Orientador: Chritina de Rezende Rubim / Banca: Ana Lúcia Pastore Schritzmeyer / Banca: José Geraldo Poker / Banca: Jayme Wanderley Gasparoto / Banca: Gilberto Giacóia / Resumo: Nos últimos anos tem sido notado no campo do direito um significativo aumento do interesse pelo referencial teórico e metodológico fornecido pela antropologia. No entanto, e apesar de algumas relevantes contribuições direcionadas a uma aproximação entre a antropologia e o direito, o fato é que a antropologia jurídica, ao menos no cenário acadêmico nacional, ainda ressente de uma maior reflexão sobre o seu espaço epistemológico e possibilidades práticas. Nesse âmbito de análise, e partindo do pressuposto de que o conhecimento reivindicado de forma autônoma pelo direito e pela antropologia representam, sobretudo, domínios de saber que se expressam como discursos históricos, o presente estudo apresenta duas finalidades: primeiramente, identificar os fundamentos e as possibilidades de análise do discurso jurídico-antropológico através de uma leitura dos seus principais referenciais epistemológicos; e, num segundo momento, desenvolver uma etnografia do discurso jurídico no campo cultural da execução penal sob a proposta de uma antropologia do conhecimento / Abstract: In recent years it has been noticed in the field of law a significant increase in interest in the theoretical and methodological framework provided by anthropology. However, despite some outstanding contributions aimed at a rapprochement between anthropology and law, the fact is that anthropology of law, at least in the national academic scene, still lacks a major reflection on your epistemological space and practical possibilities. Within this framework of analysis, and assuming that the knowledge claimed autonomously by law and anthropology especially represent areas of knowledge that are expressed as historical discourses, this study has two purposes: first, identify the reasons and possibilities of discourse analysis, legal and anthropological frames; and, second, to develop an ethnography of legal discourse in the cultural field of criminal enforcement under the proposal for an anthropology of knowledge / Doutor

This diploma thesis brings the description of life and work one of the foremost intellectuals of twentieth century, philosopher Karel Kosík (1926-2003). Karel Kosík was a philosopher, who holds an idea of ``Open Marxism``. This intellectual trend was practically one and only system, which could in time of communism totality ask for dialogue with other intellectual movements. Except philosophy of history Kosík´s work go beyond to the areas of history, sociology, philosophical anthropology and literature. Kosík became the front ideological representative of Prague Spring. Kosík abid his ideals of ``socialism with human face`` even in the totalitarian times during years 1970-1989, when he was as enemy of regime removed from the academical world. After year 1989, when he returned for short at Charles University (1990-1992) he stayed devoted for the ``Open Marxism`` as a leading left-wing philosopher. He was forced to leave his position at university in 1992, allegedly because of his age. Diploma thesis is divided in five chapters. The first chapter describes Kosík´s philosophy in the contemporary context of marxism, the second one gives facts about Kosík´s life story, the third is focused on analysis of Kosík´s work, the fourth inquires into contemporary reception of the Kosík´s person and fifth chapter is intent on Kosík´s relevance and legacy for our presence and future. In Appendix are added copies of some archival materials provided by Literature archive of Museum of Czech Literature in Prague and Archive of Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic in Prague.

Orientador: Mauro William Barbosa de Almeida / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T16:59:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moura_AntonioEustaquio_D.pdf: 26226553 bytes, checksum: c3d50e948cbc48a5d311e5ad12af122f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O Quilombo Mata Cavalo está localizado no município de Nossa Senhora do Livramento/MT, a 10 km da sede do município e a 42 km de Cuiabá. Integra a mesoregião 130, da microregião 534 de Cuiabá, centro sul mato-grossense. A área desse quilombo é de 14.700 hectares e nele há 418 famílias quilombolas, parte residindo na área e parte nas cidades vizinhas. Mata Cavalo é formado pelas comunidades quilombolas do Aguassú, Ourinhos/Ponte da Estiva, Mata Cavalo de Baixo, Mata Cavalo de Cima, Mutuca, e Capim Verde, cada qual com sua associação. Estas comunidades formaram a Associação Sesmaria Boa Vida - Quilombo Mata Cavalo ("associação mãe") para representá-las junto aos órgãos públicos e para receber o Titulo de Domínio da área. Em Mata Cavalo, também, existe a comunidade Gleba União formada por famílias de Sem Terras (não ligadas ao Movimento de Sem Terras- MST), a comunidade do Aguassú, formada por Sem Terras e quilombolas. Possui, também, pequenos proprietários, sendo alguns negros, e fazendas, dentre as quais se destacam Ourinhos, Romale, Flamboyant, São Carlos e Capim Verde. Devido à diversidade social do Quilombo Mata Cavalo, ele é também denominado, principalmente pelos órgãos públicos, de Complexo Sesmaria Boa Vida - Quilombo Mata Cavalo. O Quilombo se formou na sesmaria Boa Vida e sesmaria Rondon. Os negros obtiveram terra, em 1883, através de doação do senhorio da sesmaria Boa Vida, e posteriormente através de compras de terras em ambas sesmarias. Desde a sua formação os agrupamentos negros de Mata Cavalo foram alvos de tentativas de expropriação de suas terras realizadas por fazendeiros da região, mas que foram sem sucesso devido a resistência da população local. No final da década de 1940, inicio da década de 1950, ocorreu a expropriação da maior parte das terras do quilombo (em torno de 90% da área) realizada pelo Sr Manoel Monteiro, político livramentense, e, posteriormente, continuada pelas pessoas para as quais ele vendeu parcelas das terras expropriadas. São inúmeros os relatos de violência praticadas