The study utilizes the correlations among Personal Marketing, Image Management and Campaign Strategies of Seventh Kaohsiung City Council Election in 2006. A successful election campaign will be constructed for the future reference of local election candidates. Content analysis, questionnaire survey and In-depth interview with professionals and experts were used to conduct this study. Comparative method with tables was utilized to analyze the data and it was found that: 1. Campaign Strategy: Candidates need to break the traditional models and adopt business management principles (cost reduction, differential marketing and focus). 2. Personal Marketing: The main duty of city councillors is monitoring the city government. Candidates need to be marketed as professional, earnest and rational, who share close-up experiences with voters. 3. Image management: Councillors should give professional and friendly impressions at service by focusing on monitoring the city government, participating in charity events, representing the voters at the city council, and establishing an image as the local opinion leader. These achievements rely on hard work and effort. To conclude the thesis as below: 1. Major Campaign Strategies for the candidates: C1 has the best campaign strategy by adopting business management strategies of cost reduction, differential marketing and focus. 2. Differential marketing on image management and campaign strategy: C1 and C4 adopt media strategies to market themselves as professional public servants. C1 and C4 inform their voters to turn on televisions to see how they question city government officials at the city council. Such marketing is an extension of their advantages and opportunities as incumbent councillors. 3. Differential marketing on image management and campaign strategy: Candidates and journalists both consider image management important. 4. This thesis establishes a model for campaign strategies, personal marketing, and image management of Kaohsiung city councillor candidates Keywords: Local Election,Campaign Strategy, Personal Marketing, Image Management, SWOT Analysis

The Pariah Party Influence on Local Government Formation in Swedish Municipalities 2002-2018 This paper studies the correlation between the rise of the radical right party The Sweden Democrats and the rise of minority governments and bloc transcending/cross-partisan coalitions in Swedish local governments; the role of the Sweden Democrats in this development is studied and further its impact in the relation between right/left-wing governments. Taking off in classical coalition- and government formation theory together with the concept of pariah parties, I also continue to discuss the setting of local government in Sweden and its implication on local government studies in general. Regression analysis of formed government in the 290 Swedish municipalities over the last five local elections, 2002-2018, is used to answer the question of how the pariah party that is the Sweden Democrats, have affected the types of local government in Sweden. The study finds that the rise of the Sweden Democrats in Swedish municipal parliaments to a large extent can explain both an increase of cross-partisan coalitions and of minority governments. This can however only be said when the party holds the balance of power; just the size or sheer presence of the party in local parliaments does not seem to have a significant impact on government type. When the party does hold the power of balance, one can observe a significant shift in favour of right-wing governments over left-wing governments. Albeit not participating in government and being considered a pariah party, or perhaps because of this fact, the rise of the Sweden Democrats has significantly affected the character of Swedish local governments.

本論文旨在探討1990年後期興起的中國大陸鄉鎮選舉改革。四川省遂寧市市中區步雲鄉1998年的鄉長直選係全中國大陸首例。因此以步雲鄉鄉長直選為案例，探討其起源、歷程、困境及意義為何？特別是著重探究推動基層選舉改革的動因為何？本論文使用「次級資料分析法」與「案例分析法」為研究方法，進而分析中國大陸基層選舉制度的相關海內外文獻，另採用理性選擇制度變遷、自主性制度變遷及強制性制度變遷等理論，以及國家與公民社會研究途徑，以探析影響中國大陸基層選舉改革的因素。 / The theme of this thesis lies in probing into the reforms of China’s local election at Xiang/township level that was beginning to rise in late 1990's. The election of Buyun Xiang chief directly in the Shizhong District of Suining in Sichuan Province set a precedent for the first time at the end of 1998. So in order to regard Buyun Xiang as the case, probe into the origin, course, dilemma and meaning of the Xiang chief election directly? Especially understand emphatically what promote the incentive of the election reform at the basic level? The thesis uses “secondary materials analysis” and “case study analysis” as the research method, as to analysing about the relevant documents which study the Mainland China electoral system at the basic level both at home and abroad, and choose Rational Choice Institutionalism, Motivational and Compulsory of Institutional Transitions, complement it with research approach of State and Civil Society, do case analysis to the factor influencing electoral reform at the basic level.

