[pt] A exponencial perspectiva de aumento do número de idosos saudáveis pode representar um novo mercado para muitas indústrias, tornando cada vez mais relevante compreender as necessidades do idoso na busca pelo envelhecimento ativo, que compreende a otimização das oportunidades de saúde, participação e segurança, acarretando melhorias na qualidade de vida e participação contínua em questões sociais, econômicas e culturais na terceira idade. Pautado no conceito de exclusão digital do idoso, este estudo de natureza qualitativa centrou-se no smartphone para investigar não apenas o seu aspecto utilitário, mas sim compreendê-lo a partir do seu conteúdo simbólico, carregado de significados. A coleta de dados baseou-se em grupo de foco e entrevistas em profundidade com sujeitos a partir de 65 anos e posse de smartphone. Métodos projetivos foram utilizados para atingir temas sensíveis, tendo os dados sido tratados por meio de técnicas de análise de conteúdo. Revelaram-se duas camadas analíticas no estudo: em primeiro lugar, precedentes individuais e sociais da compreensão do smartphone; a seguir, o entendimento dos significados positivos e negativos atribuídos ao objeto. A divisão digital foi reconhecida através do apontamento da rejeição ao smartphone como escudo para camuflar limitações e problemas característicos dos idosos. Por um lado, se valorizou a praticidade oferecida, por outro, foram denunciados rituais prejudiciais às relações sociais e ao senso de coletividade. Essa relação análoga de aproximação e de exclusão social revelou vulnerabilidades de consumo que devem ser mais profundamente investigadas por estudos qualitativos que evitem reducionismos e generalizações. / [en] The exponential prospect of increasing the number of healthy elderly people may represent a new market to many industries, becoming increasingly relevant understanding needs in the search of an active aging, which includes the optimization of opportunities in health, participation and security, resulting in improvements in quality of life and continuous participation in social, economic and cultural issues in the elderly. Lined in the concept of digital exclusion of the elderly, this qualitative research focused on the smartphone, not only for its practical aspect, but also to comprehend it starting from its symbolic content full of meanings. The data collection was based in a focus group and in-depth interviews with subjects from 65 years old who own a smartphone. Projective methods were used to reach sensitive issues, and the data were treated using content analysis techniques. Two analytics layers have emerged in this study: in first place, individual and social precedents of smartphone understanding; then the acknowledge of both positive and negative meanings assigned to the object. The digital divide was recognized by pointing the rejection to the smartphone as a shield to mask the limitations and problems characteristic of the elderly. On one hand, the practicality offered was appreciated, but on the other hand, there were denounced rituals detrimental to social relations and the sense of collectivity. This analogous relation of approximation and social exclusion revealed consumption vulnerabilities that should be deeply analyzed by qualitative researches that avoid reductions and generalizations.

Studien analyserar hur tillämpning av genomtänkt samhällsplanering kan minimera brottslighet och öka trygghet i särskilt utsatta områden. Vikten av medborgarnas delaktighet för en socialt hållbar samhällsutveckling poängteras. Arbetets syfte är att med hjälp av åsikter från ungdomar bosatta i området ta fram ett förslag på hur området skulle kunna utvecklas positivt vid nybyggnation. Målet är att ta fram ett hållbart förslag som ska bidra till att minska kriminalitet i ett utsatt område. Ungdomarnas åsikter kombineras med polisens förslag på hur området bör utformas. För att få fram resultatet genomfördes en djupintervju med polis, och två workshops med ungdomar. Utformningsförslaget tillgodoser behovet av belysning, siktlinjer och samlingsplatser som efterfrågas. Arbetet kan användas som underlag vid förbättring av den offentliga miljön i utsatta områden. / This study is analyzing how well executed community planning might minimize crime and increase safety in segregated city areas. The importance of actively involving citizens in decision making is vital to achieve social sustainability in a community. The purpose of the study is to create an exemplifying idea of how the district area could develop and excel in a positive way. The study is based on opinions from adolescents living in the area in question and will be compared and used in relation to police officers needs to be able to do their job in the area. To reach the results, workshops with the adolescents and an interview with a police officer took place. The goal is to develop an example of how to minimize crime in a segregated city district. The proposal of how to design the area is focused on the need for lighting, openness and sightlines as is asked for. It also includes places to gather, which also is needed in the area. The study can be used to form ideas of ways to form public spaces in socially problematic areas.

