<p>Med anledning av att flera kriser av extraordinära slag har inträffat i fredstid har förmågan att hantera dessa fått stor uppmärksamhet. Ett exempel är stormen Gudrun som lamslog delar av Sverige i januari 2005. För att kunna hantera sådana kriser behövs en fungerande beredskap och här har kommunerna en viktig roll. Om kommunerna har en väl utvecklad krisberedskap kan samhället bättre klara av en kris. Genom utvärderingar och erfarenheter från kriser har det visat sig att samverkan mellan kommuner är av stor betydelse för en god krisberedskap. Därmed är det av intresse att studera hur en sådan kan utvecklas mellan kommuner. Vilka faktorer är viktiga för att samverkan ska utvecklas? Är ömsesidig förståelse mellan kommunerna av betydelse? Vilken vikt har förtroende och tillit för samverkan? Inverkar geografin och demografin på kommuners samverkan? Påverkas samverkan av resursberoende och ekonomiska faktorer? Vilken betydelse har politiska beslut för kommuners samverkan? Detta är uppsatsens fokus där samverkan mellan fem kommuner kring krisberedskap studeras med stöd av policynätverksteori med kollektiv handling.</p><p>Studien visade bland annat att faktorer såsom geografisk närhet, demografi, ekonomi och resursutbyte var viktiga för samverkan och skapandet av policynätverk bland de fem kommunerna. Även en samstämmig problemdefinition, förtroende och en ömsesidig förståelse mellan aktörerna inbegreps som betydelsefulla liksom regelverk samt Krisberedskapsmyndigheten (KBM) och Länsstyrelsen i Östergötland.</p> / <p>Through several crises of extraordinary nature in peacetime the capacity of emergency management has been brought up on to the agenda. Recently, in year 2005, Sweden faced a big storm named Gudrun that caused total devastation. In order to cope with crises like Gudrun a proficient emergency management has shown to be essential in which municipalities have a fundamental function. With a well developed emergency management at the local level society is better equipped to manage crises. According to research on and experiences from crises, cooperation and networking among municipalities is crucial for an efficient emergency management. Consequently there is an interest in studying how cooperation between municipalities can develop within the area of emergency management. Which factors are important for the development of cooperation? Is mutual understanding among the actors important? Which implications do trust and confidence have upon cooperation? Are resource dependencies and economic factors central for the shaping of policy network? Do the geographic and the demographic characterise municipalities’ cooperation? Do political decisions have any significant role in the shaping of policy network? This is the focus of the essay where cooperation between five municipalities in emergency management is studied using policy network theory with collective action.</p><p>The essay shows that geographical, demographically and economical factors as well as resource dependencies are important for cooperation and the development of policy networks among the five municipalities. Also important were a common foundation, trust and a mutual understanding between the actors. Additionally, new regulations and two authorities – Swedish Emergency Management Authority (SEMA) and the County administrative board of Östergötland – also influenced the cooperation in a positive way.</p>

Compelling research in international relations and international political economy on global warming suggests that one part of any meaningful effort to radically reverse current trends of increasing green house gas (GHG) emissions is shared policies among states that generate costs for such emissions in many if not most of the world’s regions. Effectively employing such policies involves gaining much more extensive global commitments and developing much stronger compliance mechanism than those currently found in the Kyoto Protocol. In other words, global warming raises the prospect that we need a global form of political authority that could coordinate the actions of states in order to address this environmental threat. This in turn suggests that any serious effort to mitigate climate change will entail new limits on the sovereignty of states. In this book I focus on the normative question of whether or not we have clear moral reasons to bind ourselves together in such a supranational form of political association. I argue that one can employ familiar liberal arguments for the moral legitimacy of political order at the state level to show that we do have a duty to support such a global political project. Even if one adopts the premises employed by the most influential forms of liberal scepticism to the ideas of global political and distributive justice, such as those advanced by John Rawls and Thomas Nagel, it is clear that the threat of global warming has expanded the scope of justice. We now have a global and demanding duty of justice to create the political conditions that would allow us to collectively address our impact on the Earth’s atmosphere.