diretamente pelos "novos donos" das terras e/ou seus empregados e pistoleiros, com a participação ou omissão da justiça e da policia local. Houve resistência das famílias da área, principalmente as da Mutuca, entretanto poucas conseguiram manter suas terras. A maior parte das famílias negras saiu da área, se dirigindo para Livramento, Cuiabá, Várzea Grande e Poconé. As que migraram para Cuiabá e Várzea Grande se concentraram respectivamente no bairro Ribeirão do Lipa e Cristo Rei (ex Capão dos Negros). Nestes locais, devido aos laços de parentesco e culturais, e lembranças em comum, as mesmas reconstituíram, parcialmente, a Comunidade de Mata Cavalo. A partir dessa perda quase total das terras, algumas famílias iniciaram um processo de retorno à área, inicialmente, através de compra de terras. Em 1996, parte das famílias descendentes de antigos moradores de Mata Cavalo, juntamente com algumas famílias Sem Terra, ocuparam trechos em diversos locais do Complexo Sesmaria Boa Vida-Quilombo Mata Cavalo, instalando acampamentos para facilitar a permanência na área. Nesse processo de luta pela terra, as famílias negras, através dos mediadores sociais que os apoiavam, descobriram a Legislação Estadual e Federal relacionadas aos direitos dos "remanescentes de quilombos". A partir daí, solicitaram a propriedade das terras de Mata Cavalo, tendo como referencia essas legislações. Foi iniciado um processo de territorialização, ocorrendo um processo de etnogênese que levou à formação da identidade de remanescente de quilombo entre as famílias descendentes de antigos moradores em Mata Cavalo. Nesse processo de territorialização ocorrido com as famílias negras de Mata Cavalo houve: 1) a etnogênese da identidade de "remanescente de quilombo"; 2) a intensificação da organização formal das comunidades, através da criação de associações locais e de uma associação geral representando todas as comunidades; 3) uma intensa reelaboração da cultura local, ressaltando as manifestações culturais da população do quilombo e suas raízes africanas; 4) a reelaboração da memória social através da valorização das lembranças dos mais velhos; 5) a valorização de aspectos relacionados à identidade de remanescente de quilombo e considerados como positivos, tais como a preservação da natureza e o caráter não-mercantil da terra; 6) a apropriação pela comunidade do processo de identificação étnica, ou endoidentificação. Ao longo desse processo, a palavra "remanescente de quilombo" deixou de significar sobreviventes de antigos quilombos para designar parentes de escravos que foram antigos moradores da terra. Como parte desse último processo, ocorreu a valorização das árvores genealógicas, ou seja, "troncos". O processo de luta pela terra do Quilombo Mata Cavalo não terminou no início de 2009, pois o INCRA não removeu os membros do movimento "Sem Terra", nem os fazendeiros e posseiros. Entretanto, ocorreram mudanças significativas, além da adoção de uma posição firme por parte do Ministério Público Federal em defesa dos direitos dos quilombolas, a polícia deixou de agir em favor dos fazendeiros, alternando medidas contra os quilombolas com algumas ações em defesa deles. Diversas ONGs, movimentos sociais e meios de comunicação passaram a acompanhar mais de perto a luta dos quilombolas. O uso do termo "comunidade" colocado nas designações dos nomes do quilombo Mata Cavalo e suas comunidades internas não significa ausência de conflitos internos e de diferenciação social. Existem conflitos internos, e há diferenciação social baseada em aspectos econômicos (área de terra, quantidade de gado, rendimentos não agropecuários etc.) e em aspectos sociais (facilidade de acesso aos mediadores sociais, aos órgãos governamentais, à imprensa etc.). Entretanto essa diferenciação social não impediu os quilombolas de Mata Cavalo de se constituírem enquanto grupo étnico, capaz para enfrentar grupos adversários, desenvolvendo estratégias comuns, para se relacionarem com mediadores sociais e para pressionarem de ganharem visibilidade suficiente para pressionar e/ou negociar com órgãos públicos visando a retomada de seus territórios e a obtenção de melhorias para a comunidade e seus moradores e moradoras / Abstract: The Quilombo Mata Cavalo is located 10 kilometers away from the municipality of Nossa Senhora do Livramento, State of Mato Grosso, and 42 kilometers from Cuiaba, in the south of the state. The 14,700 hectares of this quilombo are home to 418 quilombola families, 60% of which reside in the area or at neighboring towns. Mata Cavalo is part or the Sesmaria Boa Vida complex, and consists of the quilombola communities of Aguassú, Ourinhos/Ponte da Estiva, Mata Cavalo de Baixo, Mata Cavalo de Cima, Mutuca, and Capim Verde, and also includes the community of Gleba Uniao, composed of "Sem Terra" (landless) families (although not linked to the Movimento Sem Terra-MST), and the community of Aguassú, constituted by "Sem Terra" and "Quilombolas". There are also small homestead owners - some of them black farmers - and cattle ranches, of which Ourinhos, Romale, Flamboyant, Sao Carlos and Capim Verde can be singled out. Quilombo Mata Cavalo was formed in "sesmaria" Boa Vida and "sesmaria" Rondon in 1883, when some slaves were granted land by the owners of "sesmaria" Boa Vida. The amount of land was later increased through purchases in both "sesmarias", which were originally large land extensions granted by the colonial government to individual persons. From the beginning, the black settlers of Mata Cavalo were targets of expropriation attempts by landowners in the region. These attempts were unsuccessful due to resistance from the local population. At the end of the 1940's and early in the the 50's most of the land in the quilombo (approximately 90% of the area) was expropriated through the actions of a Livramento politician, Manuel Monteiro. Those actions were continued by persons to whom he had sold plots of the expropriated land. There were many acts of violence perpetrated by the new landowners with their employees and hitmen, with the participation or omission of local justice