The purpose of this study has been to analyze whether the asymmetric power may increase or decrease between citizens and authorities, based on authorities choice of language and appeal. A qualitative approach has been used as a method, with a qualitative content analysis as a base and qualitative interviews as a complement. In order to collect the empirical material, a qualitative content analysis has been made on 20 different municipalities' websites, where the introduction of financial aid has been analyzed. The theoretical point of departure has been powerposition and Ervin Goffman’s view on stigma, shame and guilt. Research shows that authorities have the opportunity to take power and control of citizens already in the offer of support. The authority has the power to design the text and therefore also the power to decide and determine its limits. Based on the language selection found on the websites, recipients  are  included or excluded by the texts chosen language and appeal. The result shows that the chosen language and appeal on websites may risk to increase the asymmetric power relationship between authorities and citizens.

Este estudo objetivou identificar e caracterizar algumas parcerias, voltadas ao controle da tuberculose, estabelecidas entre organizações não-governamentais (ONGs) e o Programa de Controle da Tuberculose (TB) no Estado de São Paulo. Buscou, ainda, analisar as ações desenvolvidas, de forma a verificar seu potencial para responder aos determinantes da doença. A abordagem do estudo foi qualitativa e utilizou-se a técnica do snowball para a escolha dos sujeitos. Os dados foram coletados entre Março e Julho de 2010, por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Participaram do estudo, 6 sujeitos de órgãos governamentais e 13 sujeitos de organizações da sociedade civil. A análise teve como base a determinação social do processo saúde-doença e os conceitos oriundos de Gramsci, de Estado e sociedade civil. O projeto foi aprovado por Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa e os sujeitos foram convidados a participar do estudo mediante ciência do Termo de Consentimento Livre e Esclarecido. Os depoimentos foram analisados segundo técnica de análise de discurso. Os resultados revelaram que as parcerias se iniciaram por estímulo do governo estadual; tiveram como população-alvo, a população geral e alguns grupos específicos (os vulneráveis à doença); em sua maioria, contaram com financiamento do Fundo Global; o monitoramento não foi sistematizado por parte do Estado, mas pelos financiadores dos projetos e; a relação acordada entre ambos foi mais de caráter informal e baseada no compromisso de cada parte. Sobre as ações desenvolvidas, estavam centradas na promoção do controle social, da intersetorialidade, na difusão de informações sobre a doença e, em menor escala, na execução de tarefas que caberiam ao Estado. As ONGs, de maneira geral, não tinham doentes portadores de TB como membros, mas como alvos de suas ações. O papel do Estado, na parceria, foi de estímulo e apoio, enquanto as ONGs se dedicavam à operacionalização das ações. A análise demonstrou que as ações das parcerias foram baseadas no entendimento de que a TB se relaciona com a exclusão social e de que é necessário defender os direitos dos doentes. Ainda, foram capazes de aproximar certos grupos populacionais e o governo. Dessa maneira, as parcerias parecem contribuir para diminuir as vulnerabilidades a que estão expostos alguns doentes com TB, entretanto, não alcançaram revelar a base da exclusão social e as contradições estruturais da sociedade que determinam a TB. / The objective of this study was to identify and characterize some partnerships oriented towards tuberculosis control set between non governmental organizations (NGOs) and the Tuberculosis (TB) Control Program in the State of São Paulo. It also analyzes the actions implemented in order to check their potential responses to the diseases determinants. The study had a qualitative approach and used the snowball technique to select its subjects. Data were collected from March to July 2010 by means of semi-structured interviews. 6 subjects of governmental agencies and 13 subjects of the civil societys organizations participated in the study. The analysis was based on the social determination of the health-disease process and Gramscis concepts of State and civil society. The project was approved by the Committee of Ethics in Research and the subjects were invited to join the study by signing a Free and Informed Consent Form. Their statements were analyzed according to the speech analysis techniques. The results disclosed that the partnerships were stimulated by the federal government; their target-population were the population in general and some specific groups (vulnerable to the disease); most of them were financed by the Global Fund; the State did not systematically monitored the program, the projects financers did; and the relationship agreed among the parties was more informal and based on each partys commitment. About the actions implemented, they were focused on promoting social control, cross-sectional actions, divulging information on the disease and, with less emphasis, on doing tasks that are responsibilities of the State. Generally speaking, the NGOs did not have sick people with TB among its members, but they were the target of their actions. The role of the State in the partnerships was to stimulate and support, while the NGOs implemented the actions. The analysis showed that the partnerships actions were based on the understanding that TB is related to social exclusion and that it is necessary to defend the rights of the sick. They were also able to make the government come closer to certain groups of population. So, partnerships seem to contribute to decrease the vulnerabilities to which TB carriers are exposed; however, they failed to disclose the base of social exclusion and structural contradictions of the society which determine TB.