Den svenska skolans fostransuppdrag, det vill säga att överföra värden som samhället anser vara viktiga till eleverna, är enligt de nu gällande styrdokumenten en viktig del av undervisningen. I läroböcker i religionskunskap skrivna för gymnasiet har dock detta uppdrag hamnat i skymundan. I denna uppsats undersöks tre läroböcker i religionskunskap skrivna för gymnasieelever för att identifiera eventuella brister inom värdegrundsarbetet i läroböcker. Enligt iakttagelserna i denna undersökning är det största problemet att värdepedagogiken ständigt kommer i andra hand och att fokus ständig vilar på förmedlandet av kunskap. En konsekvens av detta är att värdepedagogiken tycks ha inkluderats i läroböckerna som en eftertanke. Det verkar som om merparten av stoffet i läroböckerna primärt har valts utifrån dess potentiella bidrag till kunskapsuppdraget, även om det ibland innebär att det undergrävt fostransuppdraget. Slutsatsen i denna uppsats är att värdepedagogiken måste vara en aktiv och medveten del i skapandet av textbaserade läromedel för att läroböcker på allvar ska bidra till fostransuppdragets förverkligande. / Civic education is an important part of the education of teens in Sweden. When reading high school textbooks of religious studies it is noticible that the use of civic education is lacking. This thesis examined three high school textbooks of religious studies in order to identify the shortcomings of civic education in textbooks. The major issue regarding civic education, according to the findings of this thesis, is the fact that traditional education, i.e. the transfer of knowledge, is the main purpose of these textbooks. As a result civic education is often included in textbooks as somewhat of an afterthought. The majority of the material included in textbooks seem to be primarily selected on the basis of what it contributes towards thegoals of traditional education, even if that material sometimes undermines the goals of civic education. The conclusion of this thesis is that civic education must become something that authors reflect upon as a conscious part of writing textbooks if the civic educational goals of the swedish educational system are to be achieved.

The curiosity for source criticism was something that sparked in us during our internships. We discovered that students, even at an early age, frequently use digital sources and social media to find information and news. The purpose of this meta-study is to find out how the Swedish school system teaches the younger students about critical thinking and source criticism. The current Swedish curriculum mentions in the introductory chapters, along with the core content for Swedish and civics education, that the students should get the opportunity during their education in compulsory school to develop a source-critical approach. The research question posed was therefore “Are the younger students in compulsory school given the right tools and conditions to develop their critical thinking in civics education, to thus understand contemporary society?”. To find answers to this question, a qualitative textual analysis was conducted to determine a selection of related literature. The results showed that the schools lacked practical work regarding critical thinking and source criticism. As a result the teachers find it difficult to determine how it should be incorporated, along with which subject is responsible for it. Studies have shown confusion mainly among Swedish and civics teachers, since both teachers considered source criticism to be the other teacher's area of responsibility. The results also included which abilities are needed for a student to be able to develop a source-critical approach to thinking, also how a phenomenon can be interpreted differently depending on the experiences of the observer. The primary conclusion drawn was that there is a significant lack of research focusing on students in elementary school and how they relate to media and other information they meet every single day. It was also concluded that there is a lack of communication regarding this topic in the Swedish school system and how important it is for young students to develop critical thinking skills to be able to participate in our society as democratic citizens.

