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En analysant les processus dialectiques par lesquels l’art repense le passé, Between Truth and Trauma : The Work of Art and Memory work in Adorno traite du concept adornien de la mémoire. Je postule que l’œuvre d’art chez Adorno incarne un Zeitkern (noyau temporel). Je démontrerai que l’immanence réciproque de l’histoire dans l’œuvre d’art et l’immanence de l’œuvre d’art dans l’histoire permettent de repenser le passé. Le premier chapitre examine la manière par laquelle le passé est préservé et nié par l’œuvre d’art. Le deuxième chapitre montre comment, à l’aide du processus interprétatif, le passé est transcendé à travers l’œuvre d’art. Le dernier chapitre évoque la lecture adornienne d’écrits de Brecht et de Beckett dans le but d’illustrer la capacité de l’œuvre d’art à naviguer entre la vérité et le trauma. / Analyzing the dialectical processes through which art works through the past, Between Truth and Trauma: The Work of Art and Memory in Adorno examines Adorno’s concept of memory. I argue that, for Adorno, the work of art both has and is a Zeitkern (temporal nucleus). I demonstrate that the reciprocal immanence of history in the work and immanence of the work in history allows for the past to be worked through. The first chapter examines how the past is preserved and negated by the work of art. The second chapter examines how the past is transcended through the work of art via the interpretive process. The final chapter looks at Adorno’s reading of work by Beckett and Brecht in order to illustrate the ability of the work of art to navigate between truth and trauma.

The core aim of this interdisciplinary research is to provide a critical analysis of the influence of Darwinism and Social Darwinism on a sample of modern Chinese writings. To achieve these aims, the researcher uses a range of both Chinese and English sources to explore their close affinities with Darwinism and Social Darwinism. Following this course, the research examines how Darwinian thought was introduced to the Chinese reading public in the late nineteenth century through a translation of Thomas Henry Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics by Yen Fu, and the subsequent impact of this work and Darwinian thought in general on seven literary and political figures: K'ang Yu-wei, Liang Qichao, Lu Xun, Hu Shih, Chen Duxiu, Sun Yat-sen and Mao Zedong. From an historical perspective, the Opium Wars and imperial invasions of China in the nineteenth century severely weakened the country’s political, economic, diplomatic, military, educational and cultural power. For these reasons and others, from 1840 to 1949, China experienced a tumultuous period of social and political transformation, which has eventually led to her revival in the twenty-first century. It will be seen that each of the literary figures examined here used evolutionary thought to justify revolution at various points on China’s long march to modernity. Progressive Darwinian ideas sharply contrasted with the old Confucian values upheld within Chinese communities. Nevertheless, the faults and weaknesses of Qing China awakened many pioneering revolutionaries who sought to reverse the status quo by initiating a series of radical reforms and revolutionary movements. Many within the Chinese intellectual elite looked to the tide of change and progress coming from the West, which they hoped might replace the recent historical stagnation and Confucian dogma embedded in Chinese culture and society. In this vein, many of these pioneering revolutionaries set about driving the historical transformation of China by selecting, translating and interpreting Darwinian ideas in their own writings. From Yen Fu in the nineteenth century to Mao Zedong in the twentieth century, evolutionary thought went hand in hand with China’s modernization.