Die Stadtentwicklungspolitik in Deutschland formuliert aufgrund veränderter Rahmenbedingungen wie dem demografischen Wandel, der Globalisierung der Wirtschaftsbeziehungen oder auch veränderter öffentlicher Finanzen, die normative Idee, Stadtquartiere durch eine intensivere Beteiligung privater Akteure zu entwickeln. Bisherige Versuche der Städtebauförderung die Einbindung privater Kleineigentümer in quartiersbezogene Handlungsansätze zu stimulieren zeigen, dass dies bislang nur unzureichend gelingt. Auf rationalen Handlungslogiken basierende Theorien sprechen im Zusammenhang der privaten Erstellung öffentlicher Güter sogar von „Marktversagen“. Und trotzdem existieren bereits erste Eigentümerstandortgemeinschaften (ESG) in Deutschland. Was ermöglichte dieses private Engagement? Angesichts fehlender empirischer Daten über freiwilliges kollektives Handeln privater Eigentümer in der Quartiers-entwicklung, geht die vorliegende Dissertation der Frage nach, welche Faktoren die Entstehung von ESG bestimmen und die institutionelle Struktur von ESG charakterisieren. Zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage wurde ein vergleichendes Fallstudiendesign mit ESG in Dortmund, Essen und Görlitz gewählt. Die Ergebnisse der Dissertation verdeutlichen, dass ESG als abhängige Variable sowohl durch die individuellen Interessen bzw. Handlungsstrategien der Immobilieneigentümer bei der Bewirtschaftung ihrer Immobilien, als auch durch den Steuerungsanspruch staatlicher Akteure in der Quartiersentwicklung bestimmt werden. Die Autorin leitet die individuellen und kollektiven Handlungsstrategien der Akteure her und setzt sich mit der individuellen Motivation zum Handeln auseinander. Zusätzlich werden grundlegende institutionelle Merkmale von ESG und ihre Eigenheit als Urban Governance-Ansatz diskutiert. Aus den als Hypothesen formulierten Ergebnissen werden abschließend Schlussfolgerungen für die Praxis sowie der weitere Forschungsbedarf abgeleitet. / This PhD thesis deals with a concept of urban development which is at present in a pilot phase in Germany, the Local Property Owner Partnership (LoPOP). These are characterized by a voluntary collective development of the quarter at the initiative of the property owners. The demographic, economic and social structures lead to spatially differentiated changes which induce complex problems in urban development. Among others, this may result in a notable increase of vacant flats, an increasing demand for low-barrier flats or in investment backlogs of the public infrastructure. A large part of the up-coming investment tasks concerns private property and requires action by private property owners, e.g. in the development of living space. Attempts to activate proprietors via urban development funding have shown minor success up to now. Current urban development policy formulates the idea to reach a positive development of structurally weak quarters by a more intensified participation of private actors in collective approaches. In view of the missing of empirical data on voluntary action by private proprietors in the urban development, the PhD thesis investigates which factors determine the establishment of Local Property Owner Partnerships and characterize their institutional structure. Due to the small number of existing LoPOPs in Germany as well as to the limited number of scientific publications dealing with this subject, a comparative case study design was chosen. Fifty-six partially structured interviews were held in three heterogeneously distinctive LoPOPs in Dortmund, Essen and Görlitz. The transcribed interview data were processed by means of reconstructive content analyses and the results were formulated as hypotheses. The results of the thesis show that the subject of examination, LoPOPs, can be discussed with respect to actor-related and institutional theories as well as governance approaches. LoPOPs are defined as a dependent variable with respect to the individual interests and strategies of action of the property owners concerning their real estate management as well as to the governance requirements of state actors concerning the development of the quarter. Thereby, it has become apparent that one should make a distinction between the strategies of action of the state and the private actors. Both groups show three basic types of action strategies which have constructional and social as well as structural impacts on the quarter. The individual strategies of action of the proprietors are invest, wait and exit. With regard to the quarter, the municipal actors have the strategies develop, wait or retract at their disposal. Moreover, the data analyses discovered a path dependency between the individual management strategies of the proprietors and their action in the collective situation. The actors who are focusing on wait or on exit play the role of free riders. With regard to the proprietors who are willing to invest, three collective strategies of action may be noted: wait, individual effort and cooperation. As a central motive for choosing the collective strategy of action cooperation and, thus for commitment to participating in the LoPOP, the reduction of uncertainty could be identified. According to this, the preparedness for cooperation depends on the intensity of uncertainty in the management of the property and, thus, also on the degree of being affected by the above mentioned structural change. Whether the LoPOP is a suitable tool for the elimination of this uncertainty is closely connected with its institutional structure. LoPOPs are - taking into account the specific constellation of actors - characterized by high transaction costs, due to the low legal and social possibilities for sanctions. Therefore, a clear value of the projects and the common standards of the actors are all the more necessary for success. LoPOPs deal with the development of quarters and produce, as a private initiative, also public goods. This establishes the public interest in their development. The results of the thesis show that, due to the constellation of actors, interests and themes in voluntary LoPOPs, the state actors concentrate on the interaction form of the horizontal coordination. Therefore, LoPOPs can be referred to as a form of Urban Governance. Moreover, it becomes obvious that, when the mission statement of a voluntary, informal and private network of small proprietors shall be realised, on the one hand free riders cannot be avoided, on the other hand the public authorities are indispensable providing consulting and financial support. In comparison with traditional approaches of urban development funding, LoPOPs, as collective development approaches, need an intensive involvement of local actors in addition to the thematic debate during their preparation. The thesis terminates with conclusions for practice as well as needs for further research drawn from the generated hypotheses. The needs for further research refer inter alia to the evaluation of effects of the LoPOPs; the analysis of learning processes among the groups of actors in the development process and in the verification of the generated hypotheses in this work.