and police officers. Some of the families in the area resisted, mainly those from Mutuca, but very few were able to keep their land. Most of the black families left the area and went on to Livramento, Cuiabá, Várzea Grande and Poconé. Those that migrated to Cuiabá and Várzea Grande concentrated respectively in the neighborhoods of Ribeirao do Lipa and Cristo Rei (formerly Capão dos Negros). Those groups were able to parcially reconstruct the Mata Cavalo community thanks to their family and cultural ties. After the near total loss of their homes, some of the families began returning to the area, initially through the purchase of land. This process intensified in 1996 when dozens of families composed of descendants of the original dwellers of Mata Cavalo, together with some "Sem Terra" families, occupied areas in diverse sections of Complexo Sesmaria Boa Vida-Quilombo Mata Cavalo, installing camps to facilitate the permanence in the area. During this struggle to regain their land, family groups - with the aid of social mediators that supported them - discovered existing state and federal legislation related to the rights of remaining quilombos. After this discovery they initiated a territorialization process that began with a request of ownership over the lands of Mata Cavalo, having as reference Article 68 of the Act of Constitutional and Transitory Dispositions (ADCT) of the Federal Constitution, and Article 33 of the ADCT of the State Constitution. In April 23 of 1998 Mata Cavalo was recognized as a remaining quilombo by the government of Mato Grosso, having as reference the redefined concept of a quilombo. In 2000 the Palmares Cultural Foundation issued a Domain Title of 11, 722 hectares for the associations that groups all of the black communities of Mata Cavalo. The consequences of this process of territorialization in Mata Cavalo were the following: 1) the ethnogenesis of the identity of "remaining quilombo" (remanescente de quilombo); 2) the intensification of the formal organizing of the communities through the creation of local associations and a general association representing all of the communities; 3) an intense reelaboration of local culture, highlighting the cultural manifestations of the "quilombo" population and its African roots; 4) the re-elaboration of social memory through valorization of the memories of the elders; 5) the valorization of positive aspects related to the quilombo identity, such as the preservation of nature and the non-mercantile character of the land; 6) the community's appropriation of the ethnic identification process (endo-identification). Throughout this process, the expression remaining of quilombo stopped signifying survivors of former quilombos and was used to designate relatives of slaves who were early dwellers of the land. A valorization of genealogic trees, or "troncos", occurred as part of this last process. The process of reclaiming the lands of Quilombo Mata Cavalo is not yet over (2009), for the INCRA did not remove members of the "Sem Terra" movement, farmers and squatters. Meanwhile, significant changes have taken place in the struggle for the land at the Quilombo. In addition to the adoption of a firm position by the Federal Public Ministry in defense of the rights of the local quilombolas, the police have also stopped acting in favor of landowners, taking occasional measures against the "quilombolas" but also some actions in their defense. Diverse ONGs, social movements and the mass media have followed more closely the struggle carried out by the "quilombolas". There is racial and religious diversity and also internal conflicts , social differentiation, and different projects on how to use the land among the quilombola families of Mata Cavalo, but none of this prevents them from being an ethnic group, maintaining unity in order to face adversarial social groups, develop common strategies to relate with social mediators, have enough visibility to pressure and/or negotiate with public organs which regulate the reclaiming of their territories, and obtaining benefits for the community and its dwellers / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Guita Grin Debert / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Insituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T07:22:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alcantara_AdrianadeOliveira_D.pdf: 1830987 bytes, checksum: 68df3abd480569d71d864a8e37a46562 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: A questão central desta pesquisa foi saber como as trocas intergeracionais de apoio familiar se configuravam em unidades domésticas, compostas de, pelo menos, três gerações, no meio rural e urbano, levando em conta a oposição cunhada por Camarano entre "família de idosos", em que o chefe da unidade doméstica é o idoso, e "família com idosos", em que o idoso é parente do chefe. Com base em etnografias realizadas em Fortaleza (CE) e no Distrito de Jordão (Sobral-CE), o trabalho aponta as singularidades do processo de envelhecimento nesses dois contextos. A descrição do cotidiano de tais famílias, dos significados atribuídos às relações entre gerações e do impacto das transformações acarretadas pelo direito à aposentadoria exige uma revisão de determinadas convenções, pois as experiências aqui trazidas revelam-se de tal modo heterogêneas, que bloqueiam a tentativa de padronizar seja a família, seja a velhice. / Abstract: The central question of this research was how the Intergeneration relations of family support is configured in households composed of at least three generations in country and urban areas, taking into account the opposition coined by Camarano and "family nursing" in which the head of household is elderly and "elderly family" in which the elderly is related to the head. Based on ethnographic studies conducted in Fortaleza (CE) and the District of Jordan (Sobral-CE), the study analyzes the singularities of the aging process in these two contexts. The description of the daily life of such families, the meanings attributed to the relations between generations and the impact of changes brought about by the retirement law requires a revision of certain agreements, since experiments show brought here is so heterogeneous, that block attempt standardize it's family, is old age. / Doutorado / Doutor em Antropologia Social