Cette thèse s’inscrit au sein de la littérature des théories modernes et contemporaines de la justice sociale, en s’intéressant plus particulièrement à la question de l’égalité et à la manière dont elle s’est affirmée en tant que préoccupation fondamentale pour ces théories. En s’appuyant essentiellement sur les travaux d’Amartya Sen, d’Emmanuel Levinas et de G.W.F. Hegel, il est suggéré que l’égalité constitue la condition de possibilité de la justice, et ainsi de la liberté, cette dernière étant affirmée comme l’objet de la justice. Ce travail tend également à envisager les limites d’une telle conception : le premier chapitre permet d’affirmer la relation d’interdépendance des valeurs de liberté et d’égalité au regard de la justice sociale en démontrant la nécessité d’un principe d’égalité par l’argument de la raison humaine. Le second chapitre approfondit l’argument de l’impartialité, tel que développé par Sen. De là, le troisième chapitre déploie la nécessité d’une médiation institutionnelle dans la lutte pour la reconnaissance, centrale aux questions de liberté, tout en montrant les insuffisances de l’égalité. Enfin, le dernier chapitre montre, à l’aide de Levinas les dérives totalisantes de l’égalité, malgré sa nécessité pratique, insistant par là même sur la nécessité d’une méthode dialectique pour penser la justice. Finalement, l’idée principale est d’investiguer la tension qui caractérise la justice sociale : la justice ne peut être réduite à l’égalité, bien que cette dernière soit supposée l’une de ses conditions nécessaires. / This thesis comes within the scope of the literature of modern and contemporary social justice theories, while focusing on the question of equality and the way it became a fundamental concern for these theories. Essentially relying on Amartya Sen’s, Emmanuel Levinas’ and GW.F. Hegel’s works, it suggests a conception of equality as the condition of possibility of justice, and thus of freedom, this one being assumed as the object of social justice. It also aims at foreseeing the limits of such a conception: the first chapter asserts the relation of interdependency that exists between the values of freedom and equality regarding distributive issues, by showing the necessity of a principle of equality through the argument of human reason. The second chapter deepens the argument of impartiality, as developed by Sen. From there, the third chapter deploys the necessity of an institutional mediation in the struggle for recognition, central to freedom issues, while showing the limits of the principle of equality. Finally, the last chapter, based on Levinas’ thought, displays the totalitarian drifts of equality, despite its practical necessity, thus insisting on the need of aVersion juillet 2016 3 / 2dialectical method to think of justice. Eventually, the main idea is to investigate the tension that seems to characterize social justice: justice cannot be reduced to equality, although it is assumed as one of its necessary conditions.

Esta tese sobre a história da dramaturgia no Brasil tomou como pressuposto a ideia de formação, inspirada na obra de Antonio Candido, Formação da Literatura Brasileira, que é caracterizada por definir, no campo das letras nacionais, a ambivalência que marca nosso processo de constituição cultural, marcado pelo empréstimo de formas artísticas importadas em desajuste com a realidade histórica local. Procuramos traçar o percurso de formação de uma dramaturgia nacional identificando os limites e avanços deste processo de aclimatação das formas e gêneros de origem europeia, escolhendo objetos de análise específicos, a saber, obras e autores considerados como \"momentos decisivos\". Partimos da hipótese de que, no âmbito teatral, os \"momentos decisivos\" desta formação são aqueles influenciados pelos conceitos europeus (formulados pelo crítico Peter Szondi) de drama burguês, drama moderno e de teatro épico, que, no entanto, ao serem incorporados pelos autores teatrais brasileiros geraram formas híbridas, \"arruinadas\" e desajustadas em relação aos modelos originais. Consideramos que tal importação, assolada por um processo histórico também ele altamente contraditório e desigual, gerou entre nós diversas manifestações teatrais fraturadas, que poderiam ser contempladas por um conceito ampliado de tragédia. Procuraremos identificar, nestes momentos decisivos, diversas manifestações de uma certa dialética trágica que, não obstante sua diversidade, poderia caracterizar esse processo de formação como capaz de gerar obras tão dilaceradas quanto o tecido social que lhes corresponde. / This thesis on the history of dramaturgy in Brazil explores the idea of formation, inspired by Antonio Candido\'s work Formação da Literatura Brasileira (Brazilian\'s Literature Formation), which is known in the national literary field for defining the ambivalence that exists in our cultural constitution process, and is characterized by the influence of imported artistic forms imbalanced with local historical realities. We seek to trace the development of a national dramaturgy, identifying the boundaries and advances in the acclimation process of European forms and genres, by selecting key analytical pieces, namely works and authors considered to be \"turning points\". We hypothesize that these decisive moments are the ones influenced by the European concepts of bourgeois drama, modern drama and epictheater formulated by the critic Peter Szondi; by incorporating such concepts, Brazilian playwrights have generated hybrid forms, \"ruined\" and misfits of the original models. This thesis considers how such importation - coupled with a highly contradictory and uneven historical background - has generated amongst us several fractured theatrical manifestations that could be categorized under a broader concept of tragedy. We will seek to identify, from these decisive moments, indications of a certain tragic dialectic and how it, not withstanding its own diversity, could characterize this formation process capable of generating new works as lacerated as the social fabric to which they correspond.