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T12:54:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_FELIPE COSTA CAMARAO.pdf: 1032522 bytes, checksum: f0ff331e82cfb2251238776ee1a31283 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-30 / This work aims to study the compatibility of the principle of legal certainty and confidence in the actions of the state with the change of law in the Supreme Court since 2008. Examines hermeneutics, interpretation and legal constitutional control, with emphasis on social change and its impact on constitutional practice carried out by the Supreme Court. Exposes and defends the use of Philosophical Hermeneutics. Deals with the relationship between constitutional interpretation and change, emphasizing the need to recognize the constitutional changes by evolving case law. Explains the current syncretism in control of constitutionality in Brazil and critically shows the institute of modulating the effects of the decisions of the Supreme Court. Analyzes the principle of legal certainty and the confidence of citizens in government actions as a limit to jurisprudential change based in the doctrine of Ronald Dworkin. On this aspect, seeks to demonstrate the advantage of using a consistent doctrine in Brazil of judicial precedents, especially if related to law as integrity in Ronald Dworkin s optical. Reflects on the relationship between change in case law, legal security and development, seeking to identify the theory of Dworkin's integrity as a possibility of ensuring legal certainty through the stability of judicial decisions. Shows that the change of law (between the analyzed period) can serve as a prerequisite for modulating the effects of the decisions of the Supreme Court, from two different aspects. Highlights aspects of changing jurisprudence of the Supreme Court as a standard for modulating the effects of the decision from the trial court itself. Finally, it describes and examines critically the current understanding of the Supreme Court regarding the change of the sedimented others Courts jurisprudence. It concludes with the need for adoption in Brazil of the theory of law with integrity and that the judges of the Supreme Court should make precedents like writing a novel in chapters, or in other words, they must look to the future without forgetting the past; changing position when the case avidly changes in society, but always building rational, articulated in an integrated manner and preserving legal certainty, stability and prediction of judgments or at least it s essentials fundamentals. / Este trabalho visa a estudar a compatibilidade do princípio da segurança jurídica e da confiança dos cidadãos nas ações do Estado com a mudança de jurisprudência no Supremo Tribunal Federal desde o ano de 2008. Examina a hermenêutica, a interpretação jurídica e o controle de constitucionalidade, com ênfase nas transformações sociais e suas repercussões na prática constitucional levada a efeito pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal. Expõe e defende a utilização da Hermenêutica Filosófica. Trata sobre a relação entre interpretação e a mutação constitucional, destacando necessidade de se reconhecer as transformações constitucionais pela evolução da jurisprudência. Explica o sincretismo atual no controle de constitucionalidade no Brasil e apresenta de forma crítica o instituto da modulação dos efeitos das decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Analisa o princípio da segurança jurídica e da confiança do cidadão nas ações governamentais como limite à mudança de jurisprudência e trata sobre a previsibilidade das decisões judiciais a partir da doutrina de Ronald Dworkin. Sobre este aspecto, procura demonstrar a vantagem de se utilizar no Brasil uma doutrina consistente de precedentes judiciais, notadamente se relacionada com o Direito como integridade na ótica de Ronald Dworkin. Tece considerações sobre a relação entre mudança de jurisprudência, segurança jurídica e desenvolvimento, buscando apontar a teoria da integridade de Dworkin como possibilidade de garantia da segurança jurídica por meio da estabilidade das decisões judiciais. Demonstra que a mudança de jurisprudência, dentro do marco temporal proposto (a partir de 2008), pode servir como requisito para modulação dos efeitos das decisões do Supremo Tribunal Federal, a partir de duas diferentes vertentes. Evidencia os aspectos da mudança de jurisprudência do próprio Supremo Tribunal Federal como critério para modulação dos efeitos da decisão, a partir de julgados do próprio tribunal. Por fim, descreve e estuda de forma crítica o atual entendimento do STF quanto à mudança de jurisprudência sedimentada das cortes infraconstitucionais. Conclui pela necessidade de adoção no Brasil da teoria do Direito com integridade, devendo os Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal julgar e construir os precedentes como se estivem a escrever um romance em capítulos, ou seja, olhando para o futuro, sem esquecer o passado; mudando de posição quando for o caso de acompanhar as mudanças da sociedade, mas sempre construindo justificativas racionais, articuladas de forma integrada e preservando a segurança jurídica, a estabilidade e a previsão dos julgamentos ou pelos menos de seus fundamentos.