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

自一九八Ο年代威權體制開始解體以來，臺灣的公民教育已然進入另一個新的蛻變階段，而其所賦予的積極意義，乃在於反映並凸顯出對以往整體公民教育的價值取向、概念論述、典範遞移、課程內涵、以及課程決定等有關問題面向所作的一種審視與反思，從而標舉一個能以「公民社會」理念作為建構總體教育目標時代的正式來臨。影響所及，值此一轉變關鍵的時刻，國人如何循由對「政治民主化、經濟自由化、社會多元化、文化本土化、以及意識主體化」等五大價值取向的認知與涵養，結合民主教育、法治教育、倫理道德教育、以及生活教育等四大核心課程內涵的深化與落實，並在致力於涵蘊「公民社會」為其學科典範遞移最高指標的同時，能進一步以強調「差異的（或多元的）公民資格觀」的概念論述及推動「公民參與」的課程決定方式，藉以充實及強化公民教育的運作機制和功能，業已成為今後公民教育責無旁貸的重要發展趨勢所在。 關鍵詞：公民教育、公民社會、價值取向、課程內涵、概念論述、典範遞移、 課程決定、公民資格、科際整合、顯著課程。 / Since the authoritarian system was began to fall apart during 1980’s in R.O.C.（Taiwan）, civic education at school has gone into an another new transformation stage and bestowed a progressive meaning too, it is so necessary as to make a review and self-examination that reflect or manifest the totality of problem dimensions about value orientation, conceptual discourse, paradigm shift, curriculum content, and curriculum decision-making for the past. Thus much to construct and mark a period of “civil society” concept of the macro educational goal is coming formally. Due to the impact, especially it happened just changing time, we need how to recognize and nourish the five value orientations of “democratization to politics, freedom to economics, plural to societies, localization to culture, and subjectivity to conscious”. Combine with the four codes of curriculum content about democracy of education, law-related education, ethics and moral education, and experiential education that must be deepened and practiced for the citizens. At the same time, it also devoted to cherish the conceptual of “civil society” to be the highest characteristic of a paradigm shift of the civic education course. Moreover, it is obliged to emphasize the “differential or plural citizenship” and push the curriculum decision-making model of the “civic participation” that its operational machinery and functions could be fulfilled and competent. In summary, there is no passing buck to these important developmental tendencies of civic education in the changing future. Key Words: civic education, civil society, value orientation, curriculum content,conceptual discourse, paradigm shift, curriculum decision-making,citizenship, interdisciplinary integration, evident curriculum.

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

Esta tese tem como objetivo principal analisar o processo de montagem e desmontagem de um projeto de pós-graduação em Estudo de Problemas Brasileiros, desenvolvido na UERJ em meados dos anos 70, que visava a socialização política dos jovens na ideologia do regime militar. A UERJ foi berço para o desenvolvimento dos cursos de Especialização e Mestrado em EPB, que sobreviveram até os primeiros anos do regime democrático, nos anos 80. Defende-se nesta tese que a pós-graduação em EPB da UERJ expressa o transplante de um projeto de Mestrado em EPB criado na Escola Superior de Guerra e fundamentado na Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, com vistas a garantir a reprodução da ideologia do regime militar, através da projeção sobre o campo educacional-universitário. Para compreender o referido processo de transplante, com seus respectivos interesses, mostrou-se necessário explicitar as relações de colaboração existentes entre autoridades da UERJ e da ESG a partir dos anos 60 e as próprias condições de possibilidade para a UERJ, e não outra universidade, ter sido palco para o estabelecimento dessas relações e do desenvolvimento da única experiência de pós-graduação stricto sensu em EPB no Brasil. Esta tese sustenta-se sobre a análise de fontes primárias relativas aos cursos de Especialização e Mestrado em EPB da UERJ e aos cursos desenvolvidos na ESG no início dos anos 70. Fontes secundárias também foram importantes para remontar a história da UERJ, do regime militar e do Estudo de Problemas Brasileiros no país. O marco temporal deste estudo compreende cerca de duas décadas, indo do final dos anos 60, quando as relações entre civis e militares da UERJ e ESG começaram a ser tecidas, até o final dos anos 80, quando foram extintos os cursos de Especialização e Mestrado em EPB na UERJ. / This thesis aims to analyze the process of construction and deconstruction of a post-graduation course in Brazilian Problems Studies (EPB) deployed at Rio de Janeiro State University (UERJ) in the mid 1970s, which aimed to the political socialization of the young in the military regime. This University was a pioneer regarding the development of Specialization and Masters courses in EPB, which survived until the early years of the democratic regime of the 1980s. In this thesis, it is argued that the post-graduation course in EPB at the UERJ expressed the replication of a Masters course in EPB created at the Superior School of War (ESG), which had the National Security Doctrine as its foundation, in order to guarantee the reproduction of military regime ideology over the university/educational fields. To understand this process of so-called replication, and its respective interests, it was necessary to clarify the relations of cooperation between the authorities of the ESG and of the UERJ from the 1960s on, and the very conditions concerning the possibility that the UERJ, and not another university, has been chosen for the establishment of these relations and the development of this unique experience of a stricto sensu post-graduation course in EPB in Brazil. This thesis is sustained by the analysis of primary sources regarding the Specialization and Masters courses in EPB at the UERJ and the courses developed by the ESG in the early 1970s. Secondary sources were also important to trace the history of the UERJ, the military regime, and the Brazilian Problems Studies in the country. The timeframe of this study comprises about two decades, from the late 1960s, when the civil-military relations between the UERJ and the ESG began, until the late 1980s, when the Specialization and Masters courses in EPB at the UERJ were extinct.

