This essay have examined why Tunisia succeeded in democratizing when Libya did not. The two questions that this paper has set itself are the following: How can Tunisia's evolution from dictatorship to democracy after the Arab Spring be explained? How can the Libyan failure of democratization after the Arab Spring be explained? Based on four of Larry Diamonds nine factors in the book "The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World", these two questions are answered. When answering these two questions, this paper applied a research design that is a comparative “Few Case Study”, more correct, a reversed "Most Similar Research Design" (MSRD). The analysis of the four factors showed that Libya is not democratized because the country did not receive any support after the international military intervention took place. It is known that “democracy by force” does not bring democracy overnight and the country would have needed help with evolving democracy. In Tunisia's case, the Arab spring was relatively peaceful, and the transition to democracy could happen in a calm way.

Det här är en studie om den svenska dagstidningsrapporteringen om inledningen av den arabiska våren i Tunisien, Egypten och Libyen under år 2011. Vår utgångspunkt är de tolv klassiska nyhetsvärderingsteorierna, med tyngd på geografisk, kulturell och ekonomisk närhet. Uppsatsen syfte är att få bättre kännedom om likheterna och skillnaderna i den svenska rapporteringen från de tre länderna Tunisien, Egypten och Libyen. Vi undersöker två veckor för varje land i Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet. Vi har valt att se tidningarna som en gemensam portal för den svenska internationella mediebevakningen. Vi har gjort en kvantitativ undersökning, när rapporteringen av upproren började, hur den såg ut och vilka källor man valde att lyfta fram. Vi valde också att göra en mindre kvalitativ intervjuundersökning för att förstå förhållandena för de svenska utrikesreportrarna. Resultatet av analysen visar många likheter mellan länderna. Majoriteten av källorna var andra nyhetsbyråer. Största skillnaden var hur man skapade närhet till händelserna i de olika länderna. I Egypten så fokuserade journalisterna mer på att lyfta fram svenskarna i upproret och att ta upp vardagsproblem som publiken kunde identifiera sig med, till exempel att maten började ta slut i butikerna eller känslan över att demokratiska rättigheter var hotade. Tunisiens rapportering var mer folkorienterad medan artiklarna om Libyen hade mer fokus på elitpersoner. Den arabiska våren påverkade resten av världen både ekonomiskt och politiskt vilket gav ett högt nyhetsvärde i tidningarna.

The aim of this paper is to study in which contexts Muslims and Islam are represented in newspaper- articles in the Swedish press. The research questions are formulated as follow: In what contexts are Muslims and Islam represented in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter during the years 2011-2013 ?Does the newspaper-articles in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter reflect open or closed attitudes about Islam?   My material compromises twenty-five newspaper- articles from the newspapers Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter during the years 2011-2013. The material became a subject for qualitative content analysis. This resulted in four categories, the categories were formed from the content of the newspaper-articles.  The categories are: (1) Violence / Terrorism, (2) Extremist / Fundamentalist, (3) Islamic god´s state / government / Islamism and (4) Others. Those categories are produced by a number of different phenomena where Muslims and Islam are called. The analysis was based on two theories: The Runnymede Trust model and stereotyping theory. The Runnymede Trust model explains if it exists open and closed attitudes about Islam in the newspaper-articles. The aim of the stereotyping theory was to see the specific role of the media as a mediator of stereotypes, particular in the descriptions of Muslims and Islam.  The examination shows that that there is no closed attitudes about Islam, but there are open attitudes about Islam in the newspaper- articles that was published during the years 2011-2013, in Aftonbladet and Dagens Nyheter. This study shows that the media has a less prominent role as a mediator of stereotypical traits of Muslims and Islam in the newspaper- articles. The conclusion of this study can be summarized as follow: Muslims and Islam are represented in the context Violence/Terrorism, Extremists/Fundamentalist and Islamic god´s state/government/Islamism when Islamist political parties/organizations or Muslims as supporters of extremist terrorist groups have acted violently during the Arab Spring.

The wave of protests that swept over Middle East and North Africa in 2011, known as Arab spring, has failed to bring democracy to the regions. However, only in Tunisia the Arab spring led to a transition to democracy in 2011. After the democratic transition, Tunisia has been facing multiple challenges, such as political instability and terroristattacks. The aim of this study is to examine the political development in Tunisia in the period 2011-2022 to investigate obstacles and opportunities to democratic consolidation in Tunisia. Using case study as method and Samuel P Huntington’s theory of democratic consolidation, the study has identified that the democratic governments failure to deliver reforms to Tunisia’s economic problems and the lack of cooperation between political elite to find solutions to Tunisia’s economic problems , as two obstacles to the democratic consolidation. Moreover, the study explains the failure of democratic consolidation with the lack of development of a democratic political culture in the country since Tunisia’s economic problems have been exploited by the political elite to undemocratically increase their power. Despite a widespread support for democracy between the people, there is a risk for autocratization in Tunisia as country's current political system promotes one-man rule.