Orientador: Vanessa Rosemary Lea / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T10:32:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FrancoNeto_JoaoVeridiano_M.pdf: 8359968 bytes, checksum: 5445033d8280dd10ba03fc66c179c7e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta dissertação é resultado de doze meses intercalados de pesquisa de campo realizada entre os índios Kalapalo do Alto Xingu, Terra Indígena do Xingu, Mato Grosso. Busca empreender uma descrição e análise do modo pelo qual ocorre uma interação entre o xamanismo dos Kalapalo e o saber biomédico tal como esta se dá no âmbito das práticas da política nacional de atenção à saúde dos povos alto-xinguanos. O xamanismo kalapalo não difere do xamanismo praticado no Alto Xingu como um todo: consiste, basicamente, em um sistema terapêutico que aborda o fenômeno da doença como um acontecimento em que uma determinada pessoa tem a sua 'alma-sombra' (akua) capturada por um 'espírito' (itseke). O conceito de itseke se relaciona com as formas 'animais' definidas no interior da cosmologia kalapalo, e seus modos de existência são mais bem compreendidos sob a luz do conceito de ponto de vista, articulado com a lógica predatória e com o regime alimentar alto-xinguano. O xamã é acionado para que, por meio do transe induzido pela fumaça do tabaco, entre em comunicação com o itseke causador da doença e possa trazer de volta a akua do doente. A possibilidade de cura é então concebida nos termos do resgate da 'almasombra', realizado pelo xamã. As relações construídas a partir da situação de contato entre os alto-xinguanos e a sociedade envolvente engendraram a elaboração de duas categorias cruciais: doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco, onde as primeiras figuram como enfermidades causadas por itseke e as segundas aparecem na forma das doenças infectocontagiosas, como gripe, sarampo, caxumba, catapora, etc. A problemática que delineia nosso trabalho se fundamenta no caráter ambíguo que é assumido pela oposição entre doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco: da perspectiva dos Kalapalo essa dicotomia não define uma separação de natureza entre as duas categorias, servindo apenas como modo de comunicação instrumental com as equipes de assistência médica. Por outro lado, as equipes de assistência médica estabelecem um corte entre doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco de maneira que as primeiras configurariam uma manifestação singular da cultura indígena. Essa singularidade é pensada a partir da ideia de uma psicossomatização dos aspectos culturais, entendendo-se 'cultura' enquanto conjunto de crenças. Assim, a separação entre doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco, do modo como é concebida pelas equipes de assistência médica, atribui uma causa psicológica para as primeiras e uma causa fisiológica para as segundas. Essa redução das doenças-de-índio ao âmbito da crença é explorada como a configuração de uma estrutura hierárquica na qual a cosmologia indígena é englobada pela cosmologia ocidental. Tal englobamento encontra sustentação a partir do relativismo cultural, que supõe a coexistência de uma diversidade de culturas com a existência de uma única natureza. Os dados de nossa pesquisa etnográfica apontam para um arranjo distinto quando o foco de análise toma em consideração o modo como os índios kalapalo recorrem ao tratamento médico ocidental: a terapêutica xamanística não é descartada pelos índios mesmo quando o que está em jogo é aquilo que a assistência médica entende por doençasde- branco, o que sugere uma origem comum entre doenças-de-índio e doenças-de-branco: os itsekeko ('espíritos') ou os kugihé-ótomo (feiticeiros) / Abstract: This dissertation is the result of an interpolated twelve-month fieldwork among the Kalapalo of Upper Xingu (Xingu Indigenous Land, Mato Grosso, Brazil). It seeks to undertake a description and analysis about the way in which an interaction takes place between the Kalapalo shamanism and biomedical knowledge the way it happens within the practices of the national health care policies to the Indian people of Upper Xingu. Kalapalo shamanism is not different from Upper Xingu shamanism as a whole. Upper Xinguano shamanism is basically a therapeutic system that addresses the phenomenon of illness as an event in which a person has his/her 'soul-shadow' (akua) captured by a 'spirit' (itseke). The itseke concept is related to the 'animal' forms as defined within the Kalapalo cosmology, and their ways of existence are better understood when it is associated with the concept of point of view, along with the predatory logic and the Upper Xinguano diet. The shaman is called in order to, through the trance led by tobacco smoke, communicate with the itseke that is the illness cause, so that he might bring the 'soul-shadow' back into the ill. The possibility of cure is so understood in terms of the 'soul-shadow' rescue, performed by the shaman. The relations created from the contact situation between the Upper Xinguano and the surrounding society engendered the development of two-key categories, named Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses. The first category indicates illnesses caused by itsekeko and the second appears as infectious illnesses such as influenza, measles, mumps, chicken pox, etc. The issue that outlines our work is based on the ambiguous character that is taken upon the opposition between Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses. From the Kalapalo perspective this dichotomy does not determine a separation of nature between the two categories, but it defines an instrumental mode of communication with the health care teams. On the other hand, the medical teams conceive a division between Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses and consider the first one as a particular