Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-22T22:10:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alexandre.pdf: 1847704 bytes, checksum: 0a0ce0d01ec14506d096a04795e0d60e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-30 / This academic work intends to use simulation modeling to study the behavior of the queue of attendance of voters who request registration, which can range from 50 voters per day, in periods of small demand, to 8000 voters per day, in electoral years. For such, a study of case in the Central Office of Attendance of Voters (CATE) of the Electoral Regional Court of Amazon (TRE-AM) was made, emphasizing the process of arrival and attendance of voters, regarding the operations of enlistment, revision, transference and second copies. To develop this study, a bibliographical survey was made on Services of Electoral Attendance, Queuing Theory, Modeling and Simulation of Systems, and Arena® Simulator. In addition to the collecting of data of the field research, queries to the historical information stored in the database of TREAM were made, with the purpose of validation of the collected data. From these data, a mathematical model was developed, whose model of computational simulation was implemented with the software Arena®, and validated for the current operational conditions of small demand. From this model, nine alternative scenes for the operational conditions of the central office of attendance of voters were generated, allowing comparisons considering the amount of attendants, their level of experience, operations of attendance, and demand of voters. The analysis of the results shows that a modification in the operational configuration considerably influences the average time that the voter waits in line and the size of the line, being the main influence factors the number of attendants and their level of experience, which suggests that some measures, such as training, standardization of the procedures and implantation of new provisory attendance centers a longer time in advance, will guarantee quality improvement of the services / Este trabalho acadêmico busca utilizar a modelagem de imulação para estudar o comportamento da fila de atendimento aos eleitores que solicitam títulos eleitorais, a qual pode variar de 50 eleitores por dia, em período de demanda pequena, até chegar a 8.000 eleitores por dia, em períodos de anos eleitorais. Para tal, foi feito um estudo de caso na Central de Atendimento ao Eleitor (CATE) do Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Amazonas (TRE-AM), dando ênfase ao processo de chegada de eleitores e ao processo de atendimento, no que diz respeito às operações de alistamento, revisão, transferência e segunda via. Para desenvolvimento deste estudo, foi feito um levantamento bibliográfico sobre Serviços de Atendimento Eleitoral, Teoria das Filas, Modelagem e Simulação de Sistemas, e Simulador Arena®. Além da coleta de dados da pesquisa de campo, foram feitas consultas às informações históricas armazenadas no banco de dados do TRE-AM para fins de validação dos dados coletados. A partir desses dados, foi desenvolvido um modelo matemático, cujo modelo de simulação computacional foi implementado no software Arena®, e validado para as condições operacionais atuais de demanda pequena. Com esse modelo, foram gerados nove cenários alternativos para as condições operacionais da central de atendimento ao eleitor, fazendo comparações de acordo com a quantidade de atendentes, nível de experiência dos atendentes, operações de atendimento, e demanda de eleitores. A análise dos resultados mostra que a alteração na configuração operacional influencia consideravelmente no tempo médio que o eleitor espera na fila, assim como no tamanho da fila, sendo os fatores principais a quantidade e o nível de experiência dos atendentes, sugerindo-se assim treinamentos, padronização dos procedimentos e implantação de novas Centrais de Atendimento provisórias, com um tempo de antecedência maior que o atual, garantindo-se assim melhor qualidade nos serviços de atendimento.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-04-28 / This work sought to examine the electoral quotas as a public policy, through the analysis of the Brazilian laws in force, the literature and official data on the participation of women in positions of power, especially in the Brazilian legislat ive power. First of all, we analyzed the right to equality and its variations, as well as the mechanisms to enforce it, with emphasis on affirmative action. We also analyzed the legitimacy of affirmative action to protect the rights of minorities, especially women in positions of power. The regulatory instruments of the electoral quota policy were evaluated, seeking to unravel the difficulties arising from the legal framework of public policy. This paper brought to the spotlight the mechanisms used to implement the policy and possible ways o reduce inequality between men and women in Brazilian politics and the results of women s participation in Brazilian elections since the implementation of affirmative action electoral quotas. In order to do it, we analyzed documents and bibliographies on the right of women, the importance of women's political participation to democracy and electoral quotas on Brazilian politics, as well as official data on election results since 1996. From this research , we concluded that, although important steps have been taken to promote gender equality in Brazil, there is still much to achieve , especially on women's participation in politics. / A partir de estudo bibliográfico e análise de dados oficiais sobre a participação das mulheres nos espaços de poder, em especial no legislativo brasileiro, buscou-se analisar a política pública de cotas eleitorais, por meio da análise das leis que vigorara m e vigoram sobre o tema. Iniciou-se analisando o direito a igualdade e suas vertentes, assim como os mecanismos para efetivar esse direito, com ênfase nas ações afirmativas. Passou-se então analisar a legitimidade das ações afirmativas na proteção dos direitos das minorias, em especial das mulheres nos espaços de poder. Avaliaram-se os instrumentos normativos da política de cotas eleitorais, buscando desvendar as dificuldades oriundas da estrutura legal da política pública. Por meio de análise dos resultados da participação das mulheres nas eleições brasileiras desde a implantação da ação afirmativa de cotas eleitorais, problematizou-se sobre os mecanismos utilizados para implantar a política e os caminhos possíveis para diminuir a desigualdade entre homens e mulheres na política brasileira. Para tanto, foram analisados documentos e bibliografias sobre o direito das mulheres, a importância da participação política das mulheres para a democracia e sobre política de cotas eleitorais brasileira, bem como dados oficiais sobre os resultados eleitorais desde 1996. De tal análise, concluiu-se que, embora importantes passos tenham sido dados para a promoção da igualdade de gênero no Brasil, muito há ainda que avançar, especialmente na participação das mulheres na política.

