This thesis examines how to take into account both environmental and social sustainability goals to be used in scenarios or in policymaking. In paper I, we select four sustainability goals that have to be fulfilled by 2050 in normative future scenarios for Sweden in a degrowth context. Two goals address ecological challenges, climate change and land use issues specifically. The other two goals address social issues and deal with participation and influence in society as well as resource security and distribution. The environmental goals will require significant reductions in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and land use compared to today's levels. The social goals are within reach today, although the degree of fulfillment differs across different groups in society. In paper II, we review existing and suggested climate or energy targets at a global, national and local scale and search for justice perspectives or for proposals for such perspectives. We find that the justice aspect is not explicitly formulated in existing climate and energy targets and that, the community of justice i.e. the receivers of benefits or burdens, in our reviewed examples, is limited to human beings, thereby excluding all other living beings. In paper III, we assess how four different backcasting scenarios for land use in a Swedish context, all of which fulfil a climate target of zero CO2 emissions in 2060, impact on other sustainability goals. We conduct a goal conflict analysis between the chosen climate goal and the other Swedish environmental goals, the gender equity goals and the public health goal. We find that there are more potential goal conflicts in scenarios with no global climate agreement. From the results of all three papers, I then discuss several aspects that have to be taken into account when setting goals, such as the major uncertainties associated with long-term goals, the elusiveness, the normativity of goals and the need to separate goals from the means to achieve the goals. / Utsläpp av växthusgaser (GHG) och andra miljöproblem, såsom förlust av biologisk mångfald, markanvändning och övergödning av sötvatten och marina kustekosystem, är stora utmaningar för mänskligheten. De planetära gränser för dessa områden har redan överskridits. Av de 16 svenska miljömålen för 2020, vars syfte är att lösa dessa ödesfrågor, bedöms bara ett – "Ett skyddande ozonskikt" – uppnås i tid. Vad gäller sociala mål på global nivå fram till 2015 – FN:s Milleniemål – har visserligen betydande framsteg gjorts på en del områden, t.ex. jämställdhet i utbildningen, men utfallet skiljer sig mellan länder och inom länder med avseende på socioekonomisk grupp och kön. Denna avhandling undersöker hur man kan ta hänsyn till både miljömässiga och sociala hållbarhetsmål som ska användas i framtidsscenarier eller som underlag till beslutsfattande. I artikel I väljs fyra hållbarhetsmål i en tvärvetenskaplig process. Målen ska uppfyllas 2050 i s.k. normativa framtidsscenarier (backcasting) för Sverige i en kontext av nedväxt eller låg tillväxt. De två första målen handlar om klimatförändringar och markanvändningsfrågor. De två andra är sociala mål och omfattar delaktighet och inflytande i samhället samt tillgång till resurser och fördelning av dessa. För att uppnå de valda miljömålen, kommer drastiska minskningar av växthusgasutsläpp (GHG) och markanvändning att behövas, jämfört med dagens situation. Båda de sociala målen är inom räckhåll i dag, även om graden av uppfyllelse skiljer sig mellan olika grupper i samhället. I artikel II genomförs en kvalitativ dokumentanalys för att samla information om befintliga och föreslagna klimat- och energimål på global, nationell och lokal nivå. Vi letar också efter rättviseperspektiv i befintliga klimat- och energimål samt förslag till sådana perspektiv i föreslagna mål i den vetenskapliga litteraturen liksom i rapporter från miljöorganisationer. En slutsats är att rättvisa inte är uttryckligen formulerat i befintliga klimat- och energimål. Vi använder en teoretisk ram för social rättvisa som skiljer mellan vem som ger och får det som fördelas, vad som fördelas (rättvisevaluta) och hur det fördelas (distributionsprinciper). Utifrån vår analys fann vi att en egalitär princip används för de flesta föreslagna målen, exempelvis för globala mål om utsläpp av växthusgaser per capita. Samtliga av de granskade målen omfattar endast rättvisa mellan människor och exkluderar därmed andra levande varelser. I artikel III analyserar vi hur fyra olika backcastingscenarier för markanvändning i ett svenskt sammanhang år 2060 påverkar andra hållbarhetsmål när ett klimatmål om noll CO2-utsläpp är uppfyllt. Med hjälp av en matris gör vi en målkonfliktanalys med de övriga svenska miljömålen, jämställdhetsmål och mål för folkhälsan med dess 11 tillhörande målområden. Analysen visar att de potentiella målkonflikterna är fler i scenarier utan globalt klimatavtal. Detta beror främst på att vissa miljöfrågor måste behandlas på global nivå, samt att minskningen i miljöpåverkan kommer att bero på åtgärder som inte bara vidtagits i Sverige utan också globalt. Utifrån dessa tre artiklar diskuterar jag sedan olika aspekter som måste beaktas vid fastställandet av mål. Eftersom hållbarhetsmål är långsiktiga och kännetecknas av en hel del osäkerhet diskuterar jag behovet av att sätta upp "försiktigt utopiska mål" (cautiously utopian goals), det vill säga mål som kan vara omöjliga att uppnå, men möjliga att närma sig. Sådana mål kan få till stånd de djupgående förändringar som krävs för en hållbar och rättvis framtid samtidigt som de är acceptabla för de intressenter som berörs. Mål är ofta otydliga vad gäller vad som