Since 2004, the Dove personal care product brand has received much praise for widening the definition and discussion of beauty through the use of nontraditional models in its Campaign for Real Beauty advertisements. This study examined the content of the Campaign for Real Beauty ads and the content of ads in magazines that ran Campaign for Real Beauty ads. This textual analysis of a series of five Campaign for Real Beauty billboards, commonly referred to as the Dove Vote Ads, sought to determine whether the message of the Dove Vote Ads was consistent with the Campaign for Real Beauty's stated mission of societal change and widening the societal definition of beauty. The content analysis portion of this study examined 785 female models in fashion magazine advertisements in a longitudinal analysis spanning the five years surrounding the introduction of the campaign. While the textual analysis questioned whether there were conflicting messages inherent in the Dove Campaign for Real Beauty advertisements, the content analysis sought to determine whether there was a measurable change in the appearance of stereotypical beauty ideals and gender role portrayals after the introduction of the advertising campaign. This was accomplished through an examination of the 785 female models that appeared in the September 2004 and 2008 issues of Cosmopolitan and Glamour, the highest circulation fashion magazines. This mixed-method study addressed two research questions and seven hypotheses. The manifest message of each advertisement, which encourages the audience to rethink standard notions of beauty, is contradicted by the latent themes. The five years between 2003 and 2008 saw a significant increase in diversity of the female models shown in advertisements. Additionally, women were shown as more powerful in 2008 using a variety of techniques. These shifts, if sustained over time, will serve as evidence of the social and cultural influence of advertising campaigns.

In the American capitalist society, the media is often an agent used to perpetuate ideals and to inform consumers of products that they can purchase by using multiple advertising techniques. In an attempt to counter the thin body ideal for women, some companies have begun advertising their products by using plus size models, such as the Dove Campaign for Real Beauty. The purpose of this research is to examine college women's perceptions of the Dove Campaign for Real Beauty, an advertising campaign whose goal is to reverse the stereotypical body ideal for women and broaden the definition of beauty. Some sociologists have criticized Dove for sending conflicting messages. This study is the first that focuses on women's perceptions about this potential conflict. Through the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods, this study examined if, how, and when women changed their initial perceptions toward the Dove Campaign for Real Beauty based on two separate scenarios brought to their attention. This is important because the findings suggest how consumers can change their perceptions regarding a company, in this case one that is a part of a multi-million dollar parent company, based on how a company advertises its products.

No description available.

This thesis is a reassessment of gay male politics in England and Wales during the period between the decriminalisation of homosexual acts in private in 1967 and the HIV epidemic of the early 1980s. It looks beyond the activities of the revolutionary Gay Liberation Front and its offshoots which have dominated previous accounts. Instead it considers a broader range of social and political organisations which developed for gay men in the seventies: including reformist NGOS such as the Campaign for Homosexual Equality, the gay club scene, and publications such as Gay News. Through a detailed consideration of these less formally radical enterprises it argues that the seventies saw the creation of a broadly Habermasian 'public sphere' of gay male life. The gay male public sphere was a set of social spaces, political campaigns, and communications media which were explicitly aligned to a gay male identity and had no direct precedent in previous queer public cultures. However, this was not precisely analogous to gay men 'Coming Out' as the GLF understood the term. Participation in the gay male public did not necessarily involve openly declaring your sexuality to all possible audiences. It was also not necessarily a radical challenge to the state and existing society and, this thesis argues, gay male politics in the seventies was characterised as much by people who wanted to work within existing systems as it was by those who wanted to overturn them. This thesis also considers the limits that were placed on the gay male public sphere, through an account of the operation of the Sexual Offences Act and Mary Whitehouse's prosecution of Gay News for blasphemous Libel. As such it is a contribution to debates about the nature and extent of Britain's postwar 'Permissive Society'.