For many teenagers, learning to play guitar might only involve themselves and one or more of their peers interacting outside school. Music education research, however, does not reveal the spectrum of ways in which adolescent musicians interact to learn peer-to-peer. The purpose of this study was to examine this process: how adolescents verbally and nonverbally communicated to learn music together and without adult teachers. Two research questions in this study addressed how systems of meanings emerged in adolescent musicians’ processes of talk. The first was: How do participants learning jointly and independently communicate with a peer outside school? The second question was: How do participants assess independent learning along with their peer and joint learning outside school? The participants were six adolescent guitarists from El Paso, Texas. The final candidates included five males with Hispanic backgrounds and one Mexican-American adolescent male. Data were collected in three observations of the guitarists learning in pairs. Data were also collected in interviews, artifacts, and field notes. Discourse analysis involved review of recorded observations, field notes, and transcripts. Data were coded and parsed into categories. Multiple systems of meanings emerged in themes. Quoted material helped to explain the discourse themes. Three sets of findings included main dialectic discourse themes: together–individual, unreserved–reserved, and established–undetermined. Four identity discourses—self-learner, coach, musical artist, and friend—emerged from participants’ dialogues. Three themes indicated how participants individually assessed learning, and two themes showed how joint evaluations emerged peer-to-peer. This study and its results highlight a spectrum of ways adolescent musicians use everyday talk to learn music outside school. Findings in this study might empower music teachers to facilitate their students’ own peer dialogues. Future research can build on the foundation of findings here, which raise questions for exploring how communication outside school might compare with communication in school, how peer-to-peer music learning might be facilitated, as well as implications about why certain types of communication influence music learning.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T21:16:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 26 / Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / O estudo reflete sobre a possibilidade de um Projeto Político-Pedagógico (PPP) de uma universidade pública, de intencionalidade emancipatória, impactar a formação e ação profissional de seus acadêmicos. A opção metodológica que orientou a pesquisa foi pautada nos princípios da investigação qualitativa por meio de um estudo de caso de natureza etnográfica. Os principais instrumentos utilizados para a apreensão e entendimento da realidade pesquisada foram a observação participante, a análise de documentos e os diálogos no campo. Os acadêmicos se constituíram nos sujeitos centrais desta pesquisa incluindo, também, os professores e técnicos para entender o contexto geral do processo formativo. A orientação epistemológica que balizou o diálogo com os sujeitos baseou-se nos princípios da dialética, lançando mão de categorias como totalidade, contradição e mediação. O texto se constitui a partir da trajetória de vida do pesquisador, destacando a imersão no mundo do trabalho e a compreensão de como o trabalho no camp / The study reflects the possibility of a Political-Pedagogical Project (PPP) of a public university, is intent emancipatory, impacting the training and professional action of its academics. The option that has guided the research methodology was based on the principles of qualitative research through a case study of ethnographic nature. The main instruments used for grasping and understanding of reality were searched the observation, the analysis of documents and dialogues in the field. The scholars were formed in the central subject of this research, including, also, teachers and technicians to understand the general context of the training process. The epistemological orientation balizou that the dialogue with the subject based on the principles of dialectics, making use of categories as a whole, contradiction and mediation. The text is founded upon the life trajectory of the researcher, highlighting the immersion into the world of work and understanding of how the work in the field of education could direct