manifestation of indigenous culture. This uniqueness is perceived from the idea of a psychosomatization of cultural aspects, it is understood that 'culture' is a set of beliefs. Thus, the dichotomy between the Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses, from the way it is conceived by the health care teams, impute a psichological cause for the first and physiological cause for the second. This reduction of Indian Illnesses regarding Indian beliefs is explored as a hierarchical structure configuration, in which, the Indigenous cosmology is embodied by the Western cosmology. Such embodiment finds its basis in cultural relativism, which pressuposes the coexistence of a cultural diversity along with the existence of a universal nature. Data from our ethnographic research suggests a different arrangement when the focus of analysis shows the way by which the Kalapalo indians search for the Western medical treatment. The shamanistic therapy is not ruled out by the indians, even when what the health care understands as White Illnesses is what is at stake. This suggests that there is a common origin of Indian Illnesses and White Illnesses: itsekeko ('spirits') or kugihé-ótomo (sorcerers) / Mestrado / Etnologia Indigena / Mestre em Antropologia Social

O estudo analisa alguns discursos da Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD) no sul de Moçambique e problematiza os diálogos desta igreja com aspectos de diferentes contextos religiosos e com o poder político. A inspiração teórica está nos autores que apontaram as implicações políticas de diversas práticas religiosas e dos discursos sobre feitiçaria em contextos africanos (P. Geschiere, H. G. West, e outros) e nos autores que apontaram as dificuldades para designar algo como estritamente político ou estritamente religioso (T. Asad, e outros). Neste sentido, o estudo não partiu de uma definição de religião, mas busca identificar o lugar que a religião ocupou e ocupa em Moçambique. Além da utilização de fontes secundárias, o estudo analisa alguns materiais escritos produzidos pela IURD em Moçambique, alguns programas televisivos, algumas reuniões da IURD em Moçambique, e entrevistas com líderes religiosos moçambicanos. Sem ignorar as continuidades em relação à IURD no Brasil, o estudo aponta que diversas práticas de outros contextos religiosos, principalmente tradicionais e zionistas do sul da África, criaram e criam condições para que os discursos da IURD sejam significativos no sul de Moçambique. / The study analyzes some discourses of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (UCKG) in southern Mozambique and problematizes the dialogues of this church with aspects of different religious contexts and with political power. The theoretical inspiration lies in the authors who pointed out the political implications of various religious practices and witchcraft discourses in African contexts (P. Geschiere, H. G. West, and others) and in the authors who pointed out the difficulties to designate something as strictly political or strictly religious (T. Asad, and others). In this sense, the study did not start from a definition of religion, but seeks to identify the place that the religion occupied and occupies in Mozambique. In addition to the use of secondary sources, the study analyzes some of the written materials produced by UCKG in Mozambique, some television programs, some cults of the UCKG in Mozambique, and interviews with Mozambican religious leaders. Without ignoring the continuities in relation to the UCKG in Brazil, the study points out that several practices in other religious contexts, mainly \"traditional\" and Zionist in southern Africa, have created and created conditions for the UCKGs speeches to be significant in southern Mozambique.

L’objectif de cette recherche est de comparer les jurys criminels français et italien à travers une étude socio-anthropologique de la pratique judiciaire observable dans les cours d’assises. Il s’agit de rendre compte des différents aspects de l’expérience vécue par les jurés en étudiant minutieusement le rituel judiciaire ainsi que les interactions et relations qui se jouent entre les profanes et les professionnels de la justice le temps d’une session. Quels sont les résultats principaux qui émergent de la comparaison des jurys populaires français et italien ? Ils sont essentiellement de trois ordres. Premièrement, l’observation du « droit en mouvement » révèle que, malgré les similitudes des deux systèmes étudiés sur le plan théorique, la mise en œuvre pratique de la participation des citoyens au jugement des crimes est différente entre la France et l’Italie. Il est alors possible d’en détailler les mécanismes de fonctionnement au regard de la culture juridique de chacun des pays étudiés et en retour, les caractéristiques de chacun des jurys nous apportent des informations sur les mœurs démocratiques française et italienne. Deuxièmement, le jury populaire apparaît comme une « institution de sociabilité » pour les individus appelés à siéger temporairement à la cour d’assises. Cette dimension socialisante influence de manière décisive l’« expérience authentique » vécue par les jurés, et en fait une « expérience directe » de la souffrance d’autrui et du fonctionnement de la démocratie. Troisièmement, la comparaison des jurys criminels français et italien permet de rappeler la modernité et les enjeux actuels liés à la présence des profanes au sein de l’institution judiciaire. Le jury populaire peut être considéré comme une « institution bonne » capable à la fois de redonner de la crédibilité à l’institution judiciaire, de fournir aux acteurs professionnels la possibilité de « ré enchanter » leur quotidien, et enfin d’orchestrer une prise de conscience individuelle pour les jurés sur l’importance de leur participation pour le maintien du lien social. / The purpose of the research is to compare French and Italian juries through a socio-anthropological study of judicial practice in criminal courts. It reports on the different experiences of jurors by carefully studying court procedure, as well as