В дипломной работе рассматривается культурная дипломатия Италии в рамках концепции «мягкой силы» и способы её реализации в настоящее время. Обосновывается значимость культурной деятельности Италии на международной арене, отмечается важность её вклада в развитие мировой культуры. Анализируются итальянские институты культуры и организации, выделяются основные приоритеты и цели культурной дипломатии страны и отмечаются наиболее эффективные инструменты её реализации, направленные на распространение итальянской культуры и языка и на укрепление позитивного восприятия страны иностранными государствами. На основе проведённого исследования делаются выводы о том, что Италия успешно реализовывает цели культурной дипломатии и способствует созданию позитивного образа за рубежом. / The focus of the research is the cultural diplomacy of Italy within the concept of the soft power and ways of its realization nowadays. The importance of Italy's cultural activity is examined, and the importance of its contribution to the development of world culture is noted. Italian institutions of culture and organization are analyzed, the main priorities and objectives of the cultural diplomacy of Italy are underlined and the most effective instruments are marked for its implementation aimed at disseminating Italian culture, language and reinforcement of the positive perception of Italy by foreign states. On the basis of the conducted research, the conclusions are made that Italy successfully realizes the objectives of cultural diplomacy and promotes the creation of a positive image abroad.

In 1944, the Soviet Union deported hundreds of thousands of Crimean Tatars from Crimea, one of whom was the Ukrainian artist Jamala's great-grandmother Nazylchan. Almost a hundred years later, and only two years after Russia's annexation of Crimea, Jamala represents Ukraine in the Eurovision Song Contest 2016 with the song "1944". The song is about the great-grandmother's experiences of the deportation of Crimean Tatars and was accused of containing political messages, which becomes relevant as the competition prohibits all kinds of political elements. The contribution was reviewed by the EBU, the European Broadcasting Union, and was not judged to be political. The Eurovision Song Contest is an avowedly non-political competition that was started after the Second World War with the aim of keeping the peace in Europe and giving Europeans something to unite around. The countries participating in the competition nominate artists and songs that represent the country in the international music competition. This study examines how the case of Jamala and the contribution "1944" has been used in and outside the competition by Jamala to create awareness and mobilize support for both Ukraine and Crimean Tatars with the deportation of Crimean Tatars in 1944, the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. To examine how Jamala identifies with her family, how she relates to what is political and what is not, as well as how she and other representatives of countries in international cultural events can be understood as political ambassadors, this study can provide some answers to how politics, national identity and representation in that type of context can be understood to be related. / År 1944 deporterade Sovjetunionen hundratusentals krimtatarer från Krim, en av dem var artisten Jamalas gammelfarmor Nazylchan. Nästan hundra år senare och bara två år efter Rysslands annektering av Krim ställer Jamala upp som representant för Ukraina i Eurovision Song Contest 2016 med låten "1944". Låten handlar om gammelfarmoderns upplevelser av deportationen av krimtatarer och anklagas för att innehålla politiska budskap, vilket blir relevant då tävlingen förbjuder alla typer av politiska inslag. Bidraget granskas av EBU, the European Broadcasting Union, och bedöms inte vara politisk. Eurovision Song Contest är en uttalat icke-politisk tävling som startades efter andra världskriget med syfte att behålla freden i Europa och ge européerna något att enas kring. Länderna som medverkar i tävlingen utser artister och låtar som representerar landet i den internationella musiktävlingen. Denna studie undersöker hur fallet Jamala och bidraget "1944" använts i och utanför tävlingen av Jamala för att skapa medvetenhet kring och mobilisera stöd till såväl Ukraina som krimtatarer i och med deportationen av krimtatarer 1944, annekteringen av Krim 2014 samt invasionen av Ukraina 2022. Genom att undersöka hur Jamala identifierar sig med sin familj, hur hon förhåller sig till vad som är politiskt och inte samt hur hon och andra representanter för länder i internationella kulturella evenemang kan förstås som politiska ambassadörer kan denna studie ge några svar på hur politik, nationell identitet och representation i den typen av sammanhang kan förstås höra samman.

