Esta tese analisa a transterritorialidade decorrente de institucionalidades formais e informais concorrentes em nove cidade de Brasil, Colômbia e México. Mais especificamente, trata das consequências sociais da produção de múltiplos territórios e multiterritorialidades a partir da competição entre institucionalidades formais legais e institucionalidades informais ilegais ligadas ao narcotráfico. A pesquisa se desenvolveu nas cidades brasileiras de Porto Alegre e Rio Janeiro, colombianas de Bogotá, Buenaventura, Cali e Medellín, e mexicanas de Cidade do México, Culiacán e Xalapa. O estudo busca compreender as distintas dinâmicas de dominação funcional e apropriação simbólica dos espaços urbanos. Interessou, neste sentido, de forma mais contundente, a investigação dos efeitos sobre a população de territorialidades mais funcionais instituídas a partir da unidade regra-sanção baseada no disciplinamento dos corpos pela violência. Examina, ainda, a relação recursiva entre território (e territorialidade), instituição e cultura. Associada ao paradigma de complexidade proposto por Morin, a investigação propriamente dita, inspirada no estudo de múltiplos casos, envolveu um conjunto de técnicas para coleta e análise de dados Foram utilizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas, observações a partir de saídas de campo, registros fotográficos, análise de conteúdo e análise estatística descritiva. Em termos de resultados, demonstrou-se que os moradores, especialmente os residentes na periferia das cidades pesquisadas, vivem a transterritorialidade imposta por regras inscritas nos corpos por institucionalidades formais e informais. Eles têm suas rotinas ordenadas por códigos formais e informais de conduta, contenções permanentes e temporárias dispostas no e pelo espaço geográfico. Verificou-se a existência de uma relação recursiva entre estratégias de evitação e contornamento. Constatou-se que, na maioria dos casos, os territórios produzidos e mantidos por forças institucionais ligadas ao Estado e ilegais associadas ao narcotráfico são mais funcionais do que simbólicos. Dito de outra forma, o espaço é dominado pelo estabelecimento de regras e sanções, e não apropriado por processos identitários ou de identificação cultural. Por fim, chega-se à conclusão de que a transterritorialidade é uma emergência complexa, em termos morinianos, decorrente dos processos de produção e manutenção de multiterritorialidades de institucionalidades formais e informais. / This thesis analyzes the trans-territoriality caused by competing formal and informal institutions in nine cities of Brazil, Colombia and Mexico. More specifically, this research is about the social consequences of the formation of multiple territories and multi-territorialities produced by the competition between legal formal institutions and illegal informal institutions connected to drug trafficking. The research was developed in the Brazilian cities of Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro, in the Colombian cities of Bogotá, Buenaventura, Cali and Medellín and in the Mexican cities of Mexico City, Culiacán and Xalapa. The study aims to comprehend the distinct processes of functional domination and symbolic appropriation of urban spaces. The research was mainly interested in investigating the effects of more functional territorialities on the population established by the connection between rules and sanctions based on the use of violence in order to discipline bodies. The study also examined the recursive relation among territory (and territoriality), institution e culture. Associated with Morin's Paradigm of Complexity, the investigation itself, inspired by the study of multiple cases, involved a range of techniques to acquire and to analyze data The research used semi-structured interviews, observations during field trips, photographic record, content analysis and descriptive statistics. As for the results, this thesis demonstrates that the inhabitants, especially the ones who reside on the periphery of the cities researched, live the process of trans-territoriality imposed by the rules of formal and informal institutionalities. They have their routines commanded by formal and informal codes of conduct, permanent and temporary restraints established in the geographic space. The research found the existence of a recursive relation between bypassing restraints and strategies to avoid populations. The study also noted that, in most cases, the territories produced and maintained by institutional forces connected to the State and illegal forces associated with the drug trafficking are more functional than symbolic. In other words, the space is dominated by rules and sanctions and not appropriated by identity processes or cultural identification. Finally, the research came to the conclusion that trans-territoriality is a complex emergence, in Morin’s terms, due to processes of production and maintenance of formal and informal multi-territorialities and institionalities.