the interactions and relations between laymen and legal professionals within a session.What are the main findings that emerge from comparing French and Italian juries? They can broadly be divided into three parts. Firstly, observation of "the law in motion" reveals that, despite the theoretical similarities between the two systems, the practicalities of involving citizens in judging crimes are different in France and Italy. It is then possible to examine the mechanics in view of the legal culture in both countries and, in return, the characteristics of their juries give us an insight into France and Italy’s democratic values. Secondly, juries appear to be a "socializing institution" for individuals who are required to attend court. This element of socialization has a decisive influence on the "authentic experience" of jurors, making it a "direct experience" of the suffering of others and the functioning of democracy. Thirdly, comparing French and Italian juries provides an opportunity to reflect on modern times and the current issues surrounding the presence of laymen within the judiciary. Juries may be seen as a "worthy" institution able to restore the credibility of the judicial system, stimulate legal professionals and raise individual awareness amongst jurors of the importance of their participation in maintaining social cohesion. / L’obiettivo di questa ricerca è di mettere a confronto la giuria popolare francese con quella italiana sviluppando uno studio socio-antropologico basato sulla pratica giudiziaria osservabile nelle corte d’assise. Si è cercato di mostrare le differenze nel modo di vivere l’esperienza di giurato osservando accuratamente, per ciascuno dei due contesti, il rituale giudiziario, le interazioni e le relazioni tra componenti laici e togati presenti durante una sessione. Quali sono i principali risultati che emergono del paragone delle giurie popolari francesi e italiane? Ne emergono soprattutto tre. Primo, sebbene ci siano delle somiglianze dell’impianto teorico su cui si fondano i due sistemi della giuria popolare, l’osservazione del “diritto in movimento” rivela quanto il loro funzionamento pratico sia diverso. Si descrivono nei dettagli i meccanismi del funzionamento della giuria popolare mettendoli in rapporto con la cultura giuridica di ogni paese mostrandoci, allo specchio, le caratteristiche dei loro costumi democratici. Secondo, la giuria popolare appare come un’“istituzione di sociabilità” per chi vi prende parte. La dimensione sociale influisce sull’“esperienza autentica” vissuta dai giurati agendo direttamente sul modo di percepire la sofferenza altrui e del funzionamento dei processi democratici. Terzo, il confronto tra giuria francese e italiana ci permette di porre l’accento sull’attuale modernità di questa istituzione e sulle sue implicazioni nella procedura penale. La giuria popolare può essere considerata come un’”istituzione buona” in grado di contribuire all’attendibilità del procedimento giuridico, di conferire autorevolezza alla pratica quotidiana dei magistrati togati e di indurre la consapevolezza, in ogni giudice popolare, dell’importanza della sua partecipazione attiva per il mantenimento del legame sociale.

Le théâtre thérapeutique est une espèce de spectacle vivant qui augmente la sensibilité des participants afin qu’ils puissent améliorer leur habileté à exprimer des émotions et des pensées verbales et gestuelles. Comme genre hybride, il fonctionne de la même manière que le théâtre pour le changement social (TPCS) dans lequel la praxis théâtrale est utilisée pour le changement des participants et des communautés ainsi que pour la promotion du bien-être. Cette pratique (le TPCS) est donc utilisée pour le changement social, mental, et surtout émotionnel. Au cours de ces dernières décennies, ces deux pratiques ont été considérées et traitées distinctement. Contrairement à cette perception historique, cette thèse prétend qu’il existe un paradigme dans lequel ces formes se rejoignent. Appelé théâtre thérapeutique, il est beaucoup plus appliqué au Cameroun dans des communautés. Ce cas hypothétique est examiné sous le titre :« Pour un Développement du Théâtre Thérapeutique au Cameroun :enquête sur sa pratique et sa réception à travers une évaluation de cas. » Trois productions du TPCS/théâtre thérapeutique sont donc utilisées :The Boomerang, Ndop et SOS Village Mbalmayo workshops. <p>Le cadre théorique convoqué à cet effet est la sémiologie théâtrale telle que vue et énoncée par André Helbo. Développée de la pragmatique, sa sémiologie théâtrale est basée sur l’émission et la réception d’un message dans le spectacle. À cet égard, il existe des fonctions réciproques d’acteurs et de spectateurs dans l’événement théâtral. Ceci signifie que la distinction entre la production et la réception est tout simplement considérée comme une « distinction pédagogique ». <p>Le langage du théâtre dans sa production et/ou sa réception fonctionne dans un contexte d’expérience sociale partagée. Dans cette perspective, Helbo parle de « codes de spectacle (conventions spécifiquement applicables au spectacle, au genre, à la période historique), de codes généraux (linguistiques, idéologiques/culturels, perceptuels), et de codes mixtes (codes généraux fonctionnant dans un contexte spécifique de spectacle) » .Néanmoins, dans la démarche sémiologique d’Helbo tout comme dans ce travail, le privilège est accordé au dépassement de la division précédemment mentionnée, pour aboutir à ce qu’il nomme « l’énonciation collective » et la « notion d’observateur actant ». <p>Ces concepts dépassent le modèle de la communication linéaire évoqués par Mounin, pour souligner que les participants dans un phénomène théâtral sont impliqués dans le processus de création collective ou de l’énonciation collective sous des normes culturelles spécifiques. Dans ce processus, l’observateur représente une fonction spécifique, l’une des conditions de l’existence de l’énoncé spectaculaire. La notion de l’observateur actant « raffine considérablement l’analyse de l’identification initiée par Brecht », notion qui a été incorporée ou prolongée dans le théâtre thérapeutique de la même manière que le processus de co-création. Ce qui est central dans l’application de la sémiologie théâtrale dans cette thèse, c’est le postulat selon lequel le destinataire d’aujourd’hui deviendra le destinateur de demain.