The aim of the study is twofold. First, to provide a picture of what happens when groups of citizens cooperate with municipalities and administrations to produce services essential to the community, i.e., elderly care or road maintenance. Second, to compare this picture with the picture of citizens’ involvement that the civil society theories describe. This is done by comparing four different cooperation projects. The empirical material has been gathered through four qualitative case studies – two elderly care cases and two road maintenance cases – and the analytical frame has been drawn mostly from organization theory, especially the resource dependence and the institutional perspectives. In the dissertation it is shown that in the projects with less complications the processes developed in a way that balanced, to some extent, the asymmetry in the dependence relation, i.e., the resources controlled by the groups became more interesting for the administrations and municipalities. These processes did also develop in a way that made it possible for the actors to come to an agreement of what problem the project was supposed to solve. These findings covariates with how interested the municipalities and the Road Administration organizations were to participate in the cooperation projects. It also covariates with the use of institutionalized cooperation forms. The short cut of an already defined and legitimated cooperation form implied that less transaction resources had to be invested in the cooperation itself – but as a result the actors did not communicate sufficiently and therefore did not develop a mutual understanding and trust. Another finding is that both the groups and the municipalities and administrations had pragmatic motives for their involvement in the cooperation projects, which led to an organizational form that was effective for the purpose of solving the identified problem with the elderly care/road maintenance, but not for the unintended consequences described by the civil society theories. As the group of citizens really involved was small, the consequences – greater solidarity and responsibility, and a decentralized democratic process, only comprised a few, mostly resourceful, citizens. Finally, the study shows that the groups’ contributions to the democratic process were limited by their involvement in actually solving the problem in question, i.e., to build and run an elderly home or to work with the improvement of the roads. The findings suggests that the picture of citizens’ involvement often put forward in the political debate in Sweden – as both a complement to the service provided by the public sector and a way to improve the democratic process – ought to be the subject of further research.

本研究針對台灣熟年世代的旅遊需求，援引美國、紐西蘭等國外熟年旅遊產品之案例，再針對台灣熟年世代的生活型態、旅遊消費習慣等行為，企圖將熟年志工旅遊、熟年深度旅遊的旅遊產品透過社會企業商業模式的形式於台灣做在地化發展。以「喜大人愛旅遊」之提案為例，做熟年世代商業旅遊產品之社會企業商業模式之闡述，該商業模式架構是以Alex Osterwalder等人之商業模式九宮格為基礎，包括目標客層、價值主張、通路、顧客關係、收益流、關鍵活動、核心資源、關鍵合作夥伴、成本結構九大構面。 / This paper focus on the social business model for traveling needs of senior citizens in Taiwan. Based on the reference from senior travel service in foreign country such like America and Australia and research of the lifestyle and the traveling consumption behavior of Taiwanese senior citizens, this paper will discuss about the social business model of localization of senior volunteer-travel and in-depth travel in Taiwan. Take the proposal of “The Senior’s Travelstyle” as an example, this paper will describe the social business model for fulfilling the senior citizens’ traveling needs. The structure of the business model is based on Alex Osterwalder’s the business model canvas, including customer segments, value propositions, customer relationships, channels, revenue streams, key activities, key resources, key partners and cost structure.

During the 19th century the European states experienced a new kind of threat to their existence. The military threats from other countries were now accompanied by civilian threats that inspired mass protest, terrorism and other menaces to the established order. In Sweden, these threats were mainly seen as connected to the rising labor movement and to a growing number of foreign citizens. The aim of the dissertation is to examine surveillance for national security carried out by the Stockholm Criminal Investigation Department and its Police Bureau between 1885 and 1922. Apart from examining what specific surveillance methods that were used, the dissertation gives an answer to the question why the surveillance was carried out, and why it was carried out the way it was. It also discusses how differences and similarities between the surveillance in Sweden and other countries can be explained and how the surveillance between 1885 and 1922 relates to the corresponding activities during the latter part of the 20th century. The main conclusions are that there was a lack of formal rules regulating the surveillance, and that it therefore was based on the following of routines. The bureaucratization process that characterized the period influenced the surveillance, which came to be performed as a bureaucratic machine, characterized by a tendency of expansion. This meant that the surveillance activities were constantly expanded and became more and more extensive. The expansion is connected to the surveillance phenomenon, which could be said to have an unlimited scope. Furthermore, it is suggested that this specific historic legacy has affected the development of Swedish security police activity during the second half of the 20th century.