Mexico and the United States share not only an approximately 3000 km border but also important roles concerning drug traffic. With the U.S. as the major consumer and Mexico as its principal supplier, they make the perfect supply and demand equation. As a result, they share the threats related to drug traffic which affects the political, social, and economic level of both countries. During the last decade, the Mexican drug cartels have gained control of the drug entering the United States, so Mexico is a crucial issue in drug matters to their American neighbors. Currently, both nations accepted a shared responsibility in drug traffic cases and are working hand in hand to limit the capabilities of DTOs, but there remains the open question if such efforts are significantly useful. This thesis presents an analysis of the U.S. influence on the escalation of the fight against illicit drugs in Mexico during Bush and Obama administrations and the effectiveness of the counter-drug assistance program: the Merida Initiative. I argue that the Merida Initiative has been successful improving the U.S.-Mexican relations regarding bilateral counter-drug policies. However, the Mexican drug cartels have reached their momentum and seem to be leading the drug market. Besides, it is necessary to pursue a critical...

Le premier site de cryptomarché, hébergé dans le darkweb, a été lancé en 2011. Ces plateformes rendent possible la vente de divers produits et services illicites. Depuis, de nombreuses interventions policières ont été effectuées dans le but mettre un frein à leurs activités. Malgré de nombreuses tentatives, les effets de ces opérations se sont avérés limités et temporaires. En effet, les revenus générés par cet écosystème sont en constante augmentation. Récemment, les forces policières ont changé leur approche et ont tenté de nouvelles stratégies pour mettre un terme à ce trafic. L’efficacité de ces interventions reste inconnue, car très peu d’études s’y sont attardées. L’objectif de ce mémoire est donc de comprendre quels sont les impacts des opérations policières non traditionnelles sur les participants des cryptomarchés. À l’aide de données récupérées sur différents forums de discussion orientés sur cet écosystème distinct et sa communauté, nous étudierons les effets de deux opérations policières récentes, soit la fermeture de la plateforme DeepDotWeb, et l’opération DisrupTor. Les principaux résultats démontrent que ces interventions ont ébranlé les activités commerciales de ces sites et ont affecté la confiance des membres de la communauté. Malgré l’augmentation de la perception des risques chez plusieurs, les membres ne sont toutefois pas découragés et tentent de trouver une façon de contourner les obstacles imposés par les interventions des forces de l’ordre, en améliorant la structure en place ou en innovant vers de nouveaux outils technologiques. Cependant, les capacités d’adaptation des participants semblent atteindre une certaine limite, et leur essoufflement est perceptible. / The first cryptomarket, hosted in the darkweb, was launched in 2011. These platforms make it possible to sell various illicit products and services. Since then, numerous police interventions have been carried out with the aim of shutting down their activities. Despite many attempts, the effects of the opreations turned out to be limited and temporary. Indeed, the income generated by these websites is constantly increasing. Recently, the police forces have changed their approach and tried new strategies in order to stop this narcotics network. The effectiveness of these interventions remains unknown, as very few studies have focused on them. The objective of the research is therefore to understand the impacts of non-traditionnal police operations on cryptomarket participants. Using data collected from various discussion forums focused on this distinct ecosystem and its community, we will study the effects of two recent police operations : the closure of the DeepDotWeb website, and Operation DisrupTor. The main results show that these interventions have shaken the commercial activities of the ecosystem and have affected the confidence of its community. Despite the increase in risk perception among many, members are not, however, discouraged, and try to find a way to circumvent the obstacles imposed by the police interventions, either by improving the infrastructure in place or by innovating toward new technological tools. However, the coping skills of the participants seem to have reached a certain limit, and their shortness of breath is noticeable.

[pt] Nós usamos dados de internações por uso de drogas para criar uma medida do crescimento do mercado de drogas (entrada de drogas) para os municípios brasileiros durante os anos 2000. Usando essa medida, nós perguntamo se existe uma associação entre entrada de drogas e o aumento da violência visto nos anos 2000. Nós estimamos uma associação positiva entre entrada de drogas e violência, com uma associação mais forte para homicídios contra homens jovens mortos por armas de fogo. Nós também mostramos que a presença de favelas aumenta essa associação. / [en] We use data for hospitalizations due to drug use, and we create a measure for the emergence of drug markets (drug entry) in Brazilian municipalities. Using this measure, we ask whether drug entry is associated with the rise in violence seen in Brazil during the 2000 s. We estimate a positive association between drug entry and homicide rates, with a stronger association for homicides against young males murdered by fire weapons. We also find that the presence of slums makes this association stronger.

