sustentar suas economias. Diante desse contexto, será feita uma análise crítica acerca da maneira como a PAC se insere no contexto de liberalização comercial dos produtos agrícolas, defendido dentro da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), com base nos acordos multilaterais existentes e nas negociações em andamento atualmente. Além disso, a análise levará em consideração o conceito da multifuncionalidade da agricultura, que surge como justificativa para manutenção da PAC, bem como a relação entre o comércio internacional e o direito ao desenvolvimento.

A presente tese analisa o desenvolvimento do setor agroalimentar brasileiro, no período pós-1990, e suas relações com as oscilações da economia brasileira, com sua inserção internacional e com a política agrícola. O papel dos investimentos, da demanda e dos recursos ociosos ocupa espaço central na análise. A hipótese central é que a dinâmica do setor agroalimentar brasileiro, na década de 1990 e seguinte, foi marcada mais pelo amadurecimento dos investimentos realizados nas décadas de 1970 e 80, do que pela dinâmica da abertura e desmonte da ação do Estado da década de 1990. Baseado na teoria da dinâmica cíclica com formação de recursos ociosos de Ignácio Rangel e com apoio de ampla análise de dados argumentou-se que: 1- o crescimento do setor agroalimentar na década de 1990, e das exportações agrícolas após 1999, foram possíveis pelos investimentos e pela política de desenvolvimento do setor das décadas de 1970 e 80. Os investimentos no setor agroalimentar possuem uma dinâmica cíclica que respondeu a partir da década de 1990 reativamente ao crescimento, e que retornam após 1999 com recursos oficiais e a partir de 2003 com a elevação dos preços internacionais de commodities agrícolas. 2- a trajetória dos sub-setores do setor agroalimentar foi heterogênea, em conseqüência da mesma política macroeconômica. Logo, a diferença dos impactos causados relacionou-se diretamente a trajetória de cada sub-setor no período anterior à abertura em termos de investimentos, de nível tecnológico e em especial quanto as perspectivas de crescimento ou estagnação da demanda. 3- As oscilações da conjuntura, da política macroeconômica e das políticas setoriais são fundamentais. O setor é sensível a distribuição de renda, às taxas de crescimento do PIB e ao aumento do desemprego. Além disso, o setor agroalimentar apresentou um papel político central: na década de 1980, como elemento para o controle da inflação, recebeu incentivos e proteção; na década de 1990, as exportações são liberadas mas recorre-se às importações para baixar os preços internos. Após 1999, o setor passa a ocupar novamente o lugar de auxiliar na obtenção de divisas, de redução do déficit comercial e retomada do crescimento do PIB (como no início da década de 1980). Com isso, os interesses do setor se reforçam (incluindo seus representantes no legislativo e no executivo) e novas políticas setoriais de incentivo começam a surgir. 4- A dinâmica regional da agricultura é outro elemento central para se compreender os movimentos mais amplos do setor. A ociosidade de terras e de instalações industriais (devido as grandes distâncias entre as áreas produtoras de matérias-primas e a indústria e também devido aos impostos interestaduais) possui um componente territorial que influencia em toda a dinâmica do setor agroalimentar. As diferentes condições de solo, relevo e clima influenciam na produtividade e na escolha das técnicas utilizadas, o que gera grande diferenciação regional no Brasil. / This thesis analyzes the development of the Brazilian food sector in the post-1990, and its relations with the fluctuations of the Brazilian economy, with its international integration and agricultural policy. The investments, demand and idle resources has an important role. The central hypothesis is that the dynamics of the Brazilian food industry in the 1990s and after, was leaded by maturity of the investments in the 1970s and 80s. Based on the theory of cyclical dynamics with formation of idle resources by Ignacio Rangel and with broad support from data analysis, it was argued that: 1- the growth of food industry in the 1990s, and agricultural exports after 1999 were made possible by the investments and the development policy of the industry of the 1970s and 80s. Investment in food sector have a cyclical dynamic that responded from the 1990s reactively growth, and after returning in 1999 with governmental resources from 2003 to the rising international prices of agricultural commodities. 2- the trajectory of the sub-sectors of the food industry was heterogeneous, as a result of the macroeconomic policy. The difference of the impact caused is related directly to the trajectory of each sub-sector in the period before the opening, in terms of investments, technological level and specially on the prospects for growth or stagnation of demand. 3- Fluctuations in the economy, the macroeconomic policy and sectoral policies are crucial. The food sector is sensitive to distribution of income, the growth rates of GDP and increased unemployment. Moreover, the food sector had a central political role: in the 1980s, as an element for controlling inflation, its received subsidies and protection, in the 1990s, exports are released but it relies on imports to reduce domestic prices. After 1999, the food sector will again occupy the place of help in obtaining foreign currency, reducing the trade deficit and leading to growth of GDP (as in the early 1980\'s). With this, the interests of the sector is strengthening (including their representatives in the legislative and the executive) and new policies to encourage food sector begin to emerge. 4- The regional dynamics of agriculture is another key element to understanding the movements of the food sector. The idleness of land and industrial plants (due to the large distances between the areas producing raw materials and industry and also due to tax interstate) has a territorial component that influences the dynamic in the food sector. The different soil conditions, topography and climate influence the productivity and the choice of techniques, which generates large regional differences in Brazil.