Esta tese tem como objetivo principal analisar o processo de montagem e desmontagem de um projeto de pós-graduação em Estudo de Problemas Brasileiros, desenvolvido na UERJ em meados dos anos 70, que visava a socialização política dos jovens na ideologia do regime militar. A UERJ foi berço para o desenvolvimento dos cursos de Especialização e Mestrado em EPB, que sobreviveram até os primeiros anos do regime democrático, nos anos 80. Defende-se nesta tese que a pós-graduação em EPB da UERJ expressa o transplante de um projeto de Mestrado em EPB criado na Escola Superior de Guerra e fundamentado na Doutrina de Segurança Nacional, com vistas a garantir a reprodução da ideologia do regime militar, através da projeção sobre o campo educacional-universitário. Para compreender o referido processo de transplante, com seus respectivos interesses, mostrou-se necessário explicitar as relações de colaboração existentes entre autoridades da UERJ e da ESG a partir dos anos 60 e as próprias condições de possibilidade para a UERJ, e não outra universidade, ter sido palco para o estabelecimento dessas relações e do desenvolvimento da única experiência de pós-graduação stricto sensu em EPB no Brasil. Esta tese sustenta-se sobre a análise de fontes primárias relativas aos cursos de Especialização e Mestrado em EPB da UERJ e aos cursos desenvolvidos na ESG no início dos anos 70. Fontes secundárias também foram importantes para remontar a história da UERJ, do regime militar e do Estudo de Problemas Brasileiros no país. O marco temporal deste estudo compreende cerca de duas décadas, indo do final dos anos 60, quando as relações entre civis e militares da UERJ e ESG começaram a ser tecidas, até o final dos anos 80, quando foram extintos os cursos de Especialização e Mestrado em EPB na UERJ. / This thesis aims to analyze the process of construction and deconstruction of a post-graduation course in Brazilian Problems Studies (EPB) deployed at Rio de Janeiro State University (UERJ) in the mid 1970s, which aimed to the political socialization of the young in the military regime. This University was a pioneer regarding the development of Specialization and Masters courses in EPB, which survived until the early years of the democratic regime of the 1980s. In this thesis, it is argued that the post-graduation course in EPB at the UERJ expressed the replication of a Masters course in EPB created at the Superior School of War (ESG), which had the National Security Doctrine as its foundation, in order to guarantee the reproduction of military regime ideology over the university/educational fields. To understand this process of so-called replication, and its respective interests, it was necessary to clarify the relations of cooperation between the authorities of the ESG and of the UERJ from the 1960s on, and the very conditions concerning the possibility that the UERJ, and not another university, has been chosen for the establishment of these relations and the development of this unique experience of a stricto sensu post-graduation course in EPB in Brazil. This thesis is sustained by the analysis of primary sources regarding the Specialization and Masters courses in EPB at the UERJ and the courses developed by the ESG in the early 1970s. Secondary sources were also important to trace the history of the UERJ, the military regime, and the Brazilian Problems Studies in the country. The timeframe of this study comprises about two decades, from the late 1960s, when the civil-military relations between the UERJ and the ESG began, until the late 1980s, when the Specialization and Masters courses in EPB at the UERJ were extinct.

Democracy cannot exist without active and responsive citizens. However, the character of political participation of the young generation has changed. Given the decreasing willingness of young people to participate in conventional politics, a highly relevant issue is to examine the sources and motivations of their political commitment and relations to politics. Therefore, the dissertation traces the political trajectories of young Czech and German activists and focuses on the contextual and sociopsychological factors that shape them. The aim of the text is to answer the main research question: 'How and why do Czech and German university students get involved in political and civic organisations?' Firstly, the thesis examines the role of primary and secondary political socialisation in different societal contexts. It provides an understanding of the key mechanisms and narratives of family political socialisation. Attention is also paid to the influence of civic education, peers and teachers at secondary and grammar schools, as well as to the impact of the university environment on political activism. Secondly, the thesis explores the range of motivations for organisational membership and recruitment procedures, as well as the variable ways of how youth relate to politics. The dissertation also...