ingår eller inte. Vad gäller klimatmålen, exempelvis, är det ofta otydligt huruvida utsläpp från handel är inkluderade eller ej och vilket referensår en viss utsläppsminskning baseras på. Sådana avgränsningar bör synliggöras och helst diskuteras med avseende på hur de kan påverka till exempel andra länders utsläppsminskningar. Det finns också ett behov att skilja mål från medel för att uppnå målen, eftersom det gör det möjligt att formulera mål som kan uppnås på olika sätt. Ekonomisk tillväxt ses ofta som ett mål i sig, såsom i FN:s nya hållbarhetsmål (SDGs). Tillväxt borde dock betraktas som ett rent verktyg för att uppnå egentliga mål rörande, exempelvis, välbefinnande. Mål är också normativa och återspeglar både olika kulturella och etiska perspektiv på vad en god hälso- och sjukvård eller bostadsstandard bör vara. De underliggande värdena bör därför också synliggöras och ifrågasättas. Både inter- och intragenerationella rättviseperspektiv bör göras mer konkreta och tydliga så att sådana frågor kan följas upp. En bra start kan vara att förutom ett territoriellt perspektiv börja använda ett konsumtionsperspektiv vid upprättandet av klimat-eller markanvändningsmål, då effekten av vår konsumtion på andra länders miljö och hälsa har ökat under de senaste årtiondena. / <p>QC 20160901</p> / Beyond GDP Growth

Green areas are important in people’s lives in many aspects such as physical, psychological, social and health. This study was carried out with the objective of examining if there are differences in green area accessibility and availability in the areas with different socioeconomic backgrounds using environmental justice (EJ) perspectives. The study used secondary data from the statistics department and the Environmental protection agency and used 30 DeSO areas (Demographic statistic areas in Sweden) in Stockholm with 15 low-income areas and 15 high-income areas. Variables such as the proportion of people with foreign background, the proportion of people with high education, the proportion of children and income levels selected for the analysis for green area availability and accessibility. The results show that the selected areas have adequate and recommended green area availability irrespective of the income level. But, when it comes to the green area per capita (amount of green area per person) in the neighbourhoods, a higher statistically significant negative effect was found for the proportion of people with a foreign background. By examining the green area per capita for the social group separately, the study did not find any significant differences, which emphasize that the low-income areas with a high proportion of people with foreign background have to share green areas with many people which are a problem of the existence of an environmental injustice issue. The study showed that in the buffer area there is a favourable per capita green area compared to within the neighbourhood, which could be a risk of increasing more socio-economic segregation. The study suggests that there should be more green area recreational facilities and quality to be established around the low-income neighbourhoods with a high proportion of foreign background people. The involvement of experts from different backgrounds will be advantageous to implement successful policy and regulations for green area development. In addition, green area planning, developing and policy enforcements to be done through the participation of citizens in order to take account of ethnic consideration and individual perceptions and attitudes. The study can be further extended to a successful field study as well as by using the advanced GIS-based systems to determine the accessibility for the ethnic and religious groups of the areas in this study.

This thesis explores patterns of environmental inequality in Portland, Oregon; both the existence of spatial environmental inequalities and the structural and local forces which contribute to them. Research on environmental inequality, or inequitable exposure to toxins, has shown that minority and low-income populations experience the bulk of the exposure to environmental hazards. Although Portland is often cited as the archetype of a sustainable city, environmental inequality is a pervasive issue. This thesis examines the health inequalities that characterize underserved communities in Portland. Utilizing a mixed methods approach, the researcher uses 1) logistic regression to statistically assess the relationship between race, poverty, and Superfund site locations, and 2) in-depth interviews with members of Oregon's environmental justice movement to help understand the historical, social, political, and economic conditions of Portland and their subsequent influence on environmental inequalities. Quantitative data is pooled from 2000 census and 2011 Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) sources. The quantitative findings demonstrate that environmental inequality is present in Portland, with African Americans being particularly overrepresented in tracts with Superfund sites. The quantitative analyses ultimately suggest that minimally populated, highly impoverished tracts with approximately 11% African American residents are most likely to house a Superfund site. The qualitative findings show that a variety of structural and local forces play prominent roles in the formation of Portland's environmental inequalities. The qualitative analyses reveal this to be a multifaceted and complex process that is indicative of Portland's history of racial inequality, contemporary free market and business forces, and governmental interests which culminate in trends of inequitable development.