The following study is a comparativ discourse analysis of three swedish newspapers, with different political tendencies, depiction of refugees in the 1990’s and the 2010’s. The study is based on the theory of discourse and discourse analysis and the method is an adapted form of Ulf Mörkenstam’s analysis of the description of the samis in swedish law texts. This method is formed from the conclusion that by identifying what the author mediate as a problem, the cause of the problem, and the solution of the problem, you can form an percetion of the subjects discourse. To help create an estimation of the subjects he uses so called chains of analogy, or as the famous discourse theorists Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe calles them, chains of equivalence. In this case the term ”refugee” is connected to other phrases within the same text and together with the context of the problem – cause – solution it forms the discourse. The subject of the discourse is then compared between two different points in times to see if it has been a change within the last 23 years. The study showed that the discourse have indeed changed. While the characters within the discourse have remained the same and the subject is connected to similair problems in 2015, the fact that the newspapers do not write about the resistance against the countrys refugee intake in an atempt to act as an opposition against the xenophobia, as they did in 1992, the result of this study shows that xenophobia has been more accepted in the swedish media during the last decades. This is also shown through the chains of analogy where the phrase ”refuge” is related to words with more negative association in 2015 than in 1992.

Fem år har gått sedan hela världens strålkastare riktades mot länder i Mellanöstern och Nordafrika. Storögda och förväntansfulla var världspubliken när de såg hur tiotusentals människor samlades runt flera gator och torg och krävde att få sina röster hörda och att de styrande diktatorerna skulle avgå. Det skanderades då, år 2011, om demokrati och frigörelse från decennielånga förtryck. Men i dagens Egypten vittnar människor om att det under de här fem åren regredierat till ett lika illa, om inte värre, samhälle än innan. Oppositionella röster motverkas och tystas genom att sprida skräck hos dem som en gång vågat tala. En oförutsägbar statsapparat fängslar, griper och styr. Tunisien lyckades som det enda land att reformera statsskicket och gå från diktatur till ett demokratiskt styre. Men däremot är vissa viktiga institutioner, som polisväsendet, kvar i det gamla och påverkar de som redan är utsatta då landet befinner sig i ett politisk och ekonomisk limbo. I flera andra länder i regionen, brinner det än i dag fullbordade inbördeskrig. Vilka var det som så hängivet stod där på torgen och dessutom inspirerade fler till att ansluta sig? Och hur gick det sen för dem och deras länder?

No description available.

Den här studiens syfte är att undersöka hur fyra svenska medier (Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet och SR Ekot) rapporterat om revolutionen i Egypten under 2011 och början av 2012. I enlighet med postkoloniala teorier visar undersökningen hur reportagen bär spår av eurocentrism, alltså idén att så kallade västerländska normer är bättre än andra normer, i detta fall muslimska. Reportagen reproducerar även stereotypa uppfattningar av i synnerhet personer med anknytning till muslimska partier. Det framstår även som trovärdigt att dramaturgiska grepp förstärker behoven av dessa förenklingar. Under året förändrades tonläget i reportagen. Under första delen av revolutionen var inställningen till revolutionen och demonstranternas mål positiv. Senare under året var tonen mer negativ. I början beskrevs demonstranter och folk som en enhet, senare särskilde reportagen ofta muslimer och kristna. Trots att Egyptens befolkning till 90 procent består av muslimer så kom kristna oftare till tals än muslimer. Resultatet av denna undersökning visar på tendensen att det i den svenska medierapporteringen fanns förhoppningar att ”de” (Egyptens folk) skulle bli mer som ”vi”(européer). För att komma fram till detta resultat har arton gestaltande reportage studerats med kritisk diskursanalys enligt Roger Fowler. Reportagen är strategiskt valda från specifika perioder i anslutning till tre nyckelhändelser - revolutionens inledning, valet och årsdagen. Den teoretiska ramen formas av postkoloniala teorier om ”vi” och ”de andra” samt dramaturgi, framför allt användandet av polemik och retoriska grepp.

This essay aims to examine how the democratization of Tunisia has taken place since the Arabic spring. It will also analyze how well the country qualifies as a consolidated democracy and what conflicts that have been the driving force of the democratization process. The essay is a qualitive case study and explores the years of 1987 to 2018. Moreover, it is supported by the democratization theory of Dankward A Rustow. The Arabic spring was a consequence of the high unemployment numbers, the poverty in the country and the discontent of the president’s approach of ruling. The road to the democracy has suffered from many difficulties due to influences of the previous authoritarian rule. The situation in Tunisia after the Arabic spring has been unstable and demonstrations in smaller scales has taken place. Today the country has free and fair elections regularly and 2014 a new constitution was introduced. However, people have not gained a better lifestyle from the democratization even though the democracy has flourished. Lastly, the Tunisian democracy is not yet consolidated and still needs to the implemented into the country’s laws and population.

The outbreak of the Arab Spring took place more than ten years ago and is currently of great interest to researchers. The suicide of the street vendor Bouazizi is considered the start of the revolution. As a result of the uprisings, both Tunisia and Egypt succeeded in overthrowing their authoritarian leaders and regimes. However, Tunisia managed to maintain and develop a democratic political system, unlike Egypt, which is still classified as an authoritarian dictatorship. The main purpose of this study has been to find explanations for why a regime change took place in both countries during the Arab Spring and why Tunisia’s democratization process remained successful compared to Egypt’s. Huntington’s transition processes and consolidation theory have been helpful in finding answers to these questions. The study is of a comparative nature where the most similar system design has been applied. A key conclusion concerns the fact that Egypt’s non-neutral and powerful military has undermined the country’s democratization process. In contrast, Tunisia’s democratization process has been characterized by a peaceful period with a neutral military and political actors willing to negotiate with each other despite divided political views.