Submitted by LÉA MATTOSINHO AYMORÉ null (leaaymore@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-08-22T18:18:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 texto final revisado.pdf: 8932954 bytes, checksum: 6d9991f2d34fcffe7e243b9f13bb8eb2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-08-23T20:09:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 aymore_lm_me_assis.pdf: 8932954 bytes, checksum: 6d9991f2d34fcffe7e243b9f13bb8eb2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-23T20:09:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 aymore_lm_me_assis.pdf: 8932954 bytes, checksum: 6d9991f2d34fcffe7e243b9f13bb8eb2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-13 / O Pasquim, periódico semanal de enorme sucesso desde seu lançamento em junho de 1969, apenas seis meses após o estabelecimento do AI-5, foi de extrema importância para toda uma geração. Pois com seu humor inteligente promovia uma reflexão crítica sobre a realidade brasileira, além de ser porta voz de uma série de mudanças comportamentais pelas quais passava a nossa sociedade entre os anos de 1960 e 1970. Sobreviveu à censura prévia com o apoio da maior parte da intelectualidade carioca, a chamada “esquerda festiva”, responsável também por sua criação e se manteve independente por mais de uma década até perecer economicamente na primeira metade dos anos 1980. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar O Pasquim como fonte e objeto de estudo, entre os anos de 1978 e 1980, período de abertura política, em que o jornal funcionou sem uma censura prévia, e afirmou seu caráter contestador em cada edição, apoiando a campanha pela anistia, denunciando abusos e defendendo uma maior transparência por parte das instituições nacionais, lançando as bases do que seria uma das principais características da imprensa no período de redemocratização. O primeiro capítulo analisou o contexto histórico de criação e funcionamento do Pasquim em seus mais diversos aspectos políticos, econômicos, sociais, institucionais e culturais. O capítulo seguinte situou o jornal no contexto de funcionamento da imprensa alternativa, sendo o semanário um dos mais significativos representantes do setor. Por fim, o terceiro e último capítulo desenvolveu uma análise das grandes entrevistas, parte fundamental do jornal desde sua primeira edição. As grandes entrevistas, geralmente extensas, contribuíram para a inovação da linguagem jornalística e publicitária tamanha a informalidade com que eram realizadas e publicadas, geralmente na integra, transmitindo um clima de intensa familiaridade, que aproximava o leitor dos entrevistados. Esse modo totalmente inovador de realização e publicação de entrevistas foi revolucionário e intensamente imitado por inúmeros outros jornais e revistas da época, tornando O Pasquim um jornal influente não apenas por seu conteúdo, mas também por sua forma. / O Pasquim, weekly newsletter of huge success since its launch in June 1969, only six months after the AI-5 promulgation, was extremely important for a generation. For with his intelligent humor promoting a critical reflection on the Brazilian reality, in addition to being spokesman of a series of behavioral changes that passed our society between 1960 and 1970. He survived to prior censorship with the support of most of the Rio intelligentsia, the "festive left", also responsible for its creation and has remained independent for over a decade to economically perishing in the first half of the year 1980. This study aimed to analyze O Pasquim as the source and object of study, between the years 1978 and 1980, political opening period, in which the newspaper ran without prior censorship, and stated his maverick character in each edition, supporting the campaign for amnesty, denouncing abuses and advocating greater transparency by national institutions, laying the foundation of what would be a major feature of the press in democracy period. The first chapter examines the historical context of creation and functioning of the O Pasquim in its various political, economic, social, institutional and cultural. The next chapter placed the newspaper in the alternative press operating environment, and the weekly one of the most significant representatives of the sector. Finally, the third and final chapter has developed an analysis of great interviews, key part of the newspaper since its first edition. The great interviews, usually extensive, contributed to the innovation of journalistic and advertising language such informality with which they were carried out and published, usually full, conveying an atmosphere of intense familiarity, which approached the reader of respondents. This completely new way of conducting and publishing interviews was revolutionary and intensely imitated by numerous other newspapers and magazines of the time, making O Pasquim an influential newspaper not only for its content but also by its shape.

The purpose of this study was to determine whether the Dove Campaign for Real Beauty could be used to effectively expand the media-narrowed definition of beauty. This study focused on the Onslaught video and corresponding message board. The sample included 119 posts written by 85 different message board users. Both a descriptive and interpretive content analysis based on reception analysis was used to deconstruct the message posters' interpretation and construction of individual beauty. The posters used the board primarily to express themselves, attach blame to the media and arrive at consensus. Overall, the users responded positively to the campaign. Twenty themes emerged from the posts, with the most prevalent attaching blame to the media for societal problems. The findings of this study suggest that Dove effectively created an online community where women could find a voice to express themselves and share experiences. More importantly, Dove initiated a public discussion that is a preliminary step in changing social norms. As such, the campaign should be viewed as having been effective.