在經濟與政治關係日益密切的今日，經濟表現是否會影響選舉結果已成為學者所關切的議題。目前西方國家，特別是美國，針對中央層級選舉經濟投票行為方面之研究已有高度共識，即經濟表現不佳，會對執政黨的選情不利。至於地方經濟表現對州長選舉有無影響的實證結果，則較為分歧。本文將經濟投票理論應用至台灣縣市長選舉，以台灣21個縣市在1989年至2001年4屆的縣市長選舉作為研究對象，探討致使地方首長選舉結果出現政黨輪替的可能變數，已彌補現有文獻僅考量政治層面、以及中央層級選舉之不足。 經由Probit模型估計後發現，地方失業率於選舉年惡化並不會影響縣市長選舉結果；反而是全國失業率對選舉結果有顯著影響。一般而言，總統政黨執政之縣市皆較非總統政黨執政之縣市不易發生政黨輪替，但若全國失業率於選前攀升，則前者所享有的相對優勢會因此而降低，連帶使其被輪替的機率提升。至於另一全國經濟指標物價膨脹率，則不如全國失業率有影響力，即使物價於選舉年上漲，總統政黨執政縣市出現政黨輪替的機率，亦未有隨之提升的態勢。 另外，在政治變數部分，現任者競選連任有利於現任執政政黨於選戰中勝出；府會是否同黨對選舉結果則無顯著影響。而本文依據邊際效用遞減法則提出的假設亦得到證實，即一黨連任屆數與其發生政黨輪替的機率呈正向關係。 最後，關於時間及縣市虛擬變數部分，本文發現，2001年14屆縣市長選舉發生政黨輪替的機率為4屆之首；而21縣市中，則以嘉義縣、屏東縣、新竹市、台中市、台中縣及基隆市，分居最易發生政黨輪替縣市的前五名。 / Substantial scholarly attention has been at the relationship between economic conditions and election outcomes in most western democratic countries, especially in the United States. Most Studies focused mainly on presidential or congressional elections have indicated a solid evidence that the worse economic conditions will be unfavorable to the incumbents to win the elections. Compared with those coincide conclusions, the results about economic voting in state elections are more discrepancy. This paper applies the economic voting theory to analyze the county magistrates and city mayors elections in Taiwan and uses a county-and city-level panel data from 1989 to 2001 to examine the possible factors which cause the party rotation of the county magistrates and city mayors elections. After estimating Probit model, the primary finding is that the local unemployment rates have no impact on election outcomes of the county magistrates and city mayors. Instead, the national unemployment rates have a significant effect on election outcomes. Generally, the probabilities of party rotation of the counties and cities ruled by the president’s party are lower than others. However, this advantage will be damaged as the national unemployment rate is higher in the election year than that in the previous year. As to the inflation rates, the other national economical index, are not as influential as the national unemployment rates. For all rising in the election year, the probabilities of party rotation won’t go up. Additionally, about the political variables, the incumbents are more likely to defeat the challengers and renew their term of office; it has no significant impact on election outcomes whether the incumbent governors and city or county councils are of the same party. The hypothesis which derives from the law of diminishing marginal utility is also proved. The longer the governing party rules the county or city, the higher the probability of party rotation for this county or city. Finally, the probability of party rotation of the 14th county magistrates and city mayors election is the highest from 1989 to 2001. Chiayi County, Pingdong County, Hsinchu City, Taichung City, Taichung County and Keelung City are the top five ones of the twenty-one counties and cities in terms of the frequency of party rotation.

現代民主政治，植基於地方自治；而地方自治之推行，則自選舉始。故朝野如何善事 地方選舉，使確屬賢能之士，出主庶政，為民服務；發言議壇，為民立法，民治成敗 ，關係至巨。 台省實施地方選舉，為國史上之首創，又時當日本專制統治五十一年之後，中央政府 甫行遷台，國難嚴重之際，其成敗得失，影響深遠，實不待言。著者之決心研究此問 題者，蓋亦在此。 考現代民主政治雖已成為家喻戶曉之名，詞，然為最難採行之政制。因其施行前必備 之先決條件，屈指難數。諸如：言論、集會、結社與宗教信仰等等之自由已否存在， 司法審判之獨立能否維持；國民之基本教育是否普及；國民之公共道德已否於相當水 準；國民之守法精神已否養成；國民之生活必需是否不虞匱乏；國民之氣質是否溫和 、服從理性；與乎以正義為基礎之社會平等是否存在；政黨活動是否正常等等，不一 而足。依 國父孫中山先生之遺教，民治之施行，猶需「以全縣人口，調查清楚。全 縣土地，測量完畢。全縣警衛，辦妥善。四境縱橫之道路，修築成功。而其人民曾受 四檯之訓練，而完畢其國民之義務，誓行革命之主義者，得選舉縣官，以執行一縣之 政事，得選舉議員，以議立一縣之法律，始成完全自治之縣」。 由於上列條件之未易俱備，且其每一條件又屬重要，台省如今是否已達水準可行普選 ﹖此一問題之答案，吾人雖已於書刊所述，報章所載，與日常生活體驗中，多所發現 ，然欲深求瞭解，猶有待於從民治基礎加以探討，故研究台省實施地方選舉之歷史背 景，思想淵源、社會環境、實不可缺。 誠然，縱使已具普選之條件，未必保証選舉之成功；蓋選舉之本身，猶備多種複雜難 行之條件也。而台省舉辦地方選舉，時值人心惶惶，國脈如縷之秋，益增問題之複雜 化，有待細心探索者多。 從辦理選務言，遠徵外史，歐美民主先進國家所示範於吾人者，即為選舉之公正與合 法欲求選公正，則平等之競選，公平之監察；公開之選務；與秘密之投票，似不可缺 。考選務之辦理與選舉之監察，在歐美民主先進國家，以美國為例，全國性與地方性 選舉，習慣上俱由民主、共和兩大政黨與地方政府共同負責；故選舉之結果如何，純 憑選民之決定，甚難發生公正與否之疑慮，輿論對此，自無懷疑。台省之政黨分野， 雖有國、民、青三黨之存在，但民、青兩黨在地方上之勢力如何，尚難知曉，是否定 以擔當共同監察選舉，辦理選務之能力，時論亦有所疑；尤有甚者，國人對黨派素乏 認識，所謂「群而不黨」，「吾聞君子不黨」，與「無偏無黨」之古訓，更予人以黨 派非善之觀念，故縱令採行美制，以國、民、青三黨參與辦理選務，共同監察選舉， 是否足以使無黨無派之競選者，信任選舉之公平，亦不無問題。如何抉擇，有待斟酌 。至秘密投票之施行，因憲法本無此一規定，原則上雖無問題，但執行時之如何確保 其貫徹，觀念上與技術上俱有困難。於公平之競選，主持選政者與選務人員是否能「 秉天下為公」之觀念，對待黨內同志與黨外人士一視同仁，似亦有待考驗；因法定雖 公，而執法在人也。另一方面，欲求選舉之合法，則需舉辦選舉之有據。憲法明定省 縣自治法之制定，須依中央制定之省縣自治通則，而該一通則，迄未頒布，則台省之 舉辦地方選舉，究何所據，亦為煞費思索之問題。

