L’irruption du Nouveau Monde dans l’esprit occidental constitue un événement de grande amplitude dans la mesure où il était absent de tout registre historique. Les hommes de lettres, voyageurs et chroniqueurs occidentaux vont interpréter, appréhender et définir cette altérité géographique et humaine en fonction de codes culturels propres du monde occidental aux XVe et XVIe siècles, ce qui leur permettra une appropriation symbolique de l’espace et de la culture de l’autre. La chronique en vers Elegías de varones ilustres, écrite à la fin du XVIe siècle par le curé de la ville de Tunja dans le Nouveau Royaume de Grenade, témoigne de cet effort de mise en écriture d’un monde nouveau dans une époque charnière qui voit naître l’homme et l’État modernes. Le texte de Juan de Castellanos transcrit les enjeux historiques liés à la constitution des nations modernes et du système colonial et au surgissement de l’homme moderne et d’une individualité qui différencie l’homme présent de l’homme passé afin de placer le premier au sommet de la connaissance. Écrire l’histoire est également souligner la place du passé et du présent et prendre conscience du pouvoir que l’homme moderne a pour définir son avenir. La représentation du Nouveau Monde chez Juan de Castellanos reflète également une double appropriation symbolique de l’espace à partir des codes d’écriture propres à son contexte. Son texte transcrit le débat critique qui veut définir et conceptualiser l’écriture historique comme un genre à part entière face à la fiction des novelas. Le texte historico-poétique du curé est le théâtre de cette confrontation qui finira par privilégier la poétisation d’un passé récent, lié aux premières années de la découverte et de la conquête. La représentation des origines et de la découverte du Nouveau Monde devient mythique dans la mesure où elle inaugure une nouvelle étape pour la chrétienté. Quant à l’histoire, elle constituera le cadre idéal pour inscrire les nouveaux peuples et les nouvelles terres dans une démarche colonisatrice en adéquation avec les besoins intégrants de l’Empire Espagnol moderne. / The emergence of the New World into the Western mindset is a major event, principally due to the absence of any historic record. Western intellectuals, travellers and chroniclers have come to interpret, apprehend and define a new geographical and human alterity based in western 15th and 16th century cultural codes, allowing a symbolic appropriation of the space and culture of the “other”. The poetic chronicle Elegías de varones ilustres, written in the late 16th century by a benefice priest from Tunja in the New Kingdom of Granada, is testament to the effort to write about a new world, in a time of transition—at the birth of modern mankind and State. Juan de Castellanos’s text sets out the stakes for the establishment of modern nations and the colonial system, and reflects the surge of modern man and sense of individuality that differentiates modern man from his predecessors. The modern man surpasses the man of the past, by taking on new knowledge of the world as it was. To write history, we need to consider past and present to be aware of modern man’s power to shape his future. The representation of the New World in Juan de Castellanos's work equally reflects a dual symbolic appropriation of space based on cultural codes embedded in their context. Castellano’s book embodies the critical debate that will define and conceptualise historic writing as its own genre, a world away from poetic fiction. Juan de Castellanos’s historic poetry is a battleground that lays the foundations for the poetisation of recent past: the early years of discovering and conquering the New World. The mythification of the New World origins cleared the way for a new stage in Christendom. As history goes, this would constitute the ideal framework to envelop the newly-discovered indigenous people and new lands into a colonisation process that would match the socio-political needs of the modern Spanish empire.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-09-20Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:54:42Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 baendereck_b_me_fran.pdf: 513859 bytes, checksum: 59551cdb4d8e1ccfdeda2175065b6ea8 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta dissertação tem por proposta analisar visões de alteridade no Altiplano Mexicano do século XVI, contrastando códigos culturais tanto de ascendência indígena como de espanhola, em relação à alteridade mexica. O período abordado é aquele relativo à tomada da capital asteca México-Tenochtitlan pelos espanhóis (1519-1521), estendendo-se ao alvorecer do século XVII, momento em que uma nova realidade colonial se configura na região em questão. Dentro das possíveis maneiras de se entender o Outro, tanto do espanhol frente ao