台灣無線電視「老三台」（台視、中視與華視）所有權制度，在2000年代中期發生劇烈變化。華視朝公共化發展，中視與台視則民營化成為商營電視台；雖然走向不同，但以往「官控商營」的三台，卻也都各自進入「媒體集團」的所有權模式。民營化後的台視由非凡電視台入主，新資方揭櫫「低成本、高收視」之方針，在製作成本大幅降低與人事預算縮編下，新聞從業人員直接面臨工作負擔增加等問題。本研究希冀以台視2007年公股釋出、走向民營化、集團化的的歷程為例，探究所有權變動對於新聞組織與工作者的勞動影響。 台視勞動條件隨民營化組織變革有著幾個時期的轉變，首先在優離優退的人事瘦身後，留任員工雖明顯感受工作負擔加重，然因資方塑造「共體時艱」共識，勞動者與工會多以順從承擔代替抵抗。新聞部員工則因工作性質，不僅缺席工會運作，也少有為自己勞動權益發聲的行動。民營化之初，台視透過外購與合製等方式節省成本，但資方也不忘逐步提高節目自製之比例，在有限人力下，留任的勞動者身兼數職以成就資方揭櫫之方針。而資方棒子與紅蘿蔔賞罰兼施，逐步在薪資福利上調整，持續凝聚勞資雙方的共識。總體而言，黨政軍三退、民營化的台視，政治勢力脫離官控商營的侍從關係，不過藉由業配等商業運作，政治力則以較迂迴的方式滲透新聞製作獲得發語權。 / The central concern of this thesis underlines ,after Free Radio Movement, how the ownership shifted and what Taiwan Television Enterprise has done to the process of the privatization before and after 2007. It asks how media workers reflect and adapt themselves to the strategies of new employee. Through the method of in-depth interview, this thesis interviewed nine employers, including 5 reporters, 3 supervisors of the news department as well as the head of the union. From the interview, it shows the solidarity and the consent which established and conveyed by TTV employee from many aspects to have their employers and labors ‘’Making out’’ all of the process, regardless of the overtime and overload works. Another finding of the thesis is ,without the political wrestling and after Free Radio Movement, TTV’s privatization process did get rid of the direct control from government and the political party, however, TTV develops the commercial way to penetrate into the news production.

現代民主政治，植基於地方自治；而地方自治之推行，則自選舉始。故朝野如何善事 地方選舉，使確屬賢能之士，出主庶政，為民服務；發言議壇，為民立法，民治成敗 ，關係至巨。 台省實施地方選舉，為國史上之首創，又時當日本專制統治五十一年之後，中央政府 甫行遷台，國難嚴重之際，其成敗得失，影響深遠，實不待言。著者之決心研究此問 題者，蓋亦在此。 考現代民主政治雖已成為家喻戶曉之名，詞，然為最難採行之政制。因其施行前必備 之先決條件，屈指難數。諸如：言論、集會、結社與宗教信仰等等之自由已否存在， 司法審判之獨立能否維持；國民之基本教育是否普及；國民之公共道德已否於相當水 準；國民之守法精神已否養成；國民之生活必需是否不虞匱乏；國民之氣質是否溫和 、服從理性；與乎以正義為基礎之社會平等是否存在；政黨活動是否正常等等，不一 而足。依 國父孫中山先生之遺教，民治之施行，猶需「以全縣人口，調查清楚。全 縣土地，測量完畢。全縣警衛，辦妥善。四境縱橫之道路，修築成功。而其人民曾受 四檯之訓練，而完畢其國民之義務，誓行革命之主義者，得選舉縣官，以執行一縣之 政事，得選舉議員，以議立一縣之法律，始成完全自治之縣」。 由於上列條件之未易俱備，且其每一條件又屬重要，台省如今是否已達水準可行普選 ﹖此一問題之答案，吾人雖已於書刊所述，報章所載，與日常生活體驗中，多所發現 ，然欲深求瞭解，猶有待於從民治基礎加以探討，故研究台省實施地方選舉之歷史背 景，思想淵源、社會環境、實不可缺。 誠然，縱使已具普選之條件，未必保証選舉之成功；蓋選舉之本身，猶備多種複雜難 行之條件也。而台省舉辦地方選舉，時值人心惶惶，國脈如縷之秋，益增問題之複雜 化，有待細心探索者多。 從辦理選務言，遠徵外史，歐美民主先進國家所示範於吾人者，即為選舉之公正與合 法欲求選公正，則平等之競選，公平之監察；公開之選務；與秘密之投票，似不可缺 。考選務之辦理與選舉之監察，在歐美民主先進國家，以美國為例，全國性與地方性 選舉，習慣上俱由民主、共和兩大政黨與地方政府共同負責；故選舉之結果如何，純 憑選民之決定，甚難發生公正與否之疑慮，輿論對此，自無懷疑。台省之政黨分野， 雖有國、民、青三黨之存在，但民、青兩黨在地方上之勢力如何，尚難知曉，是否定 以擔當共同監察選舉，辦理選務之能力，時論亦有所疑；尤有甚者，國人對黨派素乏 認識，所謂「群而不黨」，「吾聞君子不黨」，與「無偏無黨」之古訓，更予人以黨 派非善之觀念，故縱令採行美制，以國、民、青三黨參與辦理選務，共同監察選舉， 是否足以使無黨無派之競選者，信任選舉之公平，亦不無問題。如何抉擇，有待斟酌 。至秘密投票之施行，因憲法本無此一規定，原則上雖無問題，但執行時之如何確保 其貫徹，觀念上與技術上俱有困難。於公平之競選，主持選政者與選務人員是否能「 秉天下為公」之觀念，對待黨內同志與黨外人士一視同仁，似亦有待考驗；因法定雖 公，而執法在人也。另一方面，欲求選舉之合法，則需舉辦選舉之有據。憲法明定省 縣自治法之制定，須依中央制定之省縣自治通則，而該一通則，迄未頒布，則台省之 舉辦地方選舉，究何所據，亦為煞費思索之問題。