古今中外，河川的多重樣貌皆忠實地記錄都市發展變遷，爰此，河川發展與都市規劃密不可分，而結合都市河川整治的水岸發展是一個都市過度成長之再生途徑，而水岸發展之成敗繫於河川保育之良窳。以往圍堵河川之水泥思維，不僅切斷河川生物棲息地，更埋下自然反撲之遠因；然而缺乏當地民意考量之重大公共工程建設，往往侷限於單一目標之達成，忽略當地河川生態紋理與民眾需求等整體考量方向。近年來，都市居民對於生活品質要求提高，民眾參與理念成為落實都市空間改造的重點，以地方性非政府組織形式加入參與式規劃，係屬未來進行干擾自然、人文環境等重大公共工程建設計畫進行時需考量之必然趨勢。 爰此，本研究為建立民眾參與河川保育決策模式，推動自然水岸之都市規劃方向。於重大公共建設危害地方生態與生活之際，以「台北都會區環河快速道路台北縣側建設計畫」永和段之居民抗爭為研究個案，探討民眾透過組織參與、影響決策模式之目的，分別以文獻回顧法、案例比較法及深度訪談法等研究方法進行分析、歸納與整理，進而提出以地方性非政府組織參與公共事務決策之模式運作，作為政府採納民意於計畫之際可採用途徑之參考，並提供相關建議作為法令與配套之修正與努力方向。 基於上述，藉由檢視民眾參與抗爭公共政策事件中之背景脈絡與行動策略，本研究所得出之結果為： 1. 地方性非政府組織得以突破集體行動邏輯困境之原因，係以人數稀少的組織成員與攸關切身利益之房價漲跌等誘因，共同克服因公共財而生搭便車之河川保育及重大計畫決策的參與經驗。 2. 由於考慮自然生態保育及其維護係屬十分長遠的尺度，故現今公共決策的衡量過程中仍未能兼顧「開發」與「保育」，而河川生態保育仍為政策考量上之相對弱勢。 3. 基於參與理論提出之參與主體、時機與策略三個要素，影響地方民眾團體參與決策模式及其成效之重要因素包括組織中的菁英核心領導、公部門回應態度積極、理性策略運作、非政府組織主導及操作媒體。 / Throughout the history of urban development, various images of rivers honestly depict its transition. As a result, river development and urban planning are closely related. Waterfront development combining urban planning with river straightening is a way to regenerate an urban environment. Besides, the key to successful waterfront development is river conservation. In the past, urban construction not only destroys aquatic habitats, but also sacrifices the amenity of inhabitants along the riverbank. However, huge public engineering construction without considering local inhabitants’ opinions usually focuses on one single objective and neglect ecological resources of the river and inhabitants’ demand for living by the riverbank. Nowadays, urban inhabitants have become highly aware of the demand for quality of life. To improve urban environment, the concept of public participation has become a crucial and imperative measure In other words, urban planning with public participation is an inevitable element when it comes to public engineering construction plan. Therefore, this thesis focuses on the participation of the residents of Yongho area. Yongho area is a part of Taipei metropolis, where the government originally planned to build a riverside viaduct along Hsintein River. The reason why Yongho residents oppose to this decision is that this riverside viaduct is nine stories high, which could gravely destroy the skyline of the riverbank area. This may lead to a series of undesirable results that impact on the living quality of Yongho residents. Therefore, they set up a local NGO to protest against this decision. In view of this opposition, this thesis tried to set up a feasible mechanism of public participation for river conservation policy and to build a natural waterfront city model. The study incorporates discussions of the interactive relations between Yongho residents and local authorities as well as the residents’ strategies to participate the policy decision-making. Consequently, by examining the social context and game plans within a series of public protest events, this thesis has obtained the following conclusions. 1. Local NGO overcame the dilemma of free-rider in the logic of collective action with small group and a windfall in real estate prices. 2. Public policy-makers still cannot consider development and conservation simultaneously when making policy decision. 3. Three elements, participative subject, timing and strategies, highly affect the efficiency of public participation. These elements include brilliant leadership, active response in the public sector, rational strategies, domination of Non-Governmental Organization, and media manipulation.