En France, lorsque l’éducation primaire est devenue laïque, gratuite et obligatoire avec les lois Jules Ferry (1881-1882), les pédagogues républicains valorisaient un enseignement par l’émulation. À l’aide de grandes figures de l’histoire nationale, ces acteurs souhaitaient fournir aux jeunes écoliers et écolières des exemples moraux et patriotiques, lesquels incarnaient les grandes vertus républicaines. En général, les modèles exposés aux garçons et aux filles sur les bancs d’école reflétaient et perpétuaient la division des sexes dans la société française : les images montrées aux garçons illustraient un rôle public, militaire et politique tandis que celles présentées aux filles indiquaient plutôt un rôle privé, domestique et maternel. La plupart des études réalisées jusqu’à présent se sont concentrées uniquement sur le contenu des manuels scolaires officiels. Cependant, les exemples féminins mis en évidence dans la littérature jeunesse, en particulier dans les populaires biographies collectives, n’ont pas encore fait l’objet de recherches historiques approfondies. Ce genre littéraire prisé par le public français de la fin du XIXe siècle, mais déprécié dans les cercles universitaires, offre pourtant un riche éventail de modèles pour la jeunesse. Ce mémoire propose ainsi une analyse des icônes morales, civiques et patriotiques dans trois biographies collectives féminines publiées dans la décennie suivant les réformes scolaires (précisément entre 1886 et 1893). Cette étude permet de mettre en lumière, voire de redéfinir, l’identité « féminine » et « française » véhiculée par les auteurs de ces œuvres, lesquels soumettent des modèles alternatifs, moins figés dans les conventions, qui s’éloignent des exemples traditionnels axés sur la différence sexuelle et introduits dans les ouvrages scolaires à la même époque. / As Jules Ferry’s Laws (1881-1882) rendered French primary education secular, mandatory and free, most republican pedagogues designed educational lessons developed on the principle of emulation. By promoting national historical figures and heroes, they mostly sought to provide moral and patriotic models, embodying republican values, to all young boys and girls. Many examples offered in classrooms illustrated and perpetuated a vision of French society based on the sexual division of labor: masculine icons expressed public, military, and political roles while feminine icons revealed private, domestic, and maternal attributes or responsibilities. Previous academic studies on the subject explored almost exclusively the content of primary official textbooks. Meanwhile, feminine models presented in children’s literature, especially within popular collective biographies, have not yet been the object of extensive historical research. Although this literary genre was consumed in great numbers by the public in fin-de-siècle France, it has until recently always been sidelined in academic studies. However, it can be argued that collective biographies showed a significant diversity of role models to French youth. Thereby, this Master’s thesis proposes an analysis of moral, civic, and patriotic icons, which schoolgirls were meant to emulate, included in three collective feminine biographies published during the years following Ferry’s school system reforms (between 1886 and 1893). This study attempts to define the « feminine » and « French » identity shaped by the authors of these books, which recommended less conventional and alternative models, different from traditional examples usually seen in official textbooks of the period.