Sweden is a multi cultural country, where almost twenty percent of the population come from another cultural background. This study examines to what extent people with a foreign origin appear in two local, Swedish newspapers, Barometern and Östra Småland, and what role they are given. Do they appear as foreigners or immigrants or do they figure as any Swede, irrespective of their origin background? We have made a review by studying pictures of people with a foreign origin, based on name and appearance. During the time period, March 1st – April 30 th 2010, there were 2206 articles with pictures of people where 189 of them did show people with a foreign origin. Although, only 22 of these persons occurred in their role as foreigner or immigrant, the remaining majority occurred due to personal character or competence. Thus, the origin background did not matter in the context.

Au moment où les territoires périurbains se transforment rapidement sous l’impulsion des stratégies de développement de l’industrie immobilière, les préoccupations sociales en matière de qualité des paysages et des cadres de vie se font de plus en plus grandes. Devant ces enjeux, les actions aménagistes privilégient le plus souvent des solutions à partir d’un regard « expert » généralement étranger aux demandes sociales en présence. Devant l’insuffisance des connaissances des regards citoyens, il y a une urgence à développer des méthodes originales aptes à révéler ce savoir local. Une enquête menée à l’automne 2009 à Saint-Bruno-de-Montarville, sur la Rive-Sud de Montréal, révèle la pertinence d’une approche anthropologique sous-utilisée et novatrice en particulier pour les recherches en aménagement : celle du « récit-parcours ». Permettant un accès privilégié aux récits ancrés aux lieux de vies, cette méthode a permis de susciter des discours singuliers et collectifs sur le territoire, de révéler des propos sur les imaginaires portés sur la ville et d’offrir un espace d’expression des préoccupations, des valorisations et des aspirations des résidants. Les résultats de l’enquête à cet effet sont concluants : ce que nous révèlent les résidants de par leurs expériences vécues des lieux et leurs cheminements spatiaux est incontestablement riche et pertinent pour la compréhension des enjeux collectifs d’un milieu. Les logiques existantes derrière les transformations de ces territoires bénéficieraient grandement de ce savoir localisé, complexe et ingénieux dont dispose les résidants de la géographie, de l’environnement, de l’urbanisation et des caractéristiques sociales de leur ville. Ce faisant, le territoire change alors de statut : d’un objet d’évaluation experte, il devient une mise en scène dynamique où s’inscrivent des fragments significatifs d’histoires faisant référence à l’expérience du vécu quotidien, mais aussi, à la potentialité des lieux. Par le biais d’une telle démarche et en conjonction avec des méthodes participatives, il devient possible d’engager une véritable réflexion plurielle envers l’avenir des territoires périurbains, en résonance avec les aspirations locales. / While suburbs are being transformed at an alarming rate, under the pressures of the Real estate industry’s development strategies, social concerns regarding the quality of life and the resulting landscapes are currently on the rise. With these challenges to bear, stakeholders usually employ solutions from an "expert" perspective that remain impervious to existing social conditions and demands. Given the lack of knowledge from the citizens’ perspectives, there is an urgent need for developing novel methods that are capable of bringing forth this local knowledge. A survey conducted in fall 2009 with residents of Saint-Bruno-de-Montarville, on the south shore of Montreal, revealed the strength of an under-used and innovative method: the go-along. This method has demonstrated a particularly interesting technique to grasp the way dwellers qualify, imagine, value and move through their locality. Allowing privileged access to biographies and giving rise to improvised paths, the method has enabled placed-based narratives and has lead to an opening for expressing concerns, valuations and aspirations of citizens towards their community. In doing so, landscapes shift from expert evaluation to a dynamic scene where significant fragments of individual stories are told in relation to the experience of places in the everyday life. The study results conclude that the residents’ narratives and knowledge are undeniably rich and relevant to comprehending collective landscape issues and values. The existing logics and processes behind suburban landscape transformations would highly benefit from the collective wealth of dwellers’ extensive, situated and complex knowledge of the city’s geography, politics, economy and sociology. Furthermore, it can lead way to community participatory projects engaging multiple actors within a collective multifaceted reflection on the future of suburbs and the actions that should be taken towards a better future.