Orientador: Luciana Ferreira Tatagiba / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T18:06:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Amancio_JuliaMoretto_D.pdf: 3334767 bytes, checksum: 78024903de11962ac4585f4d3388f5d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A mobilização coletiva em torno das questões locais, protagonista na literatura especializada nas décadas 1970 e 80, deixou de ser central nos estudos sobre democracia e participação no Brasil e foi sendo substituída pelas análises sobre as instituições participativas ao longo dos anos 90. Este trabalho propõe-se a voltar seu olhar para as dinâmicas políticas microterritoriais, para os caminhos que ligam as comunidades que vivem nas periferias de São Paulo ao Estado, em busca de acesso às políticas públicas. A partir de uma abordagem exploratória, busca-se para compreender e caracterizar quais são os atores e interações sócio-políticas que ocorrem neste nível em torno da garantia de direitos coletivos. Demonstra-se que esta atuação coletiva ocorre na contramão da lógica especializada dos setores e mobiliza um variado repertório para encaminhar demandas e acessar o Estado. A análise da dinâmica política microterritorial revela a necessidade de ampliar o olhar e de incorporar outras perspectivas e categorias de análise a fim de compreender o processo histórico e relacional que explica estas lógicas de atuação nos territórios / Abstract: The local collective mobilization, the great protagonist in the 1970's and 80's on the Brazilian participation and democratic studies, was gradually being replaced by analyzes of the participatory institutions from the 90s. This dissertation proposes to return his focus to the microterritorial political dynamics, emphasizing the paths that connect the communities living in the periphery neighborhoods of Sao Paulo city. We chose to do an exploratory approach to understand and describe actors and socio-political interactions occur at this level around the guarantee of collective rights. The findings of this research show that collective mobilization occurs at this level against the logic of specialized public policies sectors and employs a wide repertoire of making demands and access the state. The analysis of the microterritorial political dynamics reveals the need to broaden perspectives and incorporate other to improve the knowledge on the historical and relation process that explain the political territories actions and these specifics / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutora em Ciências Sociais

Cette thèse se situe entre l ’ histoire, la politique et les mouvements de population et se place ainsi dans le champ général de la géopolitique. Elle s ’ efforce de proposer une solution au problème de la disparition d ’ une très grande partie des Chrétiens du Liban, notamment les Maronites suite au massacre des Chrétiens du Liban et de Syrie en 1860 et à la guerre civile Libanaise [1975-1990]. La recherche d’ une solution est cruciale pour la survie des Chrétiens et de la Chrétienté au Liban ainsi que pour la survie du système consensuel Libanais basé sur l’ équilibre entre les Chrétiens et les Musulmans, un objectif central dans la Constitution Libanaise de 1926 et dans l’ accord de Taëf en 1989. Il faudrait donc consolider les efforts des Maronites au Liban et dans le monde, notamment au Brésil, et unifier leur message pour diffuser la richesse du patrimoine libanais à travers toutes les Églises, l ’ Ambassade et les Consulats ; renforcer les fondements de l’appartenance au Liban ; préserver et défendre les droits et les intérêts de la communauté Maronite, et la place sociale, culturelle et politique dont elle jouit au Liban et dans le monde ; naturaliser tous les descendants des émigrés Libanais dans le monde, notamment au Brésil, ou se trouve la majorité des descendants des Libanais n’ ayant pas la nationalité libanaise, dont la plupart sont Maronites; œuvrer pour que les Maronites puissent jouir de leur vitalité et occuper la place qui leur revient dans tous les domaines, et ce au sein d’un État de droit qui œuvre pour la sauvegarde de la coexistence, défend l’entente nationale et consacre la justice, la démocratie consensuelle, la liberté et l’égalité devant la loi de tous les citoyens libanais; promouvoir le dialogue Chrétien-Musulman dans le cadre de la communication constructive établie entre les religions, les civilisations et les peuples du monde ; et poursuivre la promotion de la culture arabe dont la renaissance et les exploits ont été possibles grâce au rôle pionnier joué par les Maronites. / This thesis is situated between the fields of history, politics and the shifts of population and is thus placed in the general field of geopolitics. It endeavours to propose a solution to the problem of disappearance of a great part of the Christians of Lebanon, notably the Maronites, further to the massacre of the Christians of Lebanon and Syria in 1860 and the Lebanese civil war [1975-1990]. The search for a solution is crucial for the survival of Christians and Christianity in Lebanon as well as the survival of the Lebanese consensual system based on the balance between Muslims and Christians, a central objective in the Lebanese Constitution of 1926 and in the Taef agreement of 1989. Efforts of the Maronites in Lebanon and the world, particularly in Brazil, must therefore be consolidated and their message unified in order to spread the wealth of the Lebanese heritage throughout all Churches, the Embassy and Consulates, reinforce the foundations of belonging to Lebanon; preserve and defend the rights and the interests of the Maronite community, and the social, cultural and political influence it enjoys in Lebanon and the world ; naturalise all descendants of Lebanese emigrants in the world, in particular in Brazil, where the majority of the descendants of Lebanese persons not having Lebanese nationality are to be found, most of whom are Maronites; work so that the Maronites enjoy their vitality and occupy the place that belongs to them in all fields, in a State of law that works for the safeguard of the coexistence, defend the national understanding and devote justice, consensual democracy, freedom and equality before the law of all Lebanese citizens; promote Christian-Muslim dialogue in the framework of constructive communication established between religions, civilizations, and peoples of the world; and pursue the promotion of the Arab culture whose renaissance and exploits have been made possible thanks to the pioneer role played by the Maronites.