This paper analyzes if neighborhood income inequality has an effect on informal regulation of environmental quality, using census tract-level data on industrial air pollution exposure from EPA´s Risk Screening Environmental Indicators and income and demographic variables from the American Community Survey and EPA´s Smart Location Database. Estimating a spatial lag model and controlling for formal regulation at the states level, we find evidence that overall neighborhood inequality - as measured by the ratio between the fourth and the second income quintile or the neighborhood Gini coefficient - increases local air pollution exposure, whereas a concentration of top incomes reduces local exposure. The positive coefficient of the general inequality measure is driven by urban neighborhoods, whereas the negative coefficient of top incomes is stronger in rural areas. We explain these findings by two contradicting effects of inequality: On the one hand, overall inequality reduces collective action and thus the organizing capacities for environmental improvements. On the other hand, a concentration of income at the top enhances the ability of rich residents to negotiate with regulators or polluting plants in their vicinity. (authors' abstract) / Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series

Cette thèse analyse la capacité d’action collective des populations marginalisées situées respectivement dans un bidonville appelé Cité de l’Éternel à Port-au-Prince (Haïti) et dans des campements à la Sierra Santa Catarina, Iztapalapa (Mexico). À Port-au-Prince, avant la chute de la dictature des Duvalier, des «tontons macoutes» envahirent un terrain situé en bordure du quai de la capitale, près du boulevard Harry Truman. Après s’y être installés, ils ont procédé à la vente de parcelles destinées à la construction de logement à des particuliers. Mais après la chute de Jean-Claude Duvalier, en 1986, des gens de la populace en ont profité pour envahir ce qui restait de ces terrains marécageux. Après l’occupation, ils se sont organisés pour défendre collectivement leur propriété avant d’entreprendre, par la suite, des démarches pour y amener des services et obtenir la régularisation de leur situation sur ces territoires. À la Sierra Santa Catarina, des populations conduites par des militants d’un Front populaire ont occupé des terrains situés au pied d’une montagne de sable afin d’accéder à la propriété et de construire leur demeure. À l’instar des populations de la Cité, ces gens se sont organisés pour aménager des espaces, y ériger des logements provisoires, monter la garde afin de ne pas être déguerpis par les forces de police. Tout en travaillant pour accéder à leur manière aux services de base, elles entreprennent des actions auprès des institutions publiques afin d’obtenir la régularisation de leur situation. Par rapport à la capacité d’action collective de ces populations, les théories sociologiques sont divisées. D’un côté, certains auteurs soutiennent la thèse de l’incapacité de ces populations d’avoir des intérêts collectifs et d’agir en conséquence. Selon eux, sans une médiation sociale ou à défaut d’une agrégation et d’une représentation politiques, ces populations sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective. De l’autre, des auteurs pensent qu’à partir des liens d’amitié de parenté et de voisinage, indépendamment de leurs situations socioéconomiques, ces populations peuvent créer des stratégies de subsistance et de luttes qui leur permettent de trouver des solutions à des problèmes tant individuels que collectifs. S’agissant des populations qui envahissent des terrains en milieu urbain pour habiter, les actions de ces gens là sont définis déjà comme une forme d’action collective inscrite dans des rapports sociaux qui se caractérisent par la différenciation entre les groupes sociaux dans l’accès à la propriété. Ainsi, leurs revendications de reconnaissance et de régularisation auprès des instances étatiques sont déterminées par leur mode d’accès aux biens et aux richesses inégalement réparties en Haïti et au Mexique. Les populations des deux territoires ont entrepris diverses démarches auprès de certaines institutions et réalisé des actions collectives soit pour amener des services de base tels que l’eau et l’électricité, soit pour obtenir de l’État la reconnaissance des territoires envahis, c’est-à-dire leur jonction à la cartographie de la ville. Cette reconnaissance implique non seulement l’installation des services réguliers au bénéfice de la population mais aussi l’octroi à chaque propriétaire de son titre de propriété. Si dans le cas de la Sierra Santa Catarina les démarches sont entreprises auprès des institutions publiques, dans celui de Port-au-Prince, ce sont les ONG ou les agence de coopération qui sont touchées et qui fournissent certains services à la population conformément à la priorité de leurs bailleurs de