This study primarily investigates the conceptions of democracy held by young Swedes: What conceptions can be found? How are these conceptions similar to and different from each other? My main intention is to present nuanced pictures of different ways of viewing and of arguing for and against democracy. Some attention is also paid to possible differences between different youth groups, in terms of age, gender, and socioeconomic background. In addition, I will relate the investigation to research concerning school and the socialisation that is supposed to take place there. What concepts of democracy do Swedish schools seem to inculcate in students? Theoretical discussions of democracy serve as the framework of the study, and throughout the work democracy is regarded as an ambiguous concept. I have designed an analytical tool by depicting the discussions of democratic theory from three perspectives. The first concerns what democracy is and how the rule of the people should be designed. The second deals with the justifications for democracy, and why it is or is not to be preferred. The third perspective focuses on some crucial matters in discussions of democracy. The empirical material analyzed consists of ten focus group interviews with students in two age categories: 14–15 and 18–19 years old. The groups were composed so that the members would include both genders and a range of socio-economic backgrounds. The main idea of focus group interviews is to take advantage of group-interaction dynamics. Opinions are often formed in interaction with other people, and since consideration and reflection are central concerns of this thesis, focus group interviews are thus very suitable. The findings indicate that there is a dominant understanding of democracy. The young people interviewed emphasize that democracy means that everybody has a right to participate in decision making, that, for example, universal suffrage and freedom of speech are necessary features and that democracy in practice connotes an elite/electoral democracy (at the national level) with politicians as the real power holders. Although some features of Sweden’s existing democracy are widely criticized, democracy as a fundamental concept is celebrated. The main justification for this support is that democracy includes everybody. A view of everybody’s equal value is implicit. The critical matters highlighted concern human nature in relation to democratic requirements, how to handle extremist political movements, and the limited possibilities and unequal opportunities for people to participate in the existing democracy. Within this overall picture, somewhat different conceptions can also be detected. Two themes are particularly prominent in the discussions. Without overtly mentioning the word, the young people interviewed strongly emphasize the concept of equality. One line of discussion concerns the participants’ own experiences of being subordinate to adults, another the concept that equality presupposes equal opportunities to influence society. Democracy is also considered to be a human matter. Notably,when speaking of equality and freedom, the interviewees rarely mention these words directly. Mention of political institutions is also lacking from the discussions. Some of the findings can be regarded as reflecting the conceptions of democracy manifested in and passed on by schools. The study may also provide some guidance concerning how to approach social and political issues in the school.

This dissertation establishes how different citizen soldiers were employed and evaluated in the imaginary of fifth century Athens and gives explanations why popular thinking on military personnel was organised in this way. In so doing it emerges that a particular citizen soldier figured in Athenian conceptions about many aspects of martial activity. Also, it has proven necessary to analyse several other conceptions concerning the waging of war in which military personnel strictly play no part because of their indirect but important influence on how this or that class of Athenian fighters was judged. As a result this study ends up throwing light on the ways in which fifth century Athenians conceived not only of citizen combatants but also of warfare in general. The dissertation begins by outlining the primary sources for the Athenian imaginary and its major characteristics. The numerous tragedies and comedies surviving from the fifth century are shown to be sure evidence for the imaginary and the funeral oration of the period to have had a vital role in the transmission of key elements of Athenian self-identity and their understanding of warfare. Although playwrights and public speakers were invariably members of the Athenian elite, the particular contexts in which they performed compelled them to take up and articulate the values and conceptions of their overwhelmingly non-elite audiences. The imaginary then had a decidedly popular character. It was also a sprawling cultural melange within which incongruous and even patently contradictory ideas could subsist side by side. The second part of this dissertation exposes that the citizen hoplite enjoyed a central and paradigmatic role in the popular thinking of fifth century Athens. It was only ever to the heavily armed soldier that poets and orators turned when they wanted to consider general aspects of warfare, the military obligations of citizenship, and gallant and fainthearted behaviour on the battlefield. The Athenian hoplite also served as the pivotal reference point for the marking out of age and gender distinctions within the city and of the differences in military morality between Greeks and barbarians. Critically, as the prevailing definitions of bravery and cowardice were modelled exclusively on the phalanx warfare of the hoplites, Athenian lightly armed troops, cavalrymen and perhaps even sailors with their very different modes of combat were judged one way or another to be cowardly. Yet the final part of this dissertation demonstrates that this normative status of the heavy infantryman in no way prevented citizen sailors from gaining recognition and positive evaluation of their metier and themselves in the Athenian imaginary of the fifth century. The citizen masses of this period saw their city as the major seapower in the Mediterranean and well understood that its formidable might and security rested on its navy. Fifth century Athenians also had a high regard of seamanship in general and great pride in the naval dominance of their city in particular. Indeed, superlative nautical skills were thought to be 'national' traits of the citizens of imperial Athens which they had enjoyed even in the esteemed age of the heroes. Contemporary citizen sailors themselves were also held to be the saviours of the city and were accorded extraordinary esteem and an exalted status if they perished at sea fighting for Athens. Finally, despite the fact that it directly contradicted their hoplite centred conception of bravery, fifth century Athenians firmly believed that fellow citizens serving as sailors could display gallantry in battle.