Prior work provides large evidence that civic duty to vote represents a key predictor of electoral participation. Moreover, the analysis of civic duty questions from extant surveys reveals that many individuals feel the moral obligation to participate in elections. However, is civic duty the result of rationalization, meaning that those who voted in an election are likely to report a belief in the duty to vote, while those who abstained are likely to report that voting is not a duty, but rather a choice? Also, where does the sense of civic duty to vote come from? In this doctoral dissertation, I provide an answer to those questions. More specifically, in Chapter 1, I investigate the extent to which duty is stable in search of evidence on the rationalization of duty. In this analysis, I rely on structural equation models, which I fit to unique, nine-wave panel data from Spain and the United Kingdom. I find that civic duty is a very stable attitude, implying that, while some rationalization is possible, duty is unlikely to be strongly driven by individuals’ previous voting behavior. In Chapter 2, I examine whether civic education in school contributes to the development of duty. I focus on civic education as a potential source of duty given its role in transmitting social norms to new generations, and its influence on duty-related attitudes like political interest, implying that civic education likely contributes to the development of duty. To examine the connection between civic education and duty, I use data from the 2016 International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, as it represents the largest survey research containing civic duty and civic education measures. My analyses reveal that three common forms of civic education (civics courses, active learning strategies, and open classroom environment) contribute to predicting duty, but that civics courses exert the largest effect on duty. i In Chapter 3, I investigate the role of compulsory voting in the development of duty. I examine the relationship between compulsory voting and duty given the possibility that compulsory voting signals that a “good” citizen must vote, and, in this way, that compulsory voting fosters duty. I analyze this relationship by leveraging the abolition of compulsory voting in Chile (in 2012), which I explore with synthetic control models and Latinobarometer data. With this empirical strategy, I find evidence that compulsory voting positively affects duty. In Chapter 4, I investigate if corruption bears an effect on duty. I focus on the relationship between corruption and duty given the chances that corruption reduces individuals’ incentives to believe in the duty to vote, and, consequently, that corruption affects duty. I examine the link between corruption and duty through mediation tests, where corruption represents the independent variable, duty the mediating variable and turnout the dependent variable. Using data from the Making Electoral Democracy Work project, I find that, unlike civic education and compulsory voting, corruption exerts a marginal effect on duty. / Plusieurs travaux montrent que le devoir civique constitue un prédicteur clé de la participation électorale. De plus, les recherches antérieures indiquent que le sentiment d’obligation de voter est répandu parmi un grand nombre de citoyens. Cependant, le devoir civique est-il le résultat d’une rationalisation de la part des électeurs ? Autrement dit, ceux qui ont voté lors d’une élection sont-ils plus enclins à dire que le vote est un devoir plutôt qu’un choix ? En outre, quelles sont les origines du sens du devoir civique de voter ? Dans cette thèse de doctorat, j’offre une réponse à ces questions. Plus précisément, dans le premier chapitre, j’examine dans quelle mesure le sens du devoir civique est stable afin de déterminer s’il y a, oui ou non, un phénomène de rationalisation parmi l’électorat. Je m’appuie sur des modèles d'équations structurelles et sur des données de panel espagnoles et britanniques comprenant neuf vagues. Je trouve que le devoir civique est très stable, ce qui indique qu’il y aurait peu de rationalisation en ce qui a trait à cette attitude politique. Dans le second chapitre, j’examine si l’éducation civique contribue au développement du devoir civique. Je me concentre sur l'éducation civique en raison du rôle que joue celle-ci dans la transmission des normes sociales aux nouvelles générations et de son influence sur les attitudes liées au sens du devoir comme l'intérêt politique. Pour déterminer la nature du lien entre éducation civique et devoir civique, j’utilise les données de l’International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) de 2016. Il s’agit de la plus grande enquête sur le devoir civique et l’éducation civique. Mes analyses montrent que trois formes courantes d’éducation civique (les cours d’éducation civique, les stratégies d'apprentissage actif et un environnement de classe ouvert) contribuent à prédire le sentiment du devoir civique de voter chez les individus, mais que les cours d’éducation civique disposent du plus grand impact. Dans le troisième chapitre, j’étudie l’effet du vote obligatoire sur le devoir civique. J’examine la corrélation entre le vote obligatoire et le devoir civique dans la mesure où cette institution politique peut signaler aux individus qu’un « bon » citoyen doit voter. Prenant l’abolition du vote obligatoire au Chili comme cas d’analyse, j’utilise des modèles de contrôle synthétiques et les données des Latinobarometers afin de mesurer le lien causal entre le vote obligatoire et le devoir civique. Je trouve que le vote obligatoire affecte positivement le devoir civique. Dans le quatrième chapitre, j’étudie l’impact de la corruption sur le devoir civique. Je me concentre sur la corrélation entre la corruption et le devoir civique puisque les individus risquent d’avoir un sentiment de devoir moindre dans les contextes de corruption politique. J’examine la corrélation en question à travers des tests de médiation et les données du projet Making Electoral Democracy Work (MEDW). Je trouve qu’au contraire de l’éducation civique et du vote obligatoire, la corruption affecte marginalement le devoir civique.