Climate change has emerged as one of the most significant issues facing the world. This research endeavored to uncover and describe the lived experience of Portland, Oregon residents in relation to the substantive issue of climate change. The specific purpose of this research was to gain a better understanding of the ways that Portland residents conceive of and communicate about climate change. Utilizing semi-structured phenomenological interviews, particular attention was paid to the culture of Portland residents, their lived experience and how the issue of climate change manifests itself in their everyday experiences. In addition, this particular phenomenological inquiry incorporated elements of auto ethnography by positioning the researcher`s experiences, imagination and intellect at the center of the research endeavor. Multiple themes emerged from the in-depth, descriptive interviews that helped to reveal the structure or essence of the participant`s experience(s). A single meta-theme was identified and informed by contemporary theories such as Cosmopolitanism and the Environmental Justice Paradigm.

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Urban public green space is a core contributor to cultural ecosystem services in cities, comprising the non-material benefits that people obtain from contact with nature. Due to the many benefits that have been ascribed to it, green space has become subject to debates on justice about its fair distribution and equal opportunities to use it. Teenage girls living in socio-economically challenged neighbourhoods appear to belong to a societal group that is restricted in accessing green space, as well as having less opportunities to influence the governance of such space. Attempting to bring further light to these issues, this study utilises a phenomenological approach in which intersectionality theory is central. It aims to explore how intersections of identity markers, such as age, gender, and place of residence, interact with girls’ lived experiences of green space. It does so by collecting first-person narratives in eight interactive and online interviews with the support of satellite, aerial and street view imagery provided by Google Maps. The result shows the great complexity of urban public green space as a place with room for both feelings of liberty and feelings of exclusion. The girls’ narratives unveil how urban green is an important source for well-being and quality of life, and how connection with nature enables connection with loved ones, the community, and with oneself. Simultaneously, identity markers, such as age, gender, and place of residence, intersect into a synergy of exclusion for teenage girls to fully encounter urban nature. Feelings of urban public green space as a place occupied by others contribute to experiences of it as inappropriate and unsafe for girls to visit in certain places during certain times. This suggests how green space works as an arena for power relations, where the opportunities for girls to benefit from its free use and from cultural ecosystem services decrease under certain circumstances. Narratives and myths that green space is dangerous for girls paint a geography of fear; in which fear of becoming a victim of crime is expressed as a fear of space. This fear increases with preconceptions and self-images that girls are defenceless and weak. Furthermore, these experiences intersect with feelings that their neighbourhoods, and the green wherein, are framed adversely and neglected by planners, politicians, municipalities and the government. Still, the girls express great appreciation and pride over the voluminous public green areas in their neighbourhoods. Despite experiencing less power to influence, they have strong visions and aspirations to impact the design and function of urban nature, which indicates prospects for empowerment and revitalisation of green space. It is concluded that recognising lived experiences of girls is essential when working towards safe and accessible, but also lively and inviting, green space. Furthermore, it is argued that insights from intersectionality is valuable when researching use of green space, as intersectionality is a profoundly spatial concept; in which social categories articulate in relation to place and time, and where power and identity contribute at shaping experiences of green space.