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Since the middle of the twentieth century, American dance artists have presented complicated images of American identity to world audiences, as dance companies traveled abroad under the auspices of the US State Department. This dissertation uses oral history interviews, archival research, and performance analysis to investigate how dancers navigated their status as official American ambassadors in the Cold War and the years following the 2001 terrorist attacks in the US. Dance companies worked and performed in international sites, enacting messages of American democratic superiority, while individual dancers re-interpreted the contours of American identity through personal encounters with local artists and arts practices. The dancers’ memories of government-sponsored tours re-insert the American artist into American diplomatic history, prompting a reconsideration of dancers not just as diplomatic tools working to persuade global audiences, but as creative thinkers re-imagining what it means to be American. This dissertation begins in the late 1950s, as the State Department began discussing appropriate dance companies to send to the Soviet Union, as part of the performing arts initiatives that began in 1954 under the direction of President Dwight Eisenhower. The dissertation concludes by examining more recent dance in diplomacy programs initiated in 2003, coinciding with the US invasion of Iraq. My analysis considers New York City Ballet’s 1962 tour of the Soviet Union, where the company performed programs that included George Balanchine’s Serenade (1934), Agon (1957), and Western Symphony (1954), and Jerome Robbins’ Interplay (1945) during the heightened global anxieties of the Cuban Missile Crisis. My analysis of Ailey’s 1967 tour of nine African countries focuses primarily on Revelations (1960), which closed every program on the tour. Moving into the twenty-first century, I analyze A Slipping Glimpse (2007), a collaboration between Margaret Jenkins Dance Company and Tansuree Shankar Dance Company, which began as a US State Department-sponsored 2003 residency in Kolkata. To explore each tour, I consider government goals documented in archived minutes from artist selection panels; dancers’ memories of the tours, which I collected in personal interviews conducted between 2007 and 2009; and performance analysis of the pieces that traveled on each tour. / text

以絲綢之路作為文明接觸的和平場域為概念，探討中國正在推動「一帶一路」─以連結中歐為終極目標的道路、基礎設施、投資、政策互聯及人民交流網路─的全新重大外交體系。針對當前國際地緣政治的環境，中歐領導人近期確實強調了布魯塞爾與北京關係的重要性。儘管如此，很多中歐關係的專家也指出這種夥伴關係，還沒有達到雙方所預期的那樣快速及深刻。 本文的第一個研究問題「進一步發展中歐關係的障礙是什麼，以及如何克服這些障礙？」，便是基於對此國際情勢的考量。透過建構主義理論，本文對深化中歐關係的真正障礙進行討論，認為這些障礙來自於中歐人民身份、價值觀與文化的差異，並提出促進中歐人民之間的文化交流來加強中歐關係的可行方案。因此，本文提出第二個研究問題，「一帶一路在中歐文化關係中扮演什麼角色？」，對前項結論接續探討，發現由於一帶一路為中歐雙方提供了文化專案及人際交流合作的動機和框架，因此這一政策對中歐關係具有正面影響的潛質。 本文的最後兩個研究問題「一帶一路將帶給歐洲怎樣的風險與利益？」與「歐盟應如何應對一帶一路？」是相互關聯的。通過對一帶一路將帶來的風險與利益的分析，筆者對中歐雙方如何更有效地推進一帶一路提出了一些政策建議，其中重點分析了歐盟領導人如何與中方開展合作，並認為歐盟必須回應中國的倡議，與之合作，確保中歐雙方實現共贏、對國際規範的遵守、以及幫助中國保持一帶一路所經之地的穩定。 / By recalling the idea of the Silk Road as a place of peaceful encounter of civilizations, China is promoting its new, major diplomatic outreach system called the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a network of roads, infrastructures, investments, policy connections and people to people exchanges with the final objective of connecting the PRC to Europe. Indeed, in view of the current international geopolitical circumstances, the Chinese and European leaders are recently emphasizing the importance of the Brussels-Beijing relationships. Nonetheless, many experts complain that this partnership has not yet developed as fast and deeply as the two sides originally hoped. This leads to the first research question addressed in the thesis:"which are the obstacles to a deeper EU-China partnership and how to overcome them and improve the overall relations?". By borrowing the constructivist theories, this thesis argues that the real obstacle to deepening the China-EU partnership are the differences in identities, values and culture, and that the improvement of the people to people and cultural interactions will enhance the general bilateral relations. Consequently, the second research question is "which role does BRI play in the China-EU cultural relations?". BRI has the potential to have a positive impact on their relations by providing a new framework and incentives for the collaboration on cultural projects and people to people interactions. The last two research questions are related to each other: "what are the risks and benefits that BRI will bring to the EU?" and "how should the European Union respond to BRI?". By analyzing the risks and benefits that will derive from the implementation of BRI, the author provides some policy suggestions to both sides on how to efficiently implement BRI, and especially to EU leaders on how to cooperate with their Chinese counterparts: the EU should definitely cooperate in the Chinese initiative, to ensure a win-win outcome for all, to guarantee the respect of the international norms and to help the PRC maintain the stability in the areas crossed by the BRI network.