fonds. Les interventions auprès de l’État se font plutôt dans le but d’obtenir une autorisation de fonctionnement d’une association locale. Il ressort des approches théoriques et des actions collectives réalisées par ces populations qu’on ne peut pas dire qu’elles sont incapables d’avoir une subjectivité collective et des intérêts communs sans une agrégation et une représentation politique. À partir de différents liens entre les individus, des associations sont créées lesquelles permettent d’établir une médiation entre les populations et d’autres organismes. Dans le cas des campements, les actions collectives sont certainement mises à contribution par quelques leaders. Cela participe de toute une tradition politique au Mexique. Néanmoins, dans certains campements, des populations parviennent à tenir tête jusqu’à révoquer certains leaders. Au-delà de leur situation socioéconomique, de l’emprise de certains dirigeants de campement, de l’indifférence de l’État (dans le cas de Port-au-Prince, notamment), ces populations font preuve d’une étonnante capacité critique de leur situation tant dans leurs relations avec les dirigeants des associations et des campements que par rapport à l’État. Ceci pourrait soulever des doutes quant à la possibilité qu’elles soient réellement ou inconsciemment manipulées. Cela suggère la possibilité d’actions collectives autonomes de portée critique là où les circonstances le permettent Mots clés : Marginalisation, action collective, reconnaissance, Débrouille, capacité critique, bidonvilles, instrumentalisation politique, reconnaissance fragmentée. / This thesis analyzes the collective action of marginalized populations located respectively in Cité de l’Éternel» in Port-au-Prince (Haiti) and in « Sierra Santa Catarina », Iztapalapa (Mexico City). In Port-au-Prince, before the fall of the dictatorship of Duvalier, the “tontons macoutes” invaded a terrain located on the edge of the quay of the capital, close to the boulevard Harry Truman. After being installed there, they proceeded to sell of lots intended for the construction of private housing. But after the fall of Jean-Claude Duvalier, in 1986, a part of the population took the opportunity to invade what remained of these marshes. After the occupation, they organized collectively to defend their property before undertaking actions to bring services and to obtain the regularization of their situation. In the Sierra Santa Catarina (Mexico) populations led by militants of the Popular Front occupied ground at the foot of a sandy mountain in order to build their homes. Like the populations of «Cité de l’Éternel », these people organized to keep watch in order not to be evicted by the police. While working to gain access to the basic services, they undertake actions at the public institutions in order to obtain the regularization of their situation. In relation to the capacity for collective action of these populations, sociological theories are divided. On one side, certain authors support the thesis of the incapacity of these populations to have collective interests and to act consequently. According to them, without social mediation and without aggregation and a political representation, these populations are unable to acquire a collective subjectivity. Other authors think that at the basis of ties of friendship, family and vicinity, independently of their socio-economic situations, these populations can create strategies of subsistence and fight to find solutions that are individuals as well as collective. Concerning populations that invade territory to establish their homes, their actions are already a form of collective action. They are also involved in collective action either to bring basic services such as water and electricity, or to obtain public recognition of the invaded territories. This recognition implies not only the installation of regular services for the benefit of the population but also the granting to each owner of title. In the case of the Sierra Santa Catarina the actions undertaken with respect to public institutions, while in the case of Port-au-Prince, NGO’s or cooperation agencies are directly implicated. We cannot conclude that populations are unable to have a collective subjectivity and shared interests without an aggregation and a political representation. Starting from various bonds between the individuals, associations are created which make it possible to establish mediation between the populations and other organizations. In the case of the Sierra Santa Catarina, collective action is certainly instrumentalised by leaders. That is part of a political tradition in Mexico. Nevertheless, some settlements people manage to resist their leaders. A part from the socio-economic situation, the influence of certain leaders in Mexico and the indifference of the State (in the case of Port-au-Prince, in particular), these populations show an astonishing critical capacity with respect to their situation as well as their relations with the leaders of associations and the settlements. This suggests possibility for autonomous critical collective action where circumstances allow Keys words: marginalization, collective action, recognition, smartness, critical capacity, slums fragmented recognition, denial recognition