Faire du Foncier un fait économique total, et du capital le moteur du développement, c’est donner un blanc-seing à la marchandisation de la terre. Faut-il vraiment que le Mali cède ses terres agricoles et ses ressources foncières pour accéder au développement? Pour quel développement ? Le développement exige-t-il le sacrifice de l’agriculture familiale paysanne et des méthodes traditionnelles séculaires de gestion du foncier ? Depuis son accession à la souveraineté nationale en 1960, le Mali, pays pauvre de l’Afrique au Sud du Sahara cherche à atteindre mais en vain un essor économique, social et industriel et cela par tous les moyens, à l’exception de la mise en place d’un modèle endogène de développement. Dans cette quête, il a dû souscrire au modèle de développement dominant qui n’est autre que celui capitaliste, fragilisé depuis toujours et présentement par les conséquences de ses limites à savoir la succession des crises alimentaire, sociale environnementale financière. Si ce revers du capitalisme a eu des effets sociaux importants dans les pays du sud, il a également conduit certains pays émergents et auteurs de capitaux à s’accaparer des ressources naturelles des pays les plus pauvres. Pris en tenaille entre la préservation de ses spécificités socio-écologiques sur le plan foncier et son envie d’atteindre le développement durable, le Mali voit dans la marchandisation des ressources foncières à grande échelle une véritable aubaine. Ainsi, il va adapter son cadre juridico-politique d’accès aux ressources foncières (au risque de décalage, d’incohérence et de flou entre ses stratégies politiques et la réalité foncière) afin d’attirer de nouveaux acteurs. Il prend par la même occasion le risque d’exposer son peuple aux conséquences prévisibles (la spoliation des droits fonciers coutumiers, l’accroissement de la pauvreté rurale et des inégalités, la destruction de l’agriculture familiale…) de ce passage sans transition à une économie mondialisée alors que les enjeux fonciers bien maîtrisés se révèlent être une véritable stratégie de gestion équilibrée de tout développement et surtout du développement durable. / Making the land issue a total economic phenomenon and capital the driving force of development equates to giving free rein to the commodification of the land. Is it really necessary for Mali to sell off its agricultural land and its land resources to access development? For what development? Does development demand that family-run small farming operations and age-old, traditional land management methods be sacrificed? Ever since the country attained national sovereignty in 1960, Mali ‒ a poor country in sub-Saharan Africa ‒ has been seeking in vain to achieve rapid economic, social and industrial development by all the means available, with the exception of the deployment of an endogenous development model. In that quest, Mali has had to subscribe to the dominant development model which is none other than the capitalist model, made vulnerable as it always has been and still is at present by the consequences of its limitations, namely the succession of food, social, environmental and financial crises. If the downside of capitalism has had far-reaching social effects in the southern countries, it has also led certain emerging countries and providers of capital to grab the natural resources of the poorest countries. Caught between preserving its socioeconomic specificities in land terms and its desire to achieve sustainable development, Mali regards the large-scale commodification of its land resources as a real windfall. It is thus going to adapt its legal and political system of access to land resources ‒ at the risk of seeing a blurring of vision, discrepancy and inconsistency between its political strategies and the reality of the land issue ‒ in order to attract new stakeholders. In so doing, Mali runs the risk of exposing its people to the foreseeable consequences of the changeover without transition to a globalized economy, including notably the despoliation of customary law land rights, increased rural poverty and inequality, and the destruction of family-run farming operations, whereas proper control of the land issue is shown to be a true strategy for the balanced management of any development and above all of sustainable development.