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-02-20T12:54:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Neri Pies_.pdf: 1246002 bytes, checksum: 66789585d953f0318718aae63954f3e9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-20T12:54:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Neri Pies_.pdf: 1246002 bytes, checksum: 66789585d953f0318718aae63954f3e9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-12 / Nenhuma / A presente tese tem o objetivo: tematizar a possibilidade de uma Política Negativa em Adorno com o intuito de pensar a vida emancipada. O processo de desencantamento do mundo iluminista, que prometia liberdade, certezas científicas e progresso, transformou a razão em instrumento de dominação e mascarou a realidade, instaurando, assim, um sistema administrado. Esta estrutura provocou o estreitamento da racionalidade crítica e eliminou a tensão entre conceito e realidade. Escondeu também a real política, pois o sistema administrado não considera as singularidades, o não idêntico, aquilo que aparece de contraditório na vida humana e na sociedade. Dessa forma, o objetivo da política fica encoberto, torna-se um conceito abstrato que está a serviço do sistema instrumental burguês. A real política é mais do que aparece de imediato na totalidade da sociedade administrada, por isso, nosso objetivo é fazer um exercício, nas obras de Theodor Adorno, da estrutura que apreende e direciona a política, compreendendo como este posicionamento leva o indivíduo e a sociedade à decadência. Mas também, pretendemos, a partir do pensamento de Adorno, apontar perspectivas que podem levar a humanidade e a sociedade para processos emancipatórios através do que, seguindo a terminologia de Adorno, denominamos de política negativa. Para encontrar as perspectivas, acreditamos que é preciso tirar a casca ao redor da política, expor a realidade na qual ela está inserida e dar dinamicidade para que o heterogêneo viva. Nesse sentido fica a pergunta: isso poderia ser feito através da dinâmica da dialética negativa? Na teoria de Adorno, a dialética não se completa, ela se detém no momento da negatividade, articulando e tencionando a razão permanentemente e à medida que ocorre a reflexividade, a razão vai iluminando e qualificando a realidade sem torná-la abstratamente conceitual, ou seja, os elementos se cristalizam por um movimento objetivo projetando novas constelações. Essa dinâmica, de dialética negativa, pode tensionar, articular e iluminar a política, trazendo à tona possibilidades emancipatórias da vida e de uma sociedade melhor sem torná-la administrada. Esta pesquisa analisa se a política negativa pode desobstruir a camada ideológica que oculta as contradições e trazer à tona uma nova configuração, uma outra realidade, ou ainda, a verdadeira realidade. Também tenciona compreender se uma política negativa pode manter a tensão, um campo de forças e pode ir além da superfície imediata das coisas ao não se contentar com as aparências, e se pode resistir e contrapor a estrutura burguesa e a falsidade do todo pela verdade. Com estas questões abertas, nos desafiamos a construir uma reflexão, através da política negativa na obra de Theodor Adorno, por acreditarmos que não existe uma teleologia da sociedade e nem uma racionalidade dos acontecimentos previamente fixados. / The following thesis aims to thematize the possibility of a Negative Politics in Adorno in order to think about the emancipated life. The disenchantment process of the enlightenment world, that promised freedom, scientific certainty and progress, transformed reason into a tool of domination and masked the reality, establishing, a managed system. This structure caused the narrowing of critical rationality and eliminated the tension between concept and reality. It also hid the real politics, because the managed system does not consider the singularities, the non identical, something that appears contradictory in human life and in society. In this way, the objective of politics is covered, it becomes an abstract concept, at the service of the instrumental bourgeois system. The real politics is more than what immediately appears in the totality of the managed society, thats's why, our objective is to make an exercise, in the works of Theodor Adorno, the structure that apprehends and directs the politics understanding how this positioning takes the individual and the society to the decay. But also, we intend, from Adorno thoughts, point out some perspectives that can lead humanity and society to emancipatory processes which, following the terminology of Adorno, we call negative politics. To find the perspectives, we believe that it is necessary to take the bark around politics, to expose the reality in which it is inserted and to give dynamicity so that the heterogeneous could live. In this sense the question remains: could this be done through the dynamics of negative dialectics? In Adorno's theory, the dialectic is not complete, it stops at the moment of negativity, articulating and intending the reason permanently as the reflexivity occurs, the reason illuminates and qualifies reality