Le traité de paix signé en 1920 à Trianon, réduisant des deux-tiers le territoire et la population de la Hongrie vaincue, engendre une crise diplomatique franco-hongroise. Ce contentieux a-t-il eu un impact sur l’enseignement du français et sur la représentation de la culture française en Hongrie ? La réforme de l’enseignement secondaire de 1924 introduit le français, l’anglais et l’italien à côté de l’allemand obligatoire. On constate alors un essor spectaculaire du français dans les lycées. Cet essor ainsi que la création du premier lycée bilingue français-hongrois montrent l’influence de la culture française et le rôle actif des diplomates français en poste à Budapest malgré les consignes restrictives de Paris. Le Collège Eötvös, créé en 1895 sur le modèle français de l’École Normale Supérieure joue aussi un rôle déterminant dans la formation d’une élite enseignante francophone et francophile. L’approche allemande Kulturkunde, visant l’étude de l’esprit d’un peuple à travers sa littérature, pénètre dans les cercles pédagogiques hongrois. L’accueil est ouvert mais réservé quant aux dérives nationalistes possibles. L’analyse des manuels de français montre que les auteurs inscrivent cette approche dans la tradition francophile de l’élite intellectuelle hongroise en reliant la représentation de l’esprit français aux valeurs humanistes universelles véhiculées par la littérature française. L’absence d’amalgame entre culture et politique, l’attitude distanciée et humaine des enseignants hongrois, dont certains avaient même souffert personnellement de la situation politique entre la France et la Hongrie, montrent que des choix individuels peuvent transcender les contingences politiques et les dérives méthodologiques. / The peace treaty signed at Trianon in 1920 reduced by two-thirds the territory and population of defeated Hungary, thus creating a French-Hungarian diplomatic crisis. Might this strife had an impact on French language teaching and on the way French culture was depicted in textbooks? Actually, in 1924, a secondary education reform provided the possibility to learn English, French and Italian besides compulsory German. The result is a huge rise of French language in secondary schools. This rise and also the creation of the first French bilingual school show how influent French culture was in the country and how French diplomats in Budapest supported the reform in spite of limitative instructions from Foreign Office in Paris. Eötvös College, created in 1895 on the model of French Ecole Normale Supérieure, played also a decisive role in French teachers’ training and in the growth of a French-speaking elite. The german Kulturkunde approach, aimed to study the “mind or esprit of a nation” in teaching literature, penetrates into Hungarian educational circles. Hungarian teachers welcomed this new approach but expressed reserves about possible nationalistic drifts. The analysis of French textbooks shows that the authors applied Kulturkunde by making a strict distinction between politics and culture and by associating it with the humanist and universal values conveyed by French culture, in accordance with the francophile tradition of the Hungarian intellectual elite. The balanced and kind attitude of the Hungarian teachers, some of whom had to suffer personally from the political situation between France and Hungary, shows that individual choices can transcend political contingencies and methodological drifts.