The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia is located in the Horn of Africa and bound on the northeast by Eritrea and Djibouti, on the east and southeast by Somalia, on the south-west by Kenya and on the west and north-west by Sudan. In a 2003 report, the Ethiopia Central Statistical Authority (2003:24) estimated the population of Ethiopia to be 71,066,000. The Ethiopian economy is mainly based on agriculture, which contributes 47% to GNP and more than 80% of exports and employs 85% of the population. Ethiopia nowadays governs under a federal system and due to the governance system there are nine regional states in the country, which are composed of specific ethnic groups. The regional states, which have a significant degree of autonomy, are Tigray, Afar, Amhara, Oromia, Somalia, Benshangul-Gumaz, Gambela, Harar and the Southern Nations, nationalities and peoples, which comprise about 41 ethnic groups. Hence, the structure of the police service in the country follows the characteristics of the federal system. Accordingly, the regional states have their own police service, which is responsible to the regional states and at the federal government level, the Federal Police Service (FPS) is responsible to federal government. / Police Practice / M.Tech. (Policing)

Les conflits armés dans des pays producteurs de drogues illicites, comme la Birmanie, sont parmi les plus longs du XXe et du XXIe siècles. Dans ces conflits, l’industrie de la drogue est souvent présentée comme la source de financement qui permet aux groupes insurgés de poursuivre leur combat contre le gouvernement central. Cependant, l’économie illicite birmane s’est développée pendant un conflit armé tout comme durant une période de stabilité accrue. Une analyse des régions shan, wa et kokang de l’État Shan démontre que les industries de la drogue ont prospéré à la fois durant le conflit armé et en l’absence de celui-ci lorsque des ententes entre élites existent autour du partage des rentes de cette économie. / Armed conflict in drug-producing countries such as Burma conflict, are among the longest in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. In these conflicts, the drug industry is often portrayed as the source of funding that allows insurgent groups to continue their struggle against the central government. However, the Burmese illicit economy grew both during armed conflict and during a period of increased stability. An analysis of the Shan, Kokang and Wa regions of Burma’s Shan State demonstrates that drug industries have flourished during armed conflict and in its absence when elites have agreed to share rents from the industry.

Le présent mémoire s’intéresse à la déstabilisation d’un réseau de distribution de stupéfiants. Il est basé sur l’étude d’une enquête policière réalisée dans une grande ville canadienne. L’objectif principal de cette enquête était le démantèlement d’un réseau criminel perçu comme étant hiérarchisé. Différentes stratégies ont été mises en œuvre par les enquêteurs afin de déstabiliser le réseau. Cinq de ces stratégies sont étudiées dans cette recherche. Des analyses de réseaux et l’évaluation de l’évolution des opérations de distribution de stupéfiants démontrent que, parmi les stratégies déstabilisatrices, le retrait sélectif (arrestation) et l’ajout (infiltration) de participants dans le réseau sont les plus efficaces. Les résultats détaillés montrent l’importance de préparer des enquêtes systématiques et réfléchies en vue de déstabiliser un réseau. Bien que les rafles massives de participants soient intéressantes, il est essentiel d’en soulever les limites. Le fait de se concentrer sur des enquêtes planifiées permettra non seulement de répondre aux objectifs de l’enquête en cours, mais également de comprendre et développer des pratiques de déstabilisation à long terme au niveau du marché criminel en général (méta-réseau). / This research focuses on the disruption of a drug distribution network and is based on a case study of a law-enforcement investigation conducted in a major Canadian city. The aim of the investigation was to dismantle a criminal network that was perceived to be hierarchically structured. Different strategies were applied by the investigating team to disrupt the network. Five of these strategies are studied in the present research. Network analyses and an assessment of the evolution of the drug distribution operation demonstrate that, amongst the set of disrupting strategies, those aimed at the selective removal (arrests) and addition (infiltration) of actors to the network were most effective. The details surrounding such findings highlight the importance of preparing well-planned and systematic investigations following such guidelines, while also pointing to the limits of massive crackdowns that lead to the arrests of all participants in a criminal network. Conceiving such a focus will not only meet the short-term objectives of a police investigation, but also allow for an understanding that is crucial to develop long-term disruptive practices of not simply the operation under investigation but the wider criminal network environment surrounding it.