<p>À la fin de cette étude, nous montrons (sans chercher une reproduction du modèle occidental), que le théâtre thérapeutique est pratiqué au Cameroun. L’utilisation des techniques théâtrales favorise le bien-être des participants et contribuent au changement à tous les niveaux de la vie. Cette approche est orientée vers la communauté et par conséquent constitue un paradigme thérapeutique à visé communautaire nommé « théâtre communautaire à visé thérapeutique ». Considéré comme tel, ce paradigme peut être utilisé concomitamment dans le cadre de la santé mentale et de la santé communautaire au Cameroun. Dans ce cas, il sert comme une modalité thérapeutique intégrée et établit un lien entre le spectacle vivant, la santé en générale et la santé mentale en particulier. <p><p><p>Therapeutic theatre is an improvisational method of performing arts that heightens participants' sensitivity to improve their ability to communicate feelings and thoughts verbally and by gestures. As a hybrid form, it functions in the same way as theatre for social change (TFSC) wherein theatre praxis is used to change participants or communities and promote wellbeing. TFSC is seen as an articulated intention to use theatre praxis in the service of change (social, mental, and emotional). Tradition has held these practices distinctly for the past decades. This thesis however, contends that despite these historic perceptions, there is a paradigm where these forms, previously viewed as distinctly different, come together in a spectacle that is therapeutic and applied to mental health in hospitals and community settings in Cameroon. This hypothetical case is examined under the general topic: ‘Towards the development of a therapeutic theatre in Cameroon: investigating its practice and reception through a cross-case evaluation.’ This thesis is based on the analysis of three TFSC/therapeutic theatre productions from the same practitioner: The Boomerang, Ndop and SOS Village Mbalmayo workshop productions respectively. <p>The research is inserted under theoretical considerations of theatre semiology and particularly, André Helbo's semiotic concepts. Developed from pragmatics, this method of theatre semiology focuses on the manner in which a message is sent and received. In this respect, there are reciprocal functions of actor and spectator in the theatrical event. From this, semiology is applied to understand the theatrical phenomenon in its entirety: production and reception. This implies, the division between production and reception is viewed as “a pedagogical distinction” only. Privilege in this thesis therefore is given to the surpassing of the aforementioned division to what he terms “enunciating collective” (co-creation process), and the “notion of the observer actant”. <p>These concepts go beyond the linear form of communication in theatre evoked by Mounin to highlight that the participants in a theatrical phenomenon are involved in a collective creation process or enunciating collective under specific cultural norms, and the observer represents a specific function, one of the conditions of existence of the performance utterance (l’énoncé spectaculaire). The notion of the observer actant in effect “refines considerably the analysis of identification initiated by Brecht” and which has been incorporated or prolonged in therapeutic theatre in the same way as the process of co-creation. Vital therefore to the application of theatre semiology in this work is the postulate that the theatrical phenomenon is an act of interaction wherein today’s receiver can be transformed into tomorrow’s sender. <p>At the end of this research, it is proven that without seeking a reproduction of a Western form, "therapeutic theatre" is practised in Cameroon. The utilisation of theatrical techniques fosters participants’ wellbeing and enhance change at all levels. It is community centred thereby constituting a community-based therapeutic paradigm which is named "community-based therapeutic theatre". Understood as such, this paradigm can be used concomitantly in cases of mental and community health in Cameroon. In this case, it serves as an integrated therapeutic modality and bridges the gap that exists in the health domain in general and mental health in particular.<p> / Doctorat en Information et communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette étude est une réflexion sur le phénomène de création en matière d’oralité. Elle vise non seulement à étudier la mise en spectacle du Nguon et du Ngondo mais aussi et surtout, à vérifier la pertinence des outils d’analyse sémiologique appliqués à ces deux pratiques rituelles. Dans cette perspective, la grille d’interprétation que propose Anne Ubersfeld ,soutenue par André Helbo et Patrice Pavis ,nous a été d’une importance heuristique considérable.<p>S’appuyant sur le fait que le corpus de ce travail est constitué de deux rites appartenant à deux régions diamétralement opposées du Cameroun et que chacun d’eux procède d’un style particulier, le besoin de recourir à l’approche comparatiste de temps à autre s’est fait sentir. Fort de ce constat, la sémiologie du spectacle vivant qui sert de support méthodologique et théorique est complétée par l’approche comparatiste. Approche qui ne vise pas à assimiler le Nguon et le Ngondo, mais à mettre en évidence les spécificités de chaque rite grâce à la mise en rapport de l’un avec l’autre. <p>Les résultats auxquels nous sommes parvenu montrent que ces deux pratiques rituelles sont des performances au sens Schechnerien du terme. Chacune d’elles ayant une certaine spécificité. <p>Le Nguon est à coup sûr une suite d’évènements représentés devant un public par des acteurs en un temps déterminé dont l’imitation et la dénégation en constituent l’essence. Dans cette perspective, il se rapprocherait plus d’une représentation