臺灣縣市議員與縣市長選舉的政黨競爭程度不及中央層級選舉，然而相對於地方首長選舉多數呈現兩黨競爭，地方議員選舉的政黨組成則相對多元，可能是近似縣市長的藍綠對決，也可以是無黨籍遙遙領先其他政黨，或是由單一政黨與無黨籍囊括多數選票，這代表政黨在各地區的議員與縣市長得票存在程度不等的落差。本文即在於尋找能夠解釋議員與縣市長選舉政黨得票連動關係不一的因素，並以「得票差距」及「得票相關程度」測量政黨得票的連動性。結果發現，議員選舉選區規模與議員選舉有效票數（縣市人口規模）等「先天結構因素」與政黨兩項選舉的得票差距具有關聯；除了「先天結構因素」，地方派系與現任議員參選比例等「政黨本身可掌握的因素」同樣與政黨兩項選舉的得票相關程度具有關係。地方派系在地方選舉具有舉足輕重的地位，足以解釋政黨議員與縣市長得票相關程度的變化，不過其與政黨得票差距的關係則未獲得證實，本文推測可能受到派系測量的限制。政黨標籤對地方議員選舉的重要性確實不如縣市長或中央層級選舉，但隨著縣市長選舉的兩黨競爭逐漸滲透至議員選舉，其意義已較以往提升。議員選舉兩黨競爭的出現反映議員選舉政黨化的跡象。 / The party competition is weaker in county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections than in central elections in Taiwan. However, Electoral landscape of councilor elections is not the same in districts, rather than competition between two major parties in most county magistrate/city mayoral elections. Some are approximate two-party competition, some are parties lag far behind the independent candidates, others are single party and the independent candidates secure most votes. It indicates that the differences of party votes between county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections vary in districts. The study explores the relationship of party votes between county/city councilor and county magistrate/city mayoral elections and uses “difference of party votes” and “correlation of the party votes” to measure the dependent variable. The results show that factors which parties can’t determine have something to do with the difference of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, such as district magnitude in county/city councilor elections, scale of population in districts. In addition to factors which parties can’t determine, factors which parties can determine also have something to do with correlation of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, such as local factions, the proportion of incumbent councilors run for another term. Local factions are the pivot of Taiwanese local elections, and can explain the correlation of party votes between local councilor and magistrate/mayoral elections, but the relationship with difference of party votes can’t be verified according to the result of analysis. It could attribute to the measurement of factions. The party label is less important in councilor elections than in county magistrate/city mayoral or central elections, but becomes more meaningful when two-party competition penetrates into councilor elections. The competition between two major parties of councilor elections reflects councilor election towards party competition.

This diploma thesis deals with the Czech Pirate Party participation on the Czech political scene. It focuses on the formation of the party and its programme, achievements in the past elections and the preparations for the upcoming elections. It analyses the 2014 municipal council election, which happened to be the most successful election for the Czech Pirate Party in terms of elected representatives. It defines the municipal authorities in accordance with the relevant law. It focuses on the principle of the local election, its system, electoral method and the rules for the candidate parties. It introduces local coalition typology and also analyses the type of coalition in selected municipalities. It introduces the Czech Pirate Party 2014 municipal council election programme and party's candidate lists in selected municipalities. It analyses thoroughly the fulfilment of their campaign promises and the methods used for the realization of the Pirate politics. It compares Czech Pirate Party's coalition and opposition behaviour.