L’étude scientifique des réseaux criminels démontre, de plus en plus, que leur structure est flexible et dynamique et que la thèse du contrôle ou de la centralisation des marchés criminels est discutable. Pourtant, devant la présence d’une organisation criminelle dite «traditionnelle» dans un marché criminel, autant la population que les milieux médiatiques, politiques, policiers et judiciaires, peuvent percevoir le marché comme étant contrôlé par cette organisation. Le fait de surévaluer la menace réelle de certains groupes criminels et de considérer que la centralisation des marchés criminels existent au détriment de la collaboration entre différents individus et groupes d’un réseau, peut notamment influencer les stratégies policières. D’une part, les autorités policières peuvent orienter leurs stratégies en tenant pour acquis que la structure dont s’est doté une présumée organisation criminelle se transpose dans le marché criminel dans lequel ses membres opèrent. D’autre part, cette organisation devient la première cible des autorités et les autres participants du réseau se voient accorder une moins grande importance dans les activités du marché. La recherche qui suit présente les résultats d’une analyse de réseau effectuée à partir des transcriptions de surveillances électroniques et physiques issues d’une importante opération policière visant la lutte aux motards criminalisés : l’opération Printemps 2001. À l’aide de ces données, un réseau de 349 individus a été créé. Bien que la cible principale de l’opération policière ait été l’organisation des Hell’s Angels, plus précisément, le chapitre Nomads et son club-école, les Rockers, d’autres groupes et d’autres individus ont été interceptés par les surveillances policières. Il ressort des analyses de la position occupée par l’ensemble des groupes et des individus identifiés, que les principales cibles des autorités policières n’étaient pas celles qui occupaient les positions les plus stratégiques pour être influentes et durer dans la portion du marché ciblée par l’opération. / The scientific study of criminal networks reveals that their structure is flexible and dynamic and that the thesis supporting the control or the centralization of the criminal markets are at the least debatable. Nevertheless when a «traditional» criminal organization is active in a criminal market, the people, the media, the politicians, the police force and the judiciary tend to perceive that the market is under the control of that organization. In over-evaluating the real threat posed by certain criminal groups and in considering that there is a centralization of the criminal markets held by a known criminal organization, police strategy is biased and underscores the importance and influence of other individuals or groups of persons within the criminal market. Police strategy is then oriented in thinking that the structure of a criminal organization is transposed in the criminal market wherein its members operate. Consequently, the organization becomes the main target of the authorities and giving less attention to the other actors in the activities of the market. The following research paper presents the results of a network analysis taking its main sources from transcripts of electronic and physical surveillance collected during an important police operation against criminal bikers in the Province of Québec, Canada, and known as Operation Springtime 2001. From these transcripts, a network of 349 individuals was created. Though, the Hells Angels organization and more precisely the Nomads Chapter and its farm team, the Rockers, were the main targets of the police operation, other groups and individuals were also intercepted by police surveillance. After analysis of the position occupied by all the groups and individual that were identified it became apparent that the main target of the police authorities were not those who held the most strategic positions to exercise influence and last in the market under examination by the operation Operation Springtime 2001.