théâtrale. Contrairement au Nguon, le Ngondo est une suite de performances où gestes (minutieusement orchestrés, chorégraphiés), objets et certaines activités ludiques constituent un vocabulaire dont la syntaxe déroule un sens. Dans cette perspective, chaque esprit forge ses propres refuges, ses stratégies, ses fétiches pour affronter cette pratique rituelle où certains référentiels du théâtre tels que la frontalité, la dénégation, etc. paraissent estompés ou abolis pour céder place aux terrains d’action, d’expérimentation et de transformation. Ainsi, chaque moment du Ngondo est une performance accomplie. Fort de ce constat, le Ngondo a le caractère d’un festival où performances, musiques et danses rivalisent d’adresse avec des réminiscences mythiques et mystiques. <p>Afin de les démocratiser davantage et assurer leur exploitation optimale, nous avons pensé à la création des espaces culturels dans ces régions du Cameroun à partir du modèle que nous proposons dans ce travail. La multiplicité de ces espaces dans toutes les régions de notre pays et sur le continent africain et pourquoi pas dans le monde entier faciliterait le travail d’un collectif de chercheurs venus des quatre coins de la planète pour se réunir autour du concept de la « Négroscénologie », que chaque membre doit entériner et de promouvoir où qu’il soit.<p> / Doctorat en Information et communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette étude constitue une interprétation de la philosophie de la logique de W. V. Quine à l’aune de ce que nous considérons comme étant un problème fondamental qui la gouverne et dont on peut considérer qu’elle en constitue une réponse. Ce problème a trait à la compatibilité entre logique et paroissial. Il admet la formulation condensée suivante : soit il y a un sens à dire que la logique est paroissiale, mais alors le paroissial se trouve être une restriction et est en droit éliminable ; soit le paroissial n’est pas une restriction et est inéliminable, mais alors il n’y a aucun sens à dire que la logique est paroissiale. Le problème se nourrit de ce que la qualification de la logique comme paroissiale fait l’objet d’une revendication explicite et délibérée par Quine, i.e. n’est ni de l’ordre d’une concession, ni de l’ordre d’un moment argumentatif dialectiquement résorbable. En d’autres termes, Quine revendique et cherche à se donner les moyens de revendiquer ce contre quoi une conception « universaliste » de la logique comme celle de Frege lutte, ordonnée qu’elle est à un présupposé ou une prémisse anti-paroissialiste d’unicité de la logique. Affirmer que Quine cherche à se donner les moyens de revendiquer la paroissialité de la logique, c’est dire qu’il prit tout à fait au sérieux les arguments anti-psychologistes de Frege contre toute conception paroissiale de la logique. Plus généralement,cette étude et la lecture de la conception quinienne de la logique que nous y proposons sont organisées par le principe d’une lecture frégéenne de Quine : si nous voulons comprendre ce que signifie de dire que la logique est paroissiale chez Quine, alors il faut revenir à Frege, que ce soit par la manière dont Quine s’y oppose ou par la manière dont il s’approprie certains thèmes et principes fondamentaux de la conception frégéenne de la logique. Cette étude consiste alors à mettre au jour et à examiner les raisons et les modalités de la revendication par Quine d’une paroissialité de la logique. Tout en étant ordonnés au traitement du problème de l’incompatibilité apparente du paroissial et de la logique, les cinq chapitres qui la composent parcourent successivement la critique de « Truth by Convention » du projet syntaxique de Carnap et de son principe de tolérance (chapitre 1), la philosophie de la notation logique de Quine (chapitre 2), le point de vue anthropologique en matière de logique que Quine fait sien (chapitre 3), le critère d’engagement ontologique (chapitre 4) et, enfin, la définition substitutionnelle de la vérité logique (chapitre 5). / This study is an interpretation of W.V. Quine’s philosophy of logic taken as an answer to what we consider to be a fundamental problem. This problem has to do with the compatibility between logic and parochial. It can be briefly expressed in the following manner: either that there is sense in saying that logic is parochial, but the parochial therefore happens to be a restriction and could be eliminated, or that the parochial is not a restriction and could not be eliminated, but that there is thus no sense in saying that logic is parochial. The problem is fueled by the fact that Quine explicitly and deliberately claims logic to be parochial. Such a qualification is neither a concession nor an argumentative moment that could be dialectically reduced. In other words, what Quine claims – and is seeking means to claim – is precisely that which a “universalist” conception of logic like Frege’s challenges, since it assumes an anti-parochial premise concerning the uniqueness of logic. Quine seeks means to claim the parochiality of logic in the sense that he seriously considered Frege’s anti-psychologist arguments against all parochial conceptions of logic. More generally, this study – and the understanding of Quine's conception of logic that it promotes – follows the principle of a Fregean reading of Quine: if one wants to understand what it means to say that logic is parochial in Quine, one has to go back to Frege, either through Quine’s opposition to him or through his appropriation of certain themes and fundamental principles of the Fregean conception of logic. Connected to the problem of the apparent incompatibility of logic and the parochial, the five chapters contained within this study successively explore the criticism of Carnap’s syntaxical project and of its principle of tolerance found in “Truth by Convention” (chapter 1); Quine’s philosophy of logical notation (chapter 2); the anthropological point of view in logic that Quine makes his own (chapter 3); the criterion of ontological commitment (chapter 4) and the substitutional definition of logical truth (chapter 5).