habitante nativo, como da perspectiva do povoado tezcocano, que fez aliança com os mexicas antes da chegada dos espanhóis, pretendemos explorar ambas as visões recaídas sobre os mexicas. Para tanto, utilizaremos a seguinte documentação de época: As Cartas de Relación do conquistador Hernán Cortés, a Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva España do frei Bernardino de Sahagun, a Relación de Tezcoco de Juan Bautista de Pomar e a Historia de la Nacion Chichimeca de Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl. Portanto, procuraremos mapear os mecanismos retóricos utilizados pelos autores selecionados para enunciar os mexicas e refletir sobre os níveis de apronfundamento nas descrições em relação às idiossincrasias do Outro. Como alicerce metodológico, utilizaremos a obra O Espelho de Heródoto do historiador François Hartog / This dissertation proposes to analyze visions of alterity in the Mexican Highlands during the XVI century, contrasting cultural codes - both from indigenous and Spanish ancestry - in relation to the Mexica alterity. The period studied relates to the taken over of the Aztec capital, Mexico-Tenochtitlan (1519-1521), by the Spaniards until the dawn of the XVII century, a moment when a new colonial order was established in the region in question. Among the possible ways of understanding the Other, both the Spanish when confronted with the native inhabitant and the Tezcocano village's perspective (who made alliances with the Mexicas before the arrival of the European), intending to exploit both visions about the Mexicas. In order to do this, we will use the following sources: The Cartas de Relación by conqueror Hernán Cortés; Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva España by Friar Bernardino de Sahagun; a Relación de Tezcoco by Juan Bautista de Pomar and Historia de la Nacion Chichimeca by Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl. Thus, we intend to map out the rhetorical mechanisms used by the selected authors in order to enunciate the Mexica and to reflect on the levels of depth in the descriptions regarding the idiosyncrasy of the Other. As a methodological tool, we will use the work O Espelho de Heródoto by the historian François Hartog

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-05-20Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:54:42Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 jose_meg_me_fran.pdf: 614689 bytes, checksum: 22283f8f2d008ee8d09b8575b8602627 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho se propõe a analisar porque a intérprete Malinche foi descrita com tanta intensidade nas Crônicas de Índias do século XVI. Considerando que a história nessa época era entendida segundo o preceito de “mestra da vida” –, em que os feitos positivos do passado deveriam servir como exemplos para o homem do presente – a escrita dos fatos centrava-se nos acontecimentos grandiosos e nos personagens masculinos como atores principais. Desse modo, a história da conquista espanhola ganhou destaque pela importância no cenário europeu e o conquistador Hernán Cortés se tornou o grande responsável pela vitória sobre os índios, dada a sua coragem e façanha, virtudes exaltadas nessa época. Atentando para esse padrão masculino da escrita da história, o questionamento que se faz a partir dessa explicação é saber o que levou os cronistas de Índias a inserir Malinche em seus relatos ao lado de Cortés? Levando em conta o lugar secundário que as mulheres, os intérpretes e os escravos ocupavam na conquista e nas crônicas, por que, então, uma figura que representa tudo isso esteve centrada nesses textos como uma das protagonistas desse evento? / This work proposes to analyze because the interpreter Malinche was described with so much intensity in Chronicles of Indies in the 16th Century. Whereas the history at the time it was understood according to the precept of teacher of life -, in which the made positive of the past should serve as examples for the man of present - the writing of the facts was focused on the events grandiose and characters male as well as major players. In this way, the history of the spanish conquest has gained attention because of the importance in the european arena and the conqueror Hernán Cortés has become the major responsible for victory over the indians, given their courage and achievement, virtues exalted at that time. Looking for this pattern of male writing of history, the questioning that is based on this explanation is what has led the chroniclers of Indies to insert Malinche in their reports on the side of Cortés? Taking into account the place secondary to the women, the interpreters and the slaves occupied in the conquest and the chronicles, why, then, a figure that represents everything that has focused on these texts as one of the protagonists of this event?