without making it an abstract concept, the elements crystallize by an objective movement projecting new constellations. This dynamics, of negative dialectics, can envisage, articulate and illuminate politics, bringing the emancipatory possibilities of life and a better society without making it administered. This research analyzes can negative politics erase the ideological layer that hides contradictions and bring out a new configuration, another reality, or a real reality. It also compromises san a negative policy keep a tension, a force field, and can it go beyond the immediate surface of things by not being content with appearances, can it resist and oppose the bourgeois structure and the falsity of the whole by the truth. With these open questions, we challenge ourselves to construct a reflection in the books of Theodor Adorno, through negative politics, believing, that there is no teleology of society and no rationality of events previously fixed.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Diana Jaqueira Fernandes.pdf: 1101703 bytes, checksum: e2ae4f0562858fabff4bde4d6db89677 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-10 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / In this research, experience and housing are two siamese concepts that point the singularization of subjectivity/objectivity dialectics that results of (non)democratization of urban land. Proposes to think over the psychosocial dimension of the housing social question, starting from the experience of the process of land regularization and the right to housing in an area of informal settlement. Field research was conducted in a favela (slum) in the southeast region of São Paulo, first occupied in 1957 (Habisp, 2010). The question why the dwellers of this community do not cooperate whit land regularization actions? was made by the institution that promotes causes for the local and was incorporated in the research objectives. Through participant observation/dialogues and interviews with area residents, were raised the history of housing experiences, the meaning of their houses and of their places of residence; the everyday life, specially the relations with neighbors and other residents; the meaning of public power for them, their expectations about land regularization, reliance on actions that are being made; sufferings and projects for future. Slum residents have been demonstrating that awareness about housing rights was not absent. They have learned through the experience of their personal development, guided by the sorrow created by housing insecure situation, the possible alternatives against social forces and the indifference of public power, making their own insight of right , understood, here, as natural right. Therefore, the research offers reflexions to understand that the residents do not respond at once to aid offered by justice, not by alienation or passivity, but based on their distrust created by the conscience that society does not recognizes their needs / Vivência e moradia são dois conceitos siameses que, na pesquisa, indicam a singularização da dialética subjetividade/objetividade decorrentes da (não)democratização da terra urbana. Propõe-se refletir sobre a dimensão psicossocial da questão social da moradia, a partir da vivência do processo de regularização fundiária e do direito à moradia em área de ocupação irregular. A pesquisa de campo foi realizada em uma favela da zona sudeste da cidade de São Paulo, cuja primeira ocupação data de 1957 (Habisp, 2010). A pergunta por que os moradores dessa comunidade não colaboram com as ações de regularização fundiária? foi realizada pela instituição que atua juridicamente no local e incorporada aos objetivos. Por meio de observação participante/conversas e entrevistas com moradores, levantou-se as histórias das experiências de moradia, os sentidos de suas casas e do local de moradia; o cotidiano, com destaque à relação com vizinhos e demais moradores; o sentido que o poder público tem pra elas; suas expectativas sobre regularização fundiária, confiança nas ações que estão sendo deflagradas; sofrimentos e projetos de futuro. Os moradores da favela foram demonstrando que não lhes falta consciência das questões referentes ao direito à moradia. Aprenderam, por experiência de suas trajetórias pessoais, pautadas pelo sofrimento gerado pela insegurança da moradia, as alternativas possíveis diante das forças sociais e do desinteresse do poder público, produzindo uma compreensão própria de direito , conceituado, aqui, de direito natural. Assim, a pesquisa oferece reflexões para se entender que a população não responde prontamente ao oferecimento de ajuda da Justiça, não por alienação ou passividade, mas por desconfiança gerada pela consciência do não reconhecimento de suas necessidades pela sociedade