Après l'arrivée au pouvoir des révolutionnaires cubains en 1959, l'Amérique latine s'insère de plain-pied dans la« guerre froide pour les idées», suscitant un intérêt croissant de la part des deux superpuissances : les États-Unis et l'Union soviétique. Quant à cette dernière, le bouleversement social à Cuba incite le Kremlin à porter un regard intéressé sur l'île des Caraïbes, un pays qui deviendra plus tard, après une phase de divergences (1962-1968), un allié fidèle de Moscou. Mais le rapprochement de l'URSS avec La Havane entraîne également une doctrine spécifique envers d'autres pays du continent latino-américain. C'est le cas du Chili, un État qui, sous la présidence d'Eduardo Frei (1964-1970), noue des accords ambitieux avec l'Est, encourageant des échanges accrus. Cette tendance, interrompue tragiquement suite au coup d'État de Pinochet en septembre 1973, se renforcera après la victoire électorale de Salvador Allende en 197 0. Outre l'essor des relations politiques ou économiques, l'administration soviétique à l'ère de Nikita Khrouchtchev s'efforce de mettre en place une vigoureuse diplomatie culturelle, ce qui se traduira par des interactions grandissantes avec la Cuba castriste et le Chili des années 1960 et 1970. Alors qu'à Santiago, la culture soviétique est appelée à dévoiler un côté positif d'un pays méconnu, à Cuba, elle devient vite un indice des liens privilégiés tissés entre deux États qui font désormais partie du même« camp idéologique». Cependant, les effets que les échanges culturelles produisent ne sont pas les mêmes dans les deux régions analysées, engendrant des représentations sociales hétérogènes, voire ambivalentes, indissociables de chaque contexte. Par le biais d'une perspective comparative, fondée sur les priorités soviétiques à Cuba et au Chili, il est possible de prendre la mesure des spécificités de la politique extérieure du Kremlin en Amérique latine ainsi que des effets variés que la nouvelle proximité provoque. Cette approche nous autorise aussi à constater que les rapports à l'égard d'un État conditionnent souvent la politique menée envers l'autre, érigeant une « logique triangulaire» des relations URSS-Chili-Cuba. / After the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Latin America became a crucial point of the "Cold War for the ideas", generating a growing interest of both United States and Soviet Union. Concerning USSR, social transformation of Cuba encouraged the Kremlin to have an attentive eye on the Caribbean island, a country that will become, after a phase of divergences (1962-1968), a faithful Moscow's ally. But the rapprochement between USSR and Havana also foster a specific doctrine with regard to other Latin American countries. It was the case of Chile, a state that during Eduardo Frei's administration (1964-1970) signed ambitious agreements with the East, encouraging bilateral exchanges. This trend, brutally interrupted by Pinochet’s coup d'état in September 1973, strengthened after the election of Salvador Allende in 1970. Beyond the growth of political and economic relations, Khrushchev’s administration made an effort to consolidate a powerful cultural diplomacy, which will result in increasing interactions with Castro’s Cuba and Chile of the 1960s and the early 1970s. While in Santiago, Soviet culture was supposed to unveil a positive facet of a largely ignored country, in Cuba, it became rapidly a mark of the privileged links built between two states belonging to the same "ideological camp". Nonetheless, the effect of cultural exchanges was not the same in the different areas analyzed, engendering heterogeneous and even ambivalent social representations that were deeply associated to each context. On the basis of a comparative approach, focused on Soviet priorities in Cuba and Chile, it is possible to measure the nature of Kremlin's foreign policy in Latin America, as well as the various consequences of the new international proximity. This standpoint also allows us to remark that relations with one state may determine the policy towards other nations, configuring a "triangular articulation" of Soviet-Chilean-Cuban relations.