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-09-17Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:06:18Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 lima_t_me_fran.pdf: 718232 bytes, checksum: 11f9df25135e4bb59ebb3b74409cea66 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Nessa pesquisa, nos propomos a analisar os relatos escritos pelos primeiros conquistadores do antigo Peru, relatos estes, constituídos por Cartas e Relações e que compartilham da característica comum de terem sido escritos pelos próprios participantes da conquista. Não pretendemos reconstituir a história da conquista do Peru, tema já tão visitado pela historiografia. Nossa intenção consiste em verificar quais são as sensações provocadas por este Novo Mundo, as expectativas, os medos e as frustrações que acompanharam esses homens durante as viagens que culminaram na tomada de Cajamarca e na captura e morte do Inca Atahualpa. Com isso, almejamos demonstrar como os conquistadores se viram nesse mundo desconhecido, qual a imagem que cunharam de si mesmos e quais os motivos que para eles justificavam a conquista. Mais especificamente, examinaremos quais foram as ideias e imagens construídas por esses conquistadores acerca dos povos e terras que encontraram e acerca de si próprios. Para isso, levaremos em consideração em que medida as ideias com as quais esses homens tiveram contato anteriormente estabeleceram parâmetros para suas conclusões / In this research, we consider to analyze the reports written from the first conquerors of old Peru, constituted of Letters and Relations and that share the common characteristic of have been written for the own participants of the conquest. We do not intend to reconstitute the history of the conquest of Peru, subject already so visited by the historiography. Our intention consists in verify which is the sensations provoked for this New World, the expectations, the fears and the frustrations that had came along with these men during the trips that had culminated in the taking of Cajamarca and the capture and death of the Atahualpa Inca. With this, we intend to demonstrate how the conquerors saw themselves in this unknown world, which image they designed of themselves and which reasons could be valid to justify the conquest. More specifically, we will examine which were the ideas and images constructed from these conquerors concerning the peoples and lands they had found and also concerning themselves. For this, we will lead in consideration how the ideas with these men had had contact previously established parameters for its conclusions

A Gestão Democrática é um processo de luta e conquista, o qual tem no diálogo e na consciência política seus principais elos para sua efetivação. Cabe ao educador ser um promotor do senso crítico. É preciso também entender que, ao se falar em Gestão Democrática, não se trata apenas do fazer pedagógico. Tal proposta deve ser entendida de forma mais ampla, isto é, na perspectiva da participação do ser humano diante de toda uma realidade sistêmica, posto que transformação, participação e educação constituem uma trilogia inseparável. / The Democratic Administration is a struggle and conquest process, which has its main links for its execution in dialogue and in political conscience. It falls to the educator to be a promoter of critical sense. It is also necessary to understand that the Democratic Administration is not just pedagogic making. Such proposal should be understood in a wider way, which means, in the perspective of human being participation before an entire systemic reality, considering that transformation, participation and education constitute an inseparable trilogy.

abstract: This dissertation research employs biological distance and mortuary analyses in tandem with historical sources to investigate the degree to which conversion, as opposed to migration, contributed to the spread of Islam in southern Iberia. The dynamics of the 8th century conquest of Iberia by Muslim Arab and Berber forces from North Africa, and the subsequent 800-year period of religious, political, and social change, remain contested and poorly understood. Migration of Islamic peoples to the peninsula once was invoked as the primary vehicle of Islamic influence, but religious conversion, whether true or nominal, increasingly is regarded as a key component of those changes. This dissertation proposes that conversion, whether a prelude to or a component of Islamization, altered social group affiliations and interactions among those living in southern Iberia. Such changes in social relations and the resultant patterns of mate exchange will be recognizable by means of altered biological patterns of phenotypic variation. Through the examination of ~900 individuals from both Iberian and North African skeletal collections, this study concludes that conquest resulted in a great increase in phenotypic variability in the peninsula from the 8th-11th centuries. The data further indicate that males contributed this phenotypic variability to the samples in the Early Conquest period. Females, most frequently from Hispano-Roman Christian groups, appear to have ‘intermarried’ with these early conquerors and with the Muwallads, male Islamic converts, and are included in the early Muslim burial programs. From the 11th to the 14th centuries, the data presented here demonstrate a stasis and even a slight decrease in phenotypic variability in southern Iberia, which may be explained by endogamy among religious groups in this region. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Anthropology 2017