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Humanity’s detrimental impacts on the Earth’s ecosystems have been studied extensively, and these impacts’ negative consequences across societal groups, nations, and generations, have garnered much attention, from the scientific community as well as from civil society, where the attention often has been directed at how unfair the distribution of these environmental burdens is. The fairness of the distribution of global environmental benefits, however, has seen much less study, especially when it comes to the implementation of such concerns for fairness in environmental policy. In support of the research project Beyond GDP-growth, this thesis has centered on a Swedish context, and has focused on the term “biocapacity”, which is a quantifiable measure of many environmental benefits, and in the thesis is defined as the ability of terrestrial ecosystems to regenerate the biological materials extracted by humans. The thesis has then aimed to determine the current potential for the implementation of a fair distribution of global biocapacity in Swedish environmental policy, mainly by way of a series of interviews with individuals engaged in different forms of Swedish environmental work – from different levels of government, to civil society and centers of scientific research. It is concluded that the current potential for the implementation of a fair distribution of global biocapacity in Swedish environmental policy is primarily hindered by the seeming lack of a relevant discourse on the matter. Without such a discourse, a lack of public understanding of the subject is deemed to cause poor public support for any potential policies promoting a fair distribution of global biocapacity. It is suggested that a relevant and effective discourse is best achieved through transparent trade practices, and by the active participation of scientific experts and other actors outside of the political system. Furthermore, the thesis discusses the usefulness of the term “biocapacity” in this context, concluding that more research is needed, while identifying the main point of contention as what the term is intuitively understood to mean, as well as whether or not it can be used as a means to achieve a focused public discourse on the fair distribution of environmental goods. / Mänsklighetens skadliga inverkan på jordens ekosystem har studerats i stor utsträckning, och den här inverkans negativa konsekvenser för olika samhällsgrupper, länder och generationer har fått mycket uppmärksamhet från både forskningsvärlden och civilsamhället, där det främst har fokuserats på den orättvisa fördelningen av dessa ”miljöbördor”. Men, rättvisa när det kommer till fördelningen av ”miljönyttor” har studerats betydligt mindre, särskilt i samband med hur sådana rättviseaspekter kan implementeras i miljöpolicy. Den här uppsatsen har – i en svensk kontext och som stöd till forskningsprojektet Bortom BNP-tillväxt – fokuserat på en kvantifierbar term kallad ”biokapacitet”, som innefattar många miljönyttor, och i uppsatsen definieras som landbaserade ekosystems kapacitet att regenerera de biologiska material som människor extraherar. Uppsatsen har sedan ämnat att undersöka de nuvarande förutsättningarna för implementeringen av en rättvis fördelning av global biokapacitet i svensk miljöpolicy, främst genom en serie intervjuer med individer som i olika sammanhang är engagerade i svenskt miljöarbete – från kommunal till statlig nivå, samt i civilsamhället och i forskningssammanhang. Uppsatsen utmynnar i slutsatsen att de nuvarande förutsättningarna för implementeringen av en rättvis fördelning av global biokapacitet i svensk miljöpolicy främst begränsas av att den offentliga debatten till synes inte behandlar ämnet nämnvärt. Utan en offentlig debatt om ämnet förmodas den resulterande kunskapsbristen hos allmänheten leda till ett bristande offentligt stöd för policyförslag som förespråkar en rättvis fördelning av global biokapacitet. En relevant och effektiv offentlig debatt tros bäst kunna uppstå genom transparent handel och ett aktivt deltagande av experter från forskningsvärlden, samt andra utompolitiska aktörer. Dessutom diskuterar uppsatsen nyttan av begreppet ”biokapacitet” i en sådan debatt, och kommer fram till att vidare studier krävs för att nå en tillfredsställande slutsats. Uppsatsen identifierar dock den intuitiva uppfattningen av termens betydelse, samt frågan om termen kan användas för att uppnå en fokuserad debatt på ämnet, som de främsta problemområdena som behöver behandlas. / Beyond GDP-growth (sv. Bortom BNP-tillväxt)

It was my first visit ever to the neighborhood association – in February 2017 – and the phone rang again in the contiguous room. “I’m sorry” apologized José Luis “but our colleagues are not here yet and I need to answer the phone”. Manolo, who stayed with me, responded to my curious look: “we just sent the monthly invoice of the cooperative committee of funerals and this month is higher than usual. Three people died only last week. The neighbors are calling to check if the invoice is right, and some of them are trying to postpone the payment. But we try not to do exceptions, it’s the only way to keep working”. When José Luis came back, they both explained to me what exactly was the cooperative committee of funerals. Facing an increase in the number of deceased people and the high expense that is usually incurred by families in burial services, in 1987 the neighborhood association came up with the idea of creating a group of people that would share those costs. The project, though, would only make sense with widespread support from the community. Despite the strict age limit of 50 years old, almost 4.000 people responded when the call was launched, and the number of associates has remained steady through the years. This anecdote reflects very well the identity of the Can Sant Joan community, to which José Luis and Manolo passionately introduced me during that first meeting. The two men talked straight about the many social and environmental problems that the neighborhood had faced during the years and the ways in which the community had organized to confront them. Yet, they did not speak in a plaintive way, their speech challenged corporate and institutional power and claimed fearlessly for social justice. The Can Sant Joan community – not unlike many others in the Vallès region – has faced many adversities of different kind since its very creation, but its inhabitants have