La recherche porte sur l’analyse de la place et du rôle de la communication dans les pratiques de la Diplomatie Culturelle et de la Diplomatie Publique en Colombie et en France. Ces pratiques répondent aujourd’hui aux enjeux auxquels les pays doivent faire face dans un marché globalisé et un monde multipolaire, en particulier aux enjeux de mise en relation et de mise en scène au niveau international. Les pratiques communicationnelles de la diplomatie dans le cadre de modèles qualifiés d’« hybrides », prennent en compte les relations multidimensionnelles des rapports culture/marketing/histoire/politique, qui se révèlent dans l’exercice diplomatique et qui se concrétisent dans la gestion d’une image de pays (marketing/communication stratégique) et la diffusion d’une identité nationale (communication/culture). L’auteur contextualise l’analyse à la lumière des théories associant culture et communication qui guident différemment, d’une part la recherche européenne dans ces domaines et, d’autre part, la recherche latino-américaine. La méthode qualitative et interprétative est privilégiée notamment sur un corpus internet. La méthode compréhensive est mobilisée dans le cadre d’une enquête constituée par des entretiens menés dans chacun des deux pays.L’analyse porte notamment sur les stratégies et les points de convergence et de divergence de chaque modèle, ainsi que sur les tensions qui naissent des pratiques de communication des niveaux différents (stratégique et opérationnel). Les relations de pouvoir tissées entre les États sont étudiées ainsi que, parallèlement, la production de liens et d’interactivité dans la société civile, favorisée par les réseaux sociaux. / The research is about the places and roles played by cultural and public diplomatic practices in France and Colombia. These practices are the answer to the issues raised by the global economy and the multipolar world, particularly those concerning the connection to and the representation on the international scene.Diplomatic communication practices within models called “hybrids” stress the importance of the multi-dimensional relations between culture/marketing, culture/history, and culture/politics. This relationship can be observed in a diplomatic manner and in a way that the image of a country (marketing /strategic communication: nation branding) is managed and its national identity (communication /culture) is diffused.Due to France and Colombia's own characteristics, and their different geo-cultural positions, the author sets her analysis in the form of theories which associate culture and communication as seen in European research, by comparing them to Latin American research. The qualitative and interpretative method is privileged as it focuses on an internet corpus. This comprehensive method is used in an investigation made from interviews in each country.The analysis is about the strategies and the converging and diverging points of each model country. It also emphasizes the tensions due to different levels of communication practices (both strategic and operational) among the institutional actors studied herein. This study shows the power relationships between the two countries and also the relationships and interaction inside their own communities (civilian society), which are stimulated by social networks.

Costas Dimitriadis (1879-1943) est l’artiste grec le plus célèbre sur le plan international de la première moitié du XXe siècle, entre Paris et Athènes. Par ses fonctions, il contribua à la création et à la modernisation des institutions artistiques publiques grecques, en assumant de 1930 à sa mort, la direction de l’École Supérieure des Beaux-Arts d’Athènes. Dans cette thèse, nous racontons la vie de Dimitriadis en Roumélie Orientale, où il est né, et puis à Athènes, dans le premier atelier libre où il fit son apprentissage et ses études à l’École des Beaux-Arts. Ensuite, nous suivons la trace de ses premiers pas en Europe ainsi que le rôle déterminant qu’ont joué dans sa survie artistique certains membres éminents des cercles parisiens tels que Jean Moréas et Jean Pischari, de même que son mécène, le marchand d’armes Basil Zaharoff. En passant par Paris et Londres, nous déterminons les processus qui l’ont conduit à des commandes en France, en Angleterre et en Grèce. Nous recherchons aussi de quelle façon Dimitriadis se rangea du côté des gouvernements grecs pro-venizelistes (1922-32) en vue de la modernisation de l’État grec par l’européanisation des institutions artistiques et quelle fut sa contribution à l’exercice de la diplomatie culturelle. Finalement, nous examinons l’évolution décroissante de son rôle protagoniste, interrompu par la politique d’intervention du dictateur Ioannis Metaxas ainsi que par l’Occupation jusqu’à sa mort, en octobre 1943. Sans exclure les analyses thématiques, nous avons choisi pour ce travail de suivre une structure chronologique accompagnée d’un catalogue raisonné de l’oeuvre du sculpteur. / Costas Dimitriadis (1879-1943), who lived and worked in Athens and Paris, was the most famous Greek artist of the first half of the twentieth century. Through his directorship of the School of Fine Arts in Athens (1930-1943), he defined the role and viewpoint of public art institutions in Greece to this day. This dissertation traces Dimitriadis’ life and work. It begins with his youth in Eastern Roumelia followed by an examination of his studies in Athens both as an apprentice and in the School of Fine Arts. The dissertation continues with an exploration of his early career in Europe and the role Paris intellectual circles played in his artistic development, mainly the prominent members Jean Moréas and Jean Pischari, and his patron, the arms dealer Basil Zaharoff. In addition, this dissertation establishes the process by which Dimitriadis established ateliers in Paris and London, as well as a leading role in the art life of these cities as well as in Greece. His political viewpoints are also examined; for example, his support to the Venizelist Governments (1922-1932), which promoted modernization of the Greek state through the Europeanization of art institutions and his role in cultural diplomacy are documented and discussed. Circumstances that limited Dimitriadis’ leading role are also examined, including policies of the dictator Ioannis Metaxas and the Occupation of Greece during World War II. Although chronological in structure, the dissertation also explores thematic issues. It includes moreover a Catalogue Raisonné of the artist.