L’énergie apparaît comme un problème public majeur, dans la résolution duquel les pouvoirs publics s’engagent régulièrement. Mais, à l’autre bout de cette chaîne, comment les individus ordinaires s’approprient-ils le problème public de l’énergie ? Dans les mesures classiques de l’opinion publique, les questions énergétiques et environnementales sont souvent loin d’occuper les premières places dans la hiérarchie des priorités. Or, pour réduire la pression engendrée par nos modes de consommation sur les écosystèmes, le changement des comportements et des attitudes de consommation est présenté comme un levier majeur. La question énergétique est-elle alors un enjeu politique pour tous mais un problème pour personne ? Pour répondre à cette question nous nous interrogeons sur la fabrique des opinions ordinaires et nous proposons de considérer ces dernières comme des énoncés discursifs testés dans des situations sociales plus ou moins complexes, conflictuelles et publiques. En amont, bon nombre d'acteurs ayant accès à l'espace public contribue à orienter et promouvoir certaines injonctions normatives pour définir la « bonne » pratique. Mais ces injonctions ne sont ni stables, ni homogènes : elles font l'objet de controverses et donnent lieu à des reformulations discursives parfois dissonantes. Entre enjeux technologiques, économiques, écologiques, sociétaux, etc. l’énergie comme problème public est alors soumise à un cadrage par des ordres normatifs dynamiques définissant certaines déviances et se voit proposer des solutions reconnues comme légitimes sous l’effet, entre autres, de l’action publique. Mais, ce niveau de description fait l’économie de la parole des citoyens « ordinaires », couvrant ainsi un présupposé instrumental commun qui estime que les citoyens dotés de la « bonne » information agissent « correctement ». Ce présupposé est contestable. Certes, une majorité écrasante d’enquêtés souligne son accord de principe aux économies d’énergie, témoignant ainsi de sa connaissance – même partielle – de l’existence d’un « problème public de l’énergie » et d’un engagement – même limité – aux injonctions à la modération en termes de consommation énergétique. Mais cet accord tacite se heurte à d’autres injonctions, à la compétition des problèmes, des pratiques sociales et à la mise en œuvre pratique des solutions. Ni surcompétents, ni incompétents, les citoyens ordinaires construisent donc du sens à travers des ordres normatifs concurrentiels et cherchent à le rendre compatible avec leurs modes de vie. Pour ce faire, la confrontation de leurs opinions et l’ajustement collectif de leurs représentations sont nécessaires. En reprenant certaines notions du pragmatisme, nous interrogeons la manière dont les perceptions du problème de l’énergie varient selon les scènes sociales où il est discuté, leur publicité ou encore le degré de conflictualité qu’il génère, et nous montrons que des communautés locales interprétatives d’un problème – et éventuellement de solutions – peuvent émerger et contribuer à alimenter la légitimité du problème dans l’espace public. Par ce biais, nous soulignons qu’il existe des espaces adossés au politique mais qui ne répondent pas toujours aux critères de conflictualisation et montée en généralité. Ces espaces illustrent l’intérêt de prendre en compte l’ambivalence et la labilité des opinions dans l’appropriation d’un problème public et la normalisation de ses solutions. / Energy appears to be a major public problem, in which the public authorities regularly commit. But at the other end of this chain, how do ordinary individuals appropriate the public problem of energy? In the classical measures of public opinion, energy and environmental issues are often far from the top of the hierarchy of priorities. However, to reduce the pressure generated by our consumption patterns on ecosystems, the change in consumer behavior and attitudes is presented as a major lever. Is the energy issue then a political issue for all but a problem for no one? In order to answer this question, we question the fabric of ordinary opinions and propose to consider them as discursive statements tested in more or less complex, conflicting and public social situations.Upstream, many actors with access to public space help to guide and promote certain normative injunctions to define "good" practice. But these injunctions are neither stable nor homogeneous: they are the subject of controversies and give rise to discursive reformulations, sometimes dissonant. Between technological, economic, ecological, societal, etc. energy as a public problem is then subjected to a framing by dynamic normative orders defining certain deviations and is offered solutions recognized as legitimate under the influence of, inter alia, public action.But this level of description does not take "ordinary" citizens into account, and covers a common instrumental presupposition that citizens with "good" information act "correctly". This presupposition is questionable. Admittedly, an overwhelming majority of respondents stressed their agreement in principle to energy savings, thus demonstrating their knowledge - even partial - of the existence of a "public energy problem" and a commitment - even limited - to injunctions to moderate their energy consumption. But this tacit agreement comes up against other injunctions, competition between problems, social practices and the practical implementation of solutions.Neither overcompetent nor incompetent, ordinary citizens construct meaning through competitive normative norms and seek to make it compatible with their lifestyles. To do this, the confrontation of their opinions and the collective adjustment of their representations are necessary. By taking up some of the notions of pragmatism, we examine how the perceptions of the energy problem vary according to the social scenes in which it is discussed, their publicity or the degree of conflict that they generate, and we show that local communities with a common interpretation of a problem - and possibly solutions - can emerge and help fuel the legitimacy of the problem in public space. In this way, we emphasize that there are more or less public spaces but which do not always meet the criteria of conflictualization and rise in generality. These spaces illustrate the importance of taking into account the ambivalence and the lability of opinions in the appropriation of a public problem and the standardization of its solutions.