always confronted them and have restlessly fought for improving the living conditions in the neighborhood. Can Sant Joan stands out among other sacrifice zones in the Vallès area because of the long list of locally unwanted land uses that is burdened with, but especially because of its strong subaltern identity that has led the community to partially revert their condition. My research is grounded on the acknowledgment of Can Sant Joan’s environmental and social burdens, as a representation of all those communities around the world whose livelihoods are contaminated and impoverished in the name of neoliberal capitalism, and especially to those that decide to stand up and fight against power inequalities and social injustices. I foresee my research not just as an intellectual exercise, but as a process grounded in real life experiences of contamination and neglect that ultimately seeks to make a difference in the community, where it starts. This study is, thus, a transdisciplinary – almost antidisciplinary – piece where different disciplines with ambitions of challenging the sociopolitical status quo in order to achieve social and environmental justice intertwine. My research is built on existing literature in the fields of subaltern environmentalism – and other forms alternative environmentalism – political ecology and environmental humanities. Much have been written about polluted communities in different fields, but there are still crucial gaps that need to be filled. My ambitions are to better understand the sociopolitical processes that lead to the creation of sacrifice zones, to expand the definition of violence by uncovering different forms of slow violence that take place in them, to analyze the environmental movements embraced by affected communities, and to evaluate the potential benefits 1 that a subaltern environmental movement could have to those communities. The outcome of my research will be shared with the movement against waste incineration of Can Sant Joan and with the community in an attempt to realize the main aspiration of my research: to inform and enhance the activist movement in the neighborhood. This will be done by co-organizing at least one public event in the neighborhood together with members of the movement against incineration, in which the outcomes of my research will be presented to the local audience. Additionally, I keep personal relationship with the key informants, who have been integrated in the activist-scholar circle of the KTH Environmental Humanities Laboratory. If successful, this study could be the first stage of an action research in which local activists would not only be treated as a group of study, but their needs and actions would reframe the questions and scope of my research. In turn, the local movement against incineration would make use of the research outcomes in order to reach its goal, eventually creating a symbiotic feedback process potentially fruitful for both parts. This study is organized in seven chapters and six interludes. In chapter 2 I present the rationale behind the choice of case study as a research methodology, introduce the writer to the case study design, and share the ethical considerations at stake. Chapter 3 contains the theoretical toolbox where I conduct a literature review of the material that serves as theoretical frame for this study. I start with different visions on subalternity to later define subaltern environmentalism, and pointing out to some commonalities among different forms of alternative environmentalism. Then, I explore the concept of sacrifice zone and present the street science process that is being used by affected communities in order to uncover the infliction of slow violence in a variety of forms. In chapter 4 I introduce the reader to the case study through a short historical revision of the origins of Can Sant Joan and the development of the neighborhood until our days. Thereafter I thoroughly analyze the socio-political positionality of the community in different terms to verify if Can Sant Joan is a subaltern community. Chapter 5 is dedicated to discussing the neighborhood of Can Sant Joan as a sacrifice zone, as well as different forms of slow violence that the community has suffered. First, I revise the long list of locally unwanted land uses (LULUs) that the community has been burdened with and uncover a pattern based on political criteria for the placing of those LULUs. Thereupon, I analyze the different forms of slow violence that Can Sant Joan is being inflicted, including environmental, structural and narrative violence. In chapter 6, I document the movement against waste incineration in the cement plant that is taking place in Can Sant Joan, present the main forms of activism that the movement is using, and discuss the features that make it fit into the frame of subaltern environmentalism. Then, I discuss the central role of street science and forming coalitions: while the former is used to contest narrative violence and legitimize the claims of the community, the latter enhances public visibility and helps to forge a common subaltern identity that goes beyond the borders of the neighborhood. The study concludes with chapter 7, where I summarize the outcomes of this thesis by answering the research questions posed in chapter 2. Finally, I briefly present potential future research in Can Sant Joan that could keep contributing to the mobilized scholarly fields and to the movement against incineration as well, and close with a short update of the last months of struggle. The study is complemented with a series of six 2 interludes inspired by the Toxic Bios1 project, which compiles in an interactive open access online platform toxic autobiographies from communities affected by environmental injustices in several European countries and beyond. In the interludes the scale of the unit of analysis shifts from the community of Can Sant Joan to the individuals affected by the studied phenomena and thus, I use storytelling in order to complement my research with insights from a different perspective. In the first interlude, I highlight the importance that bodily experiences of toxicity can have in contesting narrative violence through toxic storytelling and I discuss the new guerrilla narrative methodology. The rest of the interludes comprise six toxic autobiographies by six different members of the local community that are to different extents active in the movement against waste incineration in Can Sant Joan.