Cette thèse prend pour objet d’étude les administrateurs salariés en France, soit les représentants du personnel élus par les travailleurs, le plus souvent sur liste syndicale, pour siéger au conseil d’administration [CA] ou de surveillance [CS] de leur entreprise avec les mêmes droits et devoirs que les autres administrateurs, y compris le droit de vote sur les décisions stratégiques. A partir d’une méthodologie croisant différentes techniques d’enquête (l’analyse documentaire, deux études monographiques, la passation d’un questionnaire et l’observation participante), nous interrogeons la régulation sociale qui se joue dans les entreprises alors dites « démocratisées ». Parce que le sujet prête encore à confusion, nous commençons par une double mise en contexte : conceptuelle, en opérant un retour sur la définition de la « participation des salariés aux décisions » pour souligner la singularité du CA ou CS comme espace participatif ; historique, en analysant la dynamique de l’institutionnalisation saccadée des administrateurs salariés pour en éclairer sa dimension de jure. Nous nous intéressons ensuite à sa dimension de facto. Nous interrogeons en premier lieu l’effectivité de la règle et constatons d’une part que son application est directement dépendante de son ancrage dans une source de droit contraignant et, d’autre part, que la singularité de ce dispositif se reflète dans le profil des syndicalistes appelés à siéger au CA ou CS qui présentent, dans leur grande majorité, un capital militant particulièrement développé. Et ce parce que l’action de l’administrateur salarié, que nous observons en second lieu, a pour particularité de s’inscrire à la fois au sein du système de gouvernement d’entreprise et des relations professionnelles. Si sa capacité d’action dans le premier est le plus souvent limitée à la sphère de l’influence, le CA ou CS peut néanmoins constituer un espace pertinent de l’action collective à la condition d’un effort d’articulation des différentes scènes de représentation du personnel par l’organisation syndicale. Nous montrons ainsi que la participation des salariés aux décisions stratégiques ne conduit pas mécaniquement à un rééquilibrage des pouvoirs dans l’entreprise, mais qu’elle peut produire une reconfiguration des relations professionnelles pour peu que les différents acteurs en présence s’en saisissent. / This thesis focuses on the study of board-level employee representatives, i.e. employee representatives elected by the workforce under trade union nomination who serve on their company’s board of directors [BoD] or supervisory board [SVB] with the same rights and duties than that of other directors, including the right to vote on strategic decisions. Thanks to a methodology which combines different survey techniques (documentary analysis, two case studies, questionnaire distribution, participant observation), we question the nature of the social regulation which takes place within such so-called “democratised” companies. As this subject continue to lead to misunderstanding, we start setting the scene against a twofold context: a conceptual one, going back to the definition of “workers’ participation in decision-making” in order to underline the idiosyncrasy of the BoD or SVB as a participatory scene; an historical one, analyzing the non-linear dynamics of board-level employee representation’s institutionalisation in order to shed light on its de jure dimension. We then turn to its de facto dimension. First, we question the effectiveness of this rule and we observe that, on the one hand, its application directly depends on its anchorage in a source of binding law and, on the other hand, that the uniqueness of this provision is reflected in the profile of the union members selected to serve on the board whose great majority has a particularly well-developed “activist capital”. This is because, secondly, board-level employee representative’s action specificity lies both in the corporate governance and the industrial relations systems. If his/her capacity of action is limited to the sphere of influence in the former, the BoD of SVB could however be deemed a relevant arena of collective action provided that the trade union engages in an effort aimed at articulating the various scenes of workers’ representation. We demonstrate that workers’ participation in strategic decision-making does not automatically lead to a rebalancing of power within the company, but that it can produce a reshaping of industrial relations as long as the various involved actors seize it.