Abstract Social services are rendered to those citizens, who require them considering their health, age or unfavourable social situation and who are unable of overcoming their social burdens and less than auspicious circumstances without external aid. Social services are essential not just because many people require them but particularly because were they not to be available, a large part of the public would lose their ability to participate in all aspects of life in a society. This would make it impossible for their human and civil rights to be upheld and lead to their exclusion from society. Social development, more favourable living standards, progress in the field of medicine and championing of social rights result in less people dying in childhood or at a productive age nowadays than before. It can be argued that the number of pensioners will be constantly increasing and that this is an accompaniment of a successfully developing civilisation. Because of their numbers, pensioners are becoming an exceptionally grave subject of social exclusion. It is therefore imperative that we realise the disadvantages the elderly face and devote appropriate attention to the issues surrounding the planning of social services. In terms of the set objective, it is necessary to evaluate and compare individual mid-term plans for the development of social services at certain locations and also to compare and evaluate the communal plans of selected cities. The dissertation proved that it is indeed necessary to pay due attention to the studied planning of social services. This is because there is a need to harmonise supply and demand in relation to social services. Ensuring the availability of a high-quality social services network for the elderly is only possible given the presence of a complex concept of social and medical care. One must however always take into consideration not just the current demographic trends but also the circumstances in the particular area as well as the degree of interest of the various subjects who are immediately involved in the issues surrounding the particular type of social services. One can undoubtedly say that the quality of social services on offer (not just for the elderly) is increasing both in relation to law No. 108/2006 Col. regarding social services but also in accordance with the recipients? wishes and demands.

In my thesis I focused on a group of heavily-adaptable Roma citizens. This group was defined as a group with elementary education who are unemployed and depending on the goverment assistance and aid. They receive government social welfare. The last criterion in stipulating the definition was that they lived socially separated on the edge of the society. Their lifestyle reflects their social status and has a huge impact on their health conditions of heavily-adaptable Roma citizens. The goals of my thesis were to find out specifications of health care of healthy and ill heavily-adaptable Roma Citizen, and to work out some standards and some structure for educetional principles. In the course of my research I focuseld on finding the factors that influence the work of nurses with the heavily-adaptable Roma citizens.