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 parte1.pdf: 1668007 bytes, checksum: ad595797116b1b2fcd052ee4058e7414 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / At the turn of the 17th century the action of Jesuits towards the ―sertão‖ of the Portuguese colony in the New World intensified. The Indian villages were turned into a battlefield where local culture and knowledge shared space with the European Christian tradition. The conversion process was based on conquest for souls, land and power. The Jesuitic catechetical action on the north of the captaincy of Bahia resulted in the production of texts about the language and customs of people, who lived along the banks of the River Real. Thus, the Catechism and Grammar in the Kiriri language were written by Luiz Mamiani. These writings are important to understand the historical culture of Jesuits in the colonial period, and their contribution to the constitution of a new Christendom. Based on the relevance of such records, this work aims to point out some signs of catechesis and the method used by Mamiani. For that, this paper discusses the knowledge involved in the construction of Jesuitic historical culture in the ―sertão‖ of the captaincy of Sergipe Del Rey. Moreover, Mamiani s writings also reflect the influence of baroque rhetoric with disguised images, which showed life between two distinct worlds. In the writings of Jesuits of Geru village in Sergipe, the Christian Europe comes across the Indian Portuguese America. Two apparently distant worlds intersected in the Jesuit sermons. It is possible to see that for the conquest of the Portuguese America, they used not only firearms but also words. / Na alva do século XVII a ação jesuítica intensificou-se no sertão da colônia lusitana do Novo Mundo. As aldeias indígenas foram transformadas num campo de disputas, nas quais a cultura e saberes locais foram dividindo o palco com a tradição cristã européia. O processo de conversão foi pautado na conquista, por almas, terras e poder. A ação catequética jesuítica nas terras situadas ao norte da capitania da Bahia resultou na produção de textos a respeito da língua e dos costumes dos povos que viviam às margens norte do Rio Real. Com isso, foram produzidos o Catecismo e a Gramática da Língua Kiriri, pelo inaciano Luiz Mamiani. Trata-se de escritos importantes para a compreensão da cultura histórica jesuíta no período colonial e de suas ações na constituição de uma nova cristandade. Partindo da relevância de tais registros, este trabalho tem o propósito de apontar alguns sinais da catequese e do método utilizado por Mamiani. Busca-se discutir os saberes envolvidos na construção da cultura histórica jesuítica no sertão da Capitania de Sergipe Del Rey. Além disso, a escrita de Mamiani também reflete a influência da retórica barroca, com imagens dissimuladas, cenários que mesclavam o vivido entre dois mundos distintos. Na escrita dos jesuítas da aldeia sergipana do Geru, a Europa cristã defronta-se com a América portuguesa indígena. Dois mundos aparentemente distantes se entrecruzam nas prédicas dos inacianos. A conquista da América lusitana não se fez somente com armas de fogo, mas também por meio das palavras.

Purum Aucca, "Promaucaes": About Significances, Identities and Ethnocategories. Central Chile, XVI-XVIII CenturiesThe purpose of this project is to analyze, from an ethnohistoric perspective, the meaning of the term “promaucaes”. The intention is to ponder over the significance these old words had for the Spaniards settled in the “Reino de Chile” during the colonial period. The authors are interested in determining if the term “promaucaes” defined a specific indigenous population or a territory; if it was an adjective that depicted a form of living during of the period, or if it identified a certain group of people that inhabited the territory between the Maipo and the Maule rivers, limits that are usually cited when referring to the “promaucaes” geographic area.The author believe the term “promaucaes” was a representative definition, first elaborated by the Incas and re-elaborated by the Spaniards, to portray the rejection of cultural system these indigenous peoples articulated to oppose the domination and settlement that the Incas and Spaniards tried to impose on them. The term “promaucaes” does not reflect the construction of an ethnic denomination given to these indigenous people, but a classificatory ethno-category that created a exo-identity, with the objective to homogenize a group of heterogeneous identities that operated at a local level in the study area. / El propósito de este trabajo es analizar, desde una perspectiva etnohistórica, el significado del término "promaucaes". Se quiere reflexionar sobre el sentido que estas viejas palabras tuvieron para los españoles avecindados en el "reino de Chile" durante el periodo colonial. Interesa establecer si el término "promaucaes" definió a una población indígena específica o a un territorio, si constituyó un adjetivo que calificó una forma de vivir las circunstancias del periodo o bien identificó a cierto grupo, distinto de aquellos que estaban ubicados al norte del río Maipo o al sur del Maule, límites habitualmente citados para referirse al área geográfica de "promaucaes". Se piensa que el denotativo "promaucaes", dado por los españoles a estas poblaciones, es, primero que nada, una definición elaborada por los incas y reelaborada por los hispanos para representar el rechazo a la dominación y asentamiento que ellos intentaron imponer, por las formas de vida que estas poblaciones indígenas articularon para oponerse a ellos. El término "promaucaes" no reflejaría la construcción de un apelativo étnico dado a los indígenas, sino una etnocategoría clasificatoria o un apelativo cultural que elaboró una exoidentidad sobre estos indígenas, con el objetivo de homogeneizar un panorama de identidades diversas y heterogéneas que operaban a nivel local o "microscópico" en la zona de estudio.