Nors sportininkių skaičius nuolat auga, sportas vis dar yra suvokiamas kaip vyrams aktuali veikla, todėl natūralu, kad moterys, norėdamos sulaukti pripažinimo ir populiarumo, susiduria su eile apribojimų. Šio darbo tikslas yra išsiaiškinti, ar egzistuoja lyčių nelygybė sporte ir pastarosios įtaką kolektyvinio tapatumo formavimuisi komandinėje sporto šakoje, kaip būdui, siekiant sugriauti lytiškumu (sexism) paremtas struktūras. Teorinėje darbo dalyje remiantis socialinio pripažinimo, lyties kaip struktūros, galios sampratomis bei sportininkių/ sportininkų vaizdavimo ypatumais žiniasklaidoje parodoma, kad sportas dar tebėra vyrų dominavimo sritis. Aptariama teisinė bazė (Tarptautinių „Moterų ir sporto“ konferencijų principai, Title IX (JAV)), reglamentuojanti moterų teises sporte. Apžvelgiamos A.Melucci, V.Taylor ir N.Whittier kolektyvinio tapatumo sampratos leidžia suvokti, kaip grupė apibrėžia, kas ji yra, kaip konstruoja grupės sąmonę, bei kaip mobilizuojasi kovai prieš nusistovėjusį lyčių status quo. Tuo pačiu, pristatomas kolektyvinio tapatumo ryšys su lauko, socialinio pripažinimo sampratomis. Aptariamos sąlygos, sukeliančios kolektyvinio veiksmo atsiradimą. Pristatomas C.F. Pelak atliktas lyčių nelygybės ledo ritulyje tyrimas. Empirinės darbo dalies pagrindą sudaro atvejo – VU merginų krepšinio komanda – analizė, kurioje siekiama pažiūrėti, ar moteriškos lyties atstovės susiduria su lyčių nelygybė sporte ir kokia forma ji reiškiasi. Tuo pačiu, C.F.Pelak merginų ledo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Although the number of sportswomen grows, however the sport is conceptualized as exclusively male domain. For this reason, women, who want to be sport leaders have to confront with a lot of boundaries. The aim of this work is to find out whether gender inequality exists in sport and if it does, to show the role that collective identity plays in contesting sexism structures in team sports. According to conceptions of social recognition, gender as a social structure, power and presentation of sportsmen/sportswomen in media, the theoretical part of this work reveals that the sport is not just the male domain. In this part is described the legal basis (the principles of international “Women and sports” conferences Title IX (USA)) that regulates women‘s rights in sports. A.Melucci, V.Taylor and N.Whittier collective identity concepts allow us to examine the processe of how groups define who they are, contruct the group consciousness and mobilize against perceived injustices. Here are also discussed the circumstances that cause the rise of collective action. The research of gender differences in ice hockey by C.F. Pelak is presented. The empirical base of this work is a case study – VU women‘s basketball team – analysis, which helps to find out whether female confront gender inequality in sports and if they do, how it shows. The same indicators were adapted in making the interviews with the VU basketball players as in C.F.Pelak female ice hockey players research, in order to... [to full text]

Cette recherche explore le sens que la « génération de l’information » (20-35 ans) donne à l’engagement. Alors que sociologues et médias ont longtemps brandi des chiffres alarmants concernant la désaffection électorale des jeunes et leur rejet des associations ou groupes de pression usuels, le développement du Web 2.0 semble donner lieu à de nouvelles formes d’action visant le changement social, qui sont particulièrement prisées par les jeunes. Analysant leur recours à des pratiques de manifestations éclairs (flash mobs), de cyberdissidence, l’utilisation du micro-blogging et des réseaux Facebook et Twitter dans le cadre de mobilisations récentes, des enquêtes suggèrent qu’elles témoignent d’une nouvelle culture de la participation sociale et politique, qui appelle à repenser les façons de concevoir et de définir l’engagement. Or, si nous assistons à une transformation profonde des répertoires et des modes d’action des jeunes, il demeure difficile de comprendre en quoi et comment l’utilisation des TIC influence leur intérêt ou motivation à « agir ». Que veut dire s’engager pour les jeunes aujourd’hui ? Comment perçoivent-ils le contexte social, politique et médiatique ? Quelle place estiment-ils pouvoir y occuper ? Soulignant l’importance du sens que les acteurs sociaux donnent à leurs pratiques, la recherche s’éloigne des perspectives technocentristes pour explorer plus en profondeur la façon dont de jeunes adultes vivent, expérimentent et interprètent l’engagement dans le contexte médiatique actuel. La réflexion s’ancre sur une observation empirique et deux séries d’entretiens en profondeur (de groupe et individuels), menés auprès de 137 jeunes entre 2009-2012. Elle analyse un ensemble de représentations, perceptions et pratiques d’individus aux horizons et aux modes d’engagement variés, soulignant les multiples facteurs qui agissent sur la façon dont ils choisissent d’agir et les raisons qui les mènent à recourir aux TIC dans le cadre de pratiques spécifiques. À la croisée d’une multiplication des modes de participation et des modes d’interaction qui marquent l’univers social et politique des jeunes, la recherche propose de nouvelles hypothèses théoriques et une métaphore conceptuelle, le « murmure des étourneaux », pour penser la façon dont les pratiques d’affichage personnel, de relais, et d’expérimentation mises en avant par les jeunes s’arriment en réseau à celles d’autrui pour produire des « dérives culturelles » : des changements importants dans les façons de percevoir, d’agir et de penser. Loin d’une génération apathique ou technophile, les propos soulevés en entretiens suggèrent un processus réflexif de construction de sens, dont