The objective of this essay is to present both the reason behind the Egyptian democratization failure, as well as the cause of the success of the Tunisian democracy. The methodology of this essay is composed of a comparative democratization study, which includes a most similar systems-design method. The studies will try to pinpoint the key components of the result of the democratization, by using four of Larry Diamond’s nine internal and external democratization factors, which are presented in his book: ‘The Spirit of Democracy’. The results of this study indicate that Egypt had a far larger and more influential military force and also a critical economy, despite less international support for their democratization. Tunisia has a more democratic-oriented civil society and through democratic assistance from the European Union, a peaceful transition into a democratic system was possible. In this essay, a far deeper analysis of the democratization process will be highlighted, including how to prove how these essential factors caused the different outcomes of the Arabic spring protests.

I diskussionen kring hur stater bör förhålla sig till varandra när främmande människor i andra stater utsätts för lidande av sin egen statsledning ställs ofta idéer om globala humanitära rättigheter, som utvecklats efter andra världskriget och förintelsen, emot normer om staters okränkbarhet och principen om att inte intervenera i andra staters interna verksamhet. Syftet med detta arbete är att undersöka i vilken utsträckning begreppet Responsibility to Prevent tillämpats i FN:s säkerhetsråds agerande under en samtida konfliktsituation, detta med bakgrund i utvecklingen av det nya tankesättet med global humanitär rätt som ett gemensamt internationellt ansvar. Arbetet behandlar teorierna solidarism, pluralism och realism. För att söka svaret på frågeställningarna används kvalitativ textanalys av skriftliga öppna källor. Insamlingen av empiriska data består av tryckt media, officiella dokument samt texter och artiklar tagna från internet. Resultatet från arbetet visar att Förenta Nationernas säkerhetsråd till viss del har agerat i enlighet med begreppet Responsibility to Prevent. Vidare redogör arbetet för att två inflytelserika, permanenta medlemmar i säkerhetsrådet har motiverat sitt ställningstagande utifrån olika synsätt på hur konflikten bör hanteras och att deras motiveringar påverkats av deras skilda synsätt på statssuveränitet och intervention. Undersökningen leder även fram till slutsatsen att vetorätten i säkerhetsrådet, under konflikten i Syrien 2011-2012, har begränsat utvecklingen och implementeringen av tankesättet att säkerheten för världens befolkning ska betraktas som ett gemensamt ansvar.

This paper is designed to analyse the situation regarding the attempt to implement democracy in Egypt and why it failed. Theories regarding democratic transition and consolidation is acting as scientific instruments to carry out this case study. This essay directs its focus on several key factors that has contributed to the prevention of democratic reforms. The theory concerning path dependence is used to compliment the remaining theories to distinguish vital historic aspects to this issue. Key factors such as the Muslim brotherhood, the Egyptian military and regime, as well as the liberal movement is examined in this paper to illuminate their respective contribution to this situation. The conclusion of this paper focuses on the military, unwilling to surrender its power, along with the religiously fundamental brotherhood, growing rapidly. A democratic transition was in the making, only to be shut down by the military, regaining its former power. Although chaotic and military-biased reforms continued, they were far from democratic.  Because of all the key factors not sharing any political ideals, the situation has come to an abrupt halt regarding a democratisation process. The democratic ideal has become worn among the protestors and another try at a democratic transition is far from reality.

In the era of the Arab Spring, the people of Libya and Syria have fought for freedom and democracy. This essay aims to examine and analyze how The United Nations Security Council works to solve international problems in the world.   The main questions of my study are:   - How did the UN work on the basis of R2P in Libya and Syria?  - Why could the UN Security Council to agree on R2P in Libya but not in Syria?  Under the Arab Spring as the context, the purpose of this essay is to study the role of the United Nations UN in Syria and Libya. So, I highlight to the role of UN in R2P Responsibility to Protect in Libya and Syria. In 2011, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1973, which established a no-fly zone over Libya. The UN’s actions in Libya succeeded to remove the dictator Muammar Al-Gaddafi by R2P's principle, while The UN failed to remove dictator Bashar AL-Assad in Syria. The purpose of the R2P in Libya was to establish a no-fly zone and safe areas to protect civilians, but this led to the overthrow of Al-Gaddafi's regime in violation of the UN Security Council Resolution 1973.  I have used the theory of Realism and Liberalism to adapt them with my own theory to achieve the aim of my essay. In this paper, I used also content analysis as a guide of Method to reach conclusions. The materials used for this essay are documents, books and articles etc.  The results of my study are that the most important reason for Russia and China to use their veto in the UN Security Council is fear for the misuse of the international resolution to overthrow the regime in Syria. And thus, harm the very strong Chinese and Russian interests in Syria.