Orientador: Ivete Maria Baraldi / Resumo: O presente estudo, inscrito no campo da História da Educação Matemática, tem como tema central a Campanha de Aperfeiçoamento e Difusão do Ensino Secundário (Cades) em suas diferentes frentes de atuação, que visavam à criação de um novo modelo de professor Secundário no período de sua vigência, as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Considerando a criação de tal modelo como uma estratégia do Ministério da Educação e Cultura (MEC), o trabalho, como uma pesquisa qualitativa e bibliográfica, pretende investigar as táticas mobilizadas pela Cades tendo como objetivo essa intenção. Para isso, analisa, especialmente, os Cursos de Orientação aos Exames de Suficiência, a revista Escola Secundária, o Concurso Dia do Professor e os livros por ela publicados como táticas, e, por meio das táticas ali percebidas, defende-se a criação de um novo modelo de professor secundário, amparado principalmente nos ideais da Escola Nova. / Abstract: This thesis, developed according to an historiographical, qualitative and bibliographic approach, has as its main objective to study Cades-Campanha de Aperfeiçoamento e Difusão do Ensino Secundário (Campaign for the Improvement and Diffusion of Secondary Education), created by the Brazilian federal government, in 1953, to disseminate and improve higher education. Cades developed many different actions, all of them implemented aiming the creation of a new model of teacher for the secondary education. The intention of Cades, here, is taken as a strategy, while its actions developed along the Fifties and Sixteth are taken as tatics. With this, we analyze, in particular, the courses of Orientation to Examination of Sufficiency, the magazine Secondary School, the Teacher's Day Contest and the books published by the Campaign as tactics, and, through the tactics perceived there, defends the creation of a new model of secondary teacher, supported mainly in the ideals of the New School. / Doutor

The aim of the present thesis is to study radical criticism of psychiatry in public discussion in Sweden between 1968 and 1973. Although it was not the first time psychiatry had been challenged, the debate during these years displayed an unprecedented intensity. What is mental illness – a myth, an etiquette, an illusion? Is psychiatry a means of social control? Such were the questions raised at the time. In my thesis, I study the contexts as well as the arguments of these discussions. To this end, a great variety of sources have been consulted: books, newspapers, magazines, films etc. In part, the Swedish debate on psychiatry ran parallel to international discussions on the topic, which have been regarded as a manifestation of anti-psychiatry. This standpoint is often associated with psychiatrists such as R. D. Laing, David Cooper and Thomas Szasz. In my thesis, I challenge the concept of anti-psychiatry, arguing that other concepts are better suited to capture the diversity of the debate in all its nuances. Thus, I make use of radical and reformatory criticism – concepts which have been suggested by the sociologist Tommy Svensson – while also seeking to develop them further. In addition to the international perspective, the psychiatry debate must also be interpreted in its specifically Swedish context. One aspect of this is the Swedish tradition of Government Official Reports: psychiatry had been subject to many investigations prior to the debate in the 1960s and 1970s, and others would follow in its wake. Another characteristic feature of the Swedish debate is two events that formed very suitable targets for critique: Sociopatutredningen and Mentalhälsokampanjen. These events seemed to confirm the most farreaching concerns of the radical critics, namely that psychiatry is a means of social control.