文化是民族國家延續的命脈，文化發展更是社會進步的原動力。行政院文化建設委員會(1997)宣示「外交應以文化為主軸，推動臺灣的文化面貌是國際交流的首要工作」，臺灣政黨輪替後並邁入21世紀，政府依然將「兩岸文化交流」及「國外展演與文化外交」為近年來之文化政策與施政方針 (文建會文化白皮書，2004)。相較之於經貿外交，以文化交流開拓之外交空間更為廣闊，透過國際文化交流，既可開拓我國際生存空間、同時也提升國家國際形象。 「藝術經營」不僅是拓展藝術文化事業的手法，更可藉由創意的「行銷策略」，促成藝術活動、文化事業的蓬勃發展，以及提昇文化產值、開創藝文生機的目的。如何適當的運用策略性行銷(Strategic Marketing)與事件行銷(Event Marketing)以提升組織知名度，並獲取資源已經成為每個非營利組織及表演藝術團體思考的重要課題。 文化藝術活動的國際展演，從製作、選擇、出訪與宣傳的層層環節，與當代的社會環境、文化政策、政治需求以及外交情勢，有著密不可分的互動關係，有效的藝術經營管理、成功的文化行銷搭配之下，才有健全藝術市場和文化產業的可能性，同時也才能提供藝術文化工作者的生存空間，以及永續經營的發展基礎。 本研究藉由了解實驗國樂團(National Chinese Orchestra) 四個國際巡迴演出活動事件整合為一「策略性」行銷方案，藉以提昇組織核心能力及競爭優勢，來探討傳統音樂性質之表演藝術團隊成功運用行銷策略，綜合樂團藝術層面、觀眾欣賞層面、媒體報導層面加以整合，歸納出活動願景、呈現價值及表演藝術團體與國際非營利組織合作所建構之互動成效，作為相關組織經營發展策略新思維。 / The culture is the life that the nation continues, and its progress is a driving force for the social development. In 1997, Council for Cultural Affairs of Executive Yuan announced “Culture will be the diplomatic theme and the promotion of Taiwan’s culture will be the first important work of international exchange”. After the party alternation in power, the new Government still took “cross-strait cultural exchange” and “international touring and cultural diplomacy” as its cultural policy and administration guiding principle. Through cultural exchange, Taiwan can reach wider and deeper in the international community than via economic diplomacy, and can also promote the international image of Taiwan. The knowledge of “Arts management” can be used to expand the business of culture and arts, besides, through marketing strategy; it also enhances the development, value and vitality of arts activities and cultural business. Therefore, how to apply “Strategic Marketing” and “Event Marketing” properly to promote the publicity of the organization so as to gain more resource is an difficult challenge for every NGOs and performing arts companies. The international tours of the arts and cultural activities interact closely with social environment, cultural policy, political needs and diplomatic circumstance in every steps of the production. Effective arts management and successful marketing can enhance the arts market and cultural industry; provide the living space for arts and cultural workers, as well as nourish the base for perpetual operation. This research took the international touring concerts of National Chinese Orchestra as a successful example to illustrate the application of event marketing strategy of traditional musical groups, and concludes the vision and achievements from the aspects of artistry, audience appreciation and news reports so as to provide new direction and strategy of relative organizations in future development.