Consacrée aux collections africaines des officiers coloniaux français, cette recherche soulève la question de l’exploration et de la conquête de l’Afrique à la fin du XIXè siècle et au début du XXè siècle. Parmi les explorateurs envoyés par les pays européens pour coloniser les populations africaines figurent des hommes de couches sociales et de professions différentes. On peut citer, par exemple, les missionnaires, les administrateurs, les militaires. Il est privilégié ici l’étude de l’action coloniale des officiers français engagés dans une série de régions (Mali, Sénégal, Congo, Tchad, République Centrafricaine…). Lors des missions d’exploration, ces hommes y découvraient un éventail d’objets (armes, instruments de musique, objets d’utilité quotidienne, objets rituels…) qu’ils collectaient sous l’incitation des instructions reçues en France avant leur départ. Il convient d’étudier les provenances géographiques et les conditions d’acquisition de ces objets afin de dégager la particularité des collections rassemblées par les officiers. Au terme de leurs périples, ceux-ci rapportaient en France ces collections qu’ils offraient aux musées comme le Musée de l’Homme et le Musée de l’Armée. Aujourd’hui, le Musée du Quai Branly conserve de précieux dossiers sur ces militaires (Archinard, Brazza, Marchand, Tilho…) ainsi que les traces de leurs dons. Après avoir répertorié environ 1500 objets dont l’histoire est indissociable à celle de la colonisation de l’Afrique, on déduit que ces oeuvres constituent un véritable héritage colonial permettant d’analyser la vision européenne et la perception des militaires français par rapport à la culture matérielle africaine. Par ailleurs, l’étude de cet acquis colonial peut révéler le degré de civilisation des populations locales qui avaient fabriqué et utilisé les articles concernés à la fin du XIXè siècle et au début du XXè siècle / This research concerns the French officers contribution during the colonization of Africa and the quality of the african objects that they collected. It aims to study the exploration and the conquest of Africa at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. During this period, European countries sent in the different parts of the continent many explorers to colonize the population. Those explorers had different social classes and jobs. Among them, there were, for example, religious persons, administrators and soldiers. It is the colonial action of the French officers in the different countries of Africa (Mali, Senegal, Congo, Chad, Central Africa Republic…) that is studing. During the exploration travel, the colonial officers discovered in those countries different kinds of objects. According of the instructions they received in France before their travel, they collected the local objects as the arms, the royal objects, the music objects, the cooking objects, the objects of the traditional ceremony. It’s interesting to study where the objects provided and the conditions of the collect. It’s a best way to know the particularities of the result of the officers discoveries. At the end of the journey in Africa, the officers brought to France the result of the collect and offered the objects to the French museums as the Musée de l’Homme, the Musée de l’Armée. Today, the Musée du Quai Branly is conserving the documents about the exploration travels of many officers (Archinard, Brazza, Marchand, Tilho, Lenfant…) and some of the objects they had collected for studying the customs of the African populations. We interroged about 1500 objects they had collected. The history of those objects is associated to the Africa colonization history. Nowadays, those objects constitute a colonial heritage and permit to analyze the European vision and the military perception about the African material culture and to know the degree of the civilization of the African populations who made and used those objects in Africa at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th.

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