The people in Tunisia demanded democracy and civil liberties, which led to large-scale demonstrations against the Tunisian regime in December 2010. The demonstrations against the authoritarian regime was considered to be the beginning of the Arab Spring. Of all states that was affected by the Arabic Spring, Tunisia became that one country that succeeded their transition from an authoritarian state to a democratic one. In order to analyze why Tunisia became a democratic state, this study aims to clarify what factors that affected the democratization process. Through the theoretical framework of Samuel P. Huntington, the factors that affected the third wave democratization are used in this study in order to analyze the Tunisian democratization and transition. Through analyzation; deepening legitimacy problems of the regime and economic growth was considered to affect the Tunisian democratization. Actions of external actors partly affected the country’s democratization. However, religious changes and snowballing effects was considered not to have an impact on the democratization and transition towards democracy.

Muslim women’s rights, and gender equality in the Muslim world, are commonly discussed subjects within the academic world. Feminism, as a term, is often connected to this topic of discussion. This thesis aims to analyze two different perspectives concerning how these rights should be achieved: Islamic feminism, using internal resources, and Muslim feminism, using external resources. Islamic feminism, as a strategy, proposes that by interpreting the Quran, the ultimate revelation of God, Islam could provide the central and egalitarian meaning of the Quran. There is disagreement within the academic community whether Islamic feminism would enable these rights. Muslim feminism, as a counterpoint to Islamic feminism, proposes that the state must become secularized. Rendering Islam and the state as separate entities.    This thesis will utilize the theoretical perspective on Islam and feminism from five feministic academics. They all have different backgrounds, standpoints, and approaches towards the development of Muslim women’s rights, as well as what strategies they suggest to improve them. These strategies encounter different kinds of difficulties. The Islamic feminism, which uses the Quran, runs the risk of being too heavily associated with already established interpretations of the Quran. It may be seen as intertwined with existing fundamentalist views. On the opposite side of the spectrum, Muslim feminism may create a divide between Islam and women’s rights. This thesis aims to present the potential of different theoretical perspectives on Islam and feminism as well as the limitations on suggested strategies for improvement of Muslim women’s rights.

The purpose of this study is to gain a deeper understanding of the Syrian conflict by usingHistoriographical Comparative Study as a method. The study compared five different books onthe Syrian conflict. The purpose of the study is not to present "pure facts" but the main purposeis to interpret these books on how they view the Syrian conflict. In other words, how have theauthors interpreted and written about the conflict and then compare with each other. It wasnecessary to choose a theory for this work and there was nothing better than realism to explaininternational relations, and the theory was most suited to the study's problem area. The resultshowed that all the authors had different views on the study's issues, it could be found that somebooks had almost the same view while some other books had completely different views. Butall books agreed that external actors have influenced and escalated the Syrian conflict. Asrealism describes, no state sacrifices its self-interest due to moral principles. Which most of thebooks selected for this study agrees that all states involved in the Syrian conflict were due toself-interest. / Syftet med denna studie är att erbjuda en djupare förståelse av den syriska konflikten, med hjälpav Historiografisk komparativ studie som metod. Studie går på att jämföra fem olika böckersom är skrivna om den syriska konflikten. Syftet med studien är inte att presentera ”rena fakta”utan huvudsyftet är att tolka dessa böcker om hur de ser på den syriska konflikten. Alltså hurhar de tolkat och skrivit om konflikten för att kunna jämföra med varandra. Det var nödvändigtatt välja en teori för denna arbetet och det fanns inget bättre än realismen för att förklarainternationella relationer, och teorin var mest passande till studiens problemområde. Resultatetblev att alla författarna hade olika syn angående studiens frågeställningar, det kunde hittas attvissa böcker hade nästan samma syn medan vissa andra böcker hade helt olika syn. Men Allaböcker var överens om att externa aktörer har påverkat och eskalerat den syriska konflikten.Som realismen beskriver att ingen stat offrar sitt egenintresse för moraliska principer. Vilkettalar de flesta böcker som valdes till denna studie för detta påstående och är överens om att allastater som var inblandade i den syriska konflikten var på grund av sitt egenintresse.