In today’ democracies, we, citizens, elect individuals to represent us, to talk on our behalf. In this way, political leaders embody the beliefs, wishes, and will of populations, and must act as citizens’ representatives. However, nowadays, a crisis of confidence seems emerge between citizens and politicians. The particular leadership pacing political systems can give to us an interesting point of view to understand this phenomenon. In this way, it is essential, for all of us, citizens, to understand what define us as such, what is our role, what kind of power is in our hands. It is also necessary to understand what the role of politicians elected as representatives is. More significantly, it is a necessity for all of us to have a critical look about what the core components of our societies are. Thereby, in this thesis, I give an enlighten point of view about the meaning of leadership in political systems. I hold six different perspectives in the aim of emphasizing the components of political systems, our role of citizens, and the role of political leaders. Those six perspectives are the following: the reasons explaining the emergence of societies, the role and the explanations about the existence of political parties, the characteristics of political leaders, the characteristics of citizens as political followers, the importance of the authenticity in political systems and finally the moral and ethical dimension as a necessity in the way to handle power.

ABSTRACT Citizendialogue in the District of Rasbo A Case Study in the Municipality of Uppsala Author: Camilla Östlund Supervisor: Stig Montin The essay is written inside the scope of Örebro Universitys evaluation of the new organisation in the municipality of Uppsala. The purpose of this essay is to study the citizendialogue in the district of Rasbo. This will be done partly by an examination of how the participants themselves perceive citizendialogue. Their descriptions are put in relation to deliberative democracy and its critics amongst other. Partly by study how those involved have choosen to put it into practice. The opponents of the reorganization chose to start a non-profit association, Rasbo in co-operation, to carry on local mobilization and it will be compared with other similar groups. The municipality of Uppsala arranged a citizens forum in the district of Rasbo and the essay will examine how the participants experienced it. The study is based upon a total of 19 semistructured interviews with politicians and officials in the municipality of Uppsala and also working members of Rasbo in co-operation. The overall result of the analysis is that the politicians and the officials as well as the members of the association support the form of actions that endorse the representative system and look att citizendialogue as a tool to regenerate it and make it better. Rasbo in co-operation has almost everything in common with similar groups including a contradictory view on politics. The association has the important requirements for local mobilization, dedicated people, a positive collective identity and a constructive relation to the municipality. The participants of the citizens forum liked the way the forum was arranged and enjoyed the evening. But there was some problem between the unicipality and the association in connection with the preliminaries before the event. There is also some deficiency in the follow-up. Keyword: local democracy, citizendialogue, deliberative democracy, local mobilization, citizens forum, Uppsala, Rasbo, Rasbokil, Stavby, Tuna.

In the early Cold War decades, the Citizens’ Councils of America (CCA) became the flagship conservative right-wing social movement organization (SMO). As part of its organizational activities, it engaged in a highly sophisticated propaganda effort to mobilize pro-segregationist opinion, merging traditional racist arguments with modern Cold War geopolitics to characterize civil rights activism and federal civil rights reforms as an effort to bring about a tyrannical, Soviet-inspired, dictatorship. Through a content discourse analysis, this research aims to contribute to understanding what factors determine how SMO’s deploy propaganda rhetoric. The main hypothesis is that geopolitical factors, defined here as specific geographic contexts in which sociopolitical issues are situated and from which propaganda rhetoric is deployed, are influential determinants. Since SMO rhetoric reflects its larger ideological orientation, SMO ideology is also influenced by geopolitical factors. For comparative analysis, propaganda literature from the Ku Klux Klan, as well as elite segregationist rhetoric from the same period is included. Relying on frame theory all rhetoric is quantitatively analyzed centering on the question of what factors drive SMO frame messaging. To contribute to frame theory a concept is proposed called frame constellation, which is a web of SMO frame rhetoric and symbolism that functions as an overlapping, intersecting and interrelated system of ideas which revolve around a central intellectual logic for collective action.