Même si la coopération policière transnationale est l’objet ces dernières années d’un engouement souvent attribué à des vertus d’efficacité, il reste que relativement peu d’informations sont disponibles sur le processus en lui-même. L’objectif général de la thèse était de fournir une analyse englobant à la fois les préoccupations des autorités politiques et celles des acteurs judiciaires et policiers. Ces acteurs occupent tous des rôles nécessaires dans le système de la coopération policière transnationale, mais outre cette constatation, les études à leur sujet ne se recoupent pas véritablement. C’est donc dire que, d’une part, les études sur les acteurs politiques se concentrent sur les décisions prises par ceux-ci, sur l’élaboration de concepts et sur la signature de conventions. D’autre part, les études sur les acteurs policiers et judiciaires mettent l’accent sur le déroulement quotidien des activités policières transnationales et sur ce qui s’ensuit, c’est-à-dire les procédures judiciaires. À l’aide de concepts tels que la discrétion et la souplesse, la familiarité, la confiance, la méfiance, le scepticisme et l’évitement, nous tentons de rallier les récents concepts de reconnaissance mutuelle et de confiance mutuelle avec ce qui se passe effectivement dans le monde opérationnel. La thèse, qui s’intéresse principalement à la coopération policière transnationale en matière de trafic de drogues, s’appuie sur deux types de données. Tout d’abord, des entrevues qualitatives semi-dirigées ont été menées auprès de 21 policiers et procureurs. Ensuite, une analyse documentaire a été effectuée sur des documents canadiens, soit les sept jurisprudences sur l’extranéité et un guide rédigé par un procureur à l’intention des enquêteurs œuvrant dans les enquêtes. Nous allons présenter rapidement les résultats les plus importants de la thèse. Dans le premier chapitre, il a été question de deux niveaux de structures de pouvoir, qui n’évoluent pas en vases clos, mais qui s’influencent mutuellement. C’est dire que le levier d’influence des acteurs étatiques sur les acteurs du policing transnational peut être relativement puissant, mais que des parades peuvent toujours être utilisées par les policiers dans des cas spécifiques. Nadelmann (1993) avait raison lorsqu’il a soutenu qu’une norme adoptée au niveau transnational n’est pas nécessairement utile à la réalisation des objectifs communs des États, c’est-à-dire l’immobilisation des criminels. La norme est le produit d’une négociation politique et d’un jeu de pouvoir. Au final, elle n’influe pas énormément sur les décisions prises par les policiers dans les enquêtes à composantes transnationales. Au mieux, elle est un guide de règles à ne pas violer ouvertement et impunément. De plus, alors que les pays et les organisations utilisent un système de récompense, d’incitatifs ou de menace de sanctions pour favoriser la coopération policière transnationale en vu d’une participation à une enquête à composantes transnationales, les individus qui travaillent dans les enquêtes à composantes transnationales utilisent la familiarité et valorisent la confiance comme moyen pour établir et maintenir des liens. Ces individus ne peuvent pas s’obliger entre eux, alors qu’il existe la possibilité d’imposer des sanctions réelles entre acteurs étatiques. Il s’agit donc de deux niveaux d’analyse, dans lesquelles la configuration des relations est différente. Dans le deuxième chapitre d’analyse, nous avons examiné les jurisprudences canadiennes et le guide d’un procureur à l’intention des policiers, ce qui nous a amené à constater la discrétion laissée par les agents judiciaires aux policiers travaillant au sein d’enquêtes à composantes transnationales. En fait, nous avons trouvé que les agents judiciaires sont conscients des difficultés des enquêtes à composantes transnationales et qu’ils sont plus flexibles dans ces cas que dans les enquêtes nationales. Le troisième chapitre d’analyse a montré que de nombreux moyens sont à la disposition des agents de l’enquête, et qu’une certaine logique sous-tendait les choix des policiers. Plus particulièrement, c’est la gestion des incertitudes, la nature de l’information et son utilisation envisagée qui importe pour les agents de l’enquête à composantes transnationale. Finalement, le dernier chapitre d’analyse illustre les différents types de relations entretenues entre agents de l’enquête. Nous avons trouvé que le scepticisme est prépondérant mais que la coopération demeure le plus souvent possible, lorsque les acteurs ont des intérêts en commun. Une certaine familiarité entre les acteurs est nécessaire, mais la confiance n’est pas toujours essentielle à la mise en œuvre des activités policières transnationales. En fait, cela dépend du niveau d’échanges nécessaires et du contexte. Gambetta (1988) avait d’ailleurs montré qu’une structure sociale relativement stable puisse se maintenir dans un contexte généralisé de méfiance. / In recent years, transnational police cooperation has been the subject of much attention, often with a prioritization on efficiency. However, relatively little information is available on the process itself. The main objective of the thesis is to formulate an analytical framework that integrates the concerns of political authorities and those of judicial and law-enforcement actors. Past research has illustrated that such actors are all pivotal in the transnational police cooperation system. Yet, in spite of such findings, researchers have generally approached this setting without placing the consistent overlap and interactions between such actors at the forefront. This has left us with a separate set of studies on political actors and the decisions taken by them in regard to the development of concepts and the signing of agreements and studies on police and judicial actors that are more concerned with the daily conduct of transnational policing and what follows (i.e., court proceedings). Using concepts and terms such as discretion, flexibility, familiarity, (dis)trust, scepticism, and avoidance, this thesis proposes an integrative framework designed to rally more recent concepts of mutual recognition and mutual trust with what actually happens in real life police operations. The study focuses primarily on transnational drug trafficking cases within the Canadian context and is based on two types of data. First, qualitative interviews were conducted with 21 police investigators and prosecutors. Next, a content analysis was performed on seven jurisprudences on transnational cases and a guide written by an attorney for investigators. The most important results of the thesis are presented here. In the first chapter, two power structures that are in constant interaction are revealed. Such interaction illustrates that the lever of influence of state actors on transnational policing actors can be quite powerful, but facades can still be used by police officers in specific cases. This supports Nadelmann (1993), who argued that a standard adopted at the transnational level is not necessarily helpful to achieve the common goal of states, which is to contain and immobilize offenders. The norm is the product of political negotiations and an ongoing power struggle, which, in the end, does not have a strong influence on the decisions taken by the police in transnational investigations. At best, formal agreements between states serve as an impunity guide for police actors on what not to violate openly. Furthermore, as countries and organizations use a system of rewards, incentives or threats of sanctions to promote cooperation in transnational policing, individuals working in transnational investigations uses familiarity and trust as a means to establish and maintain relationships. These individuals cannot bind themselves. On the contrary, there is the possibility to impose real sanctions between state actors. This problem is approached with two levels of analysis that reveal different relational patterns. In the second chapter of analysis, Canadian jurisprudence and a prosecutorial guide that was written for investigators are examined. These documents demonstrate the discretion left by judicial actors on those working in transnational police investigations. In fact, we found that judicial actors are well aware of the difficulties related to transnational investigations. They are more flexible in those cases than in national investigations. The third chapter pursues such discretion and highlights the many paths available to police actors involved in transnational cooperation. In particular, it is the management of uncertainty, the nature of information and its intended use that are important to them. Finally, the last chapter of analysis assesses the different types of relationships maintained between actors in transnational investigations. We found that, while scepticism overrides most relationships, cooperation continues as often as possible, at least when actors have interests in common. A level of familiarity between actors is necessary, but trust is not always essential to achieve transnational policing. In fact, it depends on the requested level of exchanges and in the context and is consistent with previous work by Gambetta (1988), who shows that even in a generalized context of distrust, a relatively stable social structure can maintain itself.

Le présent mémoire s’intéresse à la déstabilisation d’un réseau de distribution de stupéfiants. Il est basé sur l’étude d’une enquête policière réalisée dans une grande ville canadienne. L’objectif principal de cette enquête était le démantèlement d’un réseau criminel perçu comme étant hiérarchisé. Différentes stratégies ont été mises en œuvre par les enquêteurs afin de déstabiliser le réseau. Cinq de ces stratégies sont étudiées dans cette recherche. Des analyses de réseaux et l’évaluation de l’évolution des opérations de distribution de stupéfiants démontrent que, parmi les stratégies déstabilisatrices, le retrait sélectif (arrestation) et l’ajout (infiltration) de participants dans le réseau sont les plus efficaces. Les résultats détaillés montrent l’importance de préparer des enquêtes systématiques et réfléchies en vue de déstabiliser un réseau. Bien que les rafles massives de participants soient intéressantes, il est essentiel d’en soulever les limites. Le fait de se concentrer sur des enquêtes planifiées permettra non seulement de répondre aux objectifs de l’enquête en cours, mais également de comprendre et développer des pratiques de déstabilisation à long terme au niveau du marché criminel en général (méta-réseau). / This research focuses on the disruption of a drug distribution network and is based on a case study of a law-enforcement investigation conducted in a major Canadian city. The aim of the investigation was to dismantle a criminal network that was perceived to be hierarchically structured. Different strategies were applied by the investigating team to disrupt the network. Five of these strategies are studied in the present research. Network analyses and an assessment of the evolution of the drug distribution operation demonstrate that, amongst the set of disrupting strategies, those aimed at the selective removal (arrests) and addition (infiltration) of actors to the network were most effective. The details surrounding such findings highlight the importance of preparing well-planned and systematic investigations following such guidelines, while also pointing to the limits of massive crackdowns that lead to the arrests of all participants in a criminal network. Conceiving such a focus will not only meet the short-term objectives of a police investigation, but also allow for an understanding that is crucial to develop long-term disruptive practices of not simply the operation under investigation but the wider criminal network environment surrounding it.