l’enjeu vise avant tout à donner l’exemple, et à penser ensemble de nouveaux possibles. La recherche permet d’offrir un éclairage qualitatif et approfondi sur ce qui caractérise la façon dont les jeunes perçoivent et définissent l’engagement, en plus d’ouvrir de nouvelles avenues pour mieux comprendre comment ils choisissent d’agir à l’ère du Web. / This research explores the complex relationship between Web 2.0 technologies and how a younger “information age generation” (20-35 years old) makes sense of social and political engagement. While scholars and pundits have long underlined youth’s low electoral turnouts and its rebuff of traditional organizations, Web 2.0 tools seem to provide a younger generation with interactive platforms that have become crucial components of many social change projects. Analyzing movements supported trough e-mail lists and e-petitions, observing the orchestration of flash mobs, commenting on cyberactivism and the use of social network sites (such as Twitter and Facebook) during recent uprisings, studies suggest networked-based technologies have not only opened up opportunities and repertoires of action, they indicate a new participatory culture. One that calls into question the very meanings and definitions associated with “political engagement” and “social change”. Yet, if a large amount of studies now stress the importance of better understanding such practices, it remains difficult to grasp how and if the web is changing young people’s sense of “engagement”. Very little attention has been given to the evaluative weighting of alternatives, values, and meanings that motivate or impede young people to participate in specific actions for social change. How do young people define “engagement?” How do they perceive the general political, social and media context? How do they perceive their own situation within this context? Suggesting that the ways in which actors choose to mobilize cannot be fully understood without taking into account the meanings and activities they associate with social change, the research explores how engagement is actually experienced, how it looks and feels like for young adults in a complex media environment. Drawing on empirical fieldwork and two series of group and in-depth interviews conducted with 137 young adults (20-35 years olds) between 2009 and 2012, the analysis underlines the multiple factors that shape young people’s perception of political and social participation, how they choose to transform their own societies and how they use social media and Web 2.0 applications when striving to convey change. At the crossroad of two important factors that mark their social and political world – a multiplicity of interaction modes and a multiplicity of participatory practices – the research brings new thoughts to this growing field of study. It offers new theoretical hypotheses that help take into account the role played by virtual networks in the circulation of interpretations and meanings. It also suggests a conceptual metaphor, the “murmur of starlings”, to illustrate how practices of “posting”, “forwarding” and the relational dimensions involved in the everyday sharing of experiences, may translate into “cultural drifts ” – important shifts in collective ways of thinking, acting and perceiving. Looking beyond typical characterizations of a techno-savvy or apathetic generation, the picture emerging from the interviews reveals reflexive sense-making processes that inspire to widen new fields of possibilities. Overall, the research provides qualitative and in-depth insights into what characterizes the way young people perceive and define engagement and opens new perspective for better understanding how they choose to “act” in the Web 2.0 era.

Esta tesis trata tres temas diferentes: (1) El efecto de la distribución del ingreso sobre los niveles de conflicto; (2) el efecto de la descentralización sobre la corrupción; (3) el efecto del número de partidos sobre las negociaciones parlamentarias. Primero, se muestra que bajos ciertas circunstancias una menor desigualdad no implica un menor nivel de conflicto. Así, contrario a la creencia común, una mejora en la distribución del ingreso no siempre reduce la intensidad de los conflictos. Segundo, se muestra que la descentralización política no necesariamente reduce la corrupción cuando existen elites locales poderosas. Esto explica el poco existo que han tenido las reformas de descentralización en países en vía de desarrollo. Por último, se prueba que un mayor número de partidos no siempre vuelve más complejas las negociaciones parlamentarias. El que un partido de gobierno prefiera negociar con muchos o pocos partidos depende críticamente del nivel de polarización ideológica. / This thesis deals with three different topics: (1) The effect of income distribution on conflict intensity; (2) the effect of decentralization on corruption; (3) the effect of the number of parties on the negotiation outcomes in a legislature. First, we show that under certain circumstances more income equality does not imply less conflict intensity. Thus, opposite to the common wisdom, it is not always true that improvements in income distribution reduce the level of conflict. Second, we show that political decentralization may not be successful in reducing corruption in the presence of powerful local elites. This result explains the low impact of the decentralization reforms on corruption in developing countries. Finally, we prove that a large number of parties does not necessarily complicate the policymaking process in a legislature. Whether a government party prefers to negotiate with many or some few parties depends critically on the level of ideological polarization.