La thèse consiste en un réexamen des traits saillants des systèmes politique et partisan du Japon d’avant-guerre (1890-1937). L’analyse de données quantitatives et qualitatives sur l’achat de voix et les pratiques d’ingérence des gouvernements dans le déroulement des campagnes électorales démontre que la première pratique était massive et généralisée et les secondes systématiques. L’achat de voix massif et généralisé et les pratiques d’ingérence étaient liés par une relation de complémentarité fonctionnelle, l’ingérence consistant le plus communément en la répression partiale des fraudes électorales. Le système partisan s’ordonnait autour de ce binôme d’expédients. Les acteurs collectifs de ce système furent des spécimens du type « parti-cartel, stratarchique, clientélistes et attrape-tout », des partis qui n’activaient pas de clivage sociologique ou idéologique. Le binôme d’expédients structurants eut de nombreuses conséquences systémiques et constitua la plus puissante des modalités de la politisation des rapports sociaux. En conclusion, les résultats de l’examen de la pratique de l’achat de voix dans le Japon d’avant-guerre sont confrontés à ceux que proposent des études de cette pratique en d’autres sociétés, les États-Unis d’Amérique et le Royaume-Uni au XIXe siècle ou, au XXe siècle, des pays d’Amérique Latine et Taiwan. / This thesis is a reappraisal of salient features of the political and party systems in prewar Japan (1890-1937). Analysis of qualitative and quantitative data on vote buying and governmental interference in electoral campaigns demonstrate that the first practice was massive and generalized; and that the second was systematic. These two practices were tied by a functional relationship since the most common form of governmental interference consisted in a partisan bias in the repression of electoral frauds. The core of electoral politics was a functional set of expedients. The collective actors of this system are characterized as specimens of the “cartel party stratarchic, clientelistic, catch-all” type, many political parties that did not activate any sociological or ideological cleavage. The two electoral expedients bore many systemic consequences and were the most powerful ways of the politicization of social relationships in this society. The concluding chapter is a comparative examination of the characteristics and properties of vote buying in prewar Japan to those of the same practice in other societies, the 19th century United States of America and Britain, or 20th century Latin America and Taiwan.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / El artículo 16 numeral 2° de la Constitución Política de la República dispone la suspensión del derecho de sufragio respecto de la persona acusada por delito que merezca pena aflictiva. A partir de lo anterior, nuestra hipótesis consiste en que dicha suspensión, al imponerse antes de que la persona sea condenada por sentencia firme dictada en proceso penal, constituye una pena anticipada vulneratoria de la presunción de inocencia, principio que forma parte de nuestro ordenamiento jurídico al encontrarse consagrado en tratados internacionales ratificados por el Estado de Chile y que se encuentran vigentes. Será en este contexto que el objeto del presente trabajo, una vez determinado el carácter de derecho fundamental que reviste el sufragio, se centra en un análisis tanto histórico como semántico del artículo 16 numeral 2°, así como también en las consecuencias que su redacción genera en el trato de inocente que debe recibir el imputado.

<p>This thesis consists of an introduction and three stand-alone essays. In the introduction I discuss the commonalities between the three essays. Essay I charts the the main political cleavages among 59 Swedish unions and business organizations. The main conclusion is that there appear to exist two economic sources of political cleavage: The traded versus the nontraded divide and the labor versus capital divide. Essay II suggests a political rationale for why strikes have been more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (e.g. France, Great Britain) than where it was elected by proportional representation (e.g. Sweden, Netherlands). In Essay III I present a theoretical model of political support for different types of labor market regulations. From it I recover two implications: Support for industrial relations legislation that enables unions to bid up wages should be inversely related to the economy's openness, while support for employment protection legislation should be positively related to the size of the unionized sector. Empirical evidence from a cross-section of 70 countries match my theoretical priors.</p>

This thesis consists of an introduction and three stand-alone essays. In the introduction I discuss the commonalities between the three essays. Essay I charts the the main political cleavages among 59 Swedish unions and business organizations. The main conclusion is that there appear to exist two economic sources of political cleavage: The traded versus the nontraded divide and the labor versus capital divide. Essay II suggests a political rationale for why strikes have been more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (e.g. France, Great Britain) than where it was elected by proportional representation (e.g. Sweden, Netherlands). In Essay III I present a theoretical model of political support for different types of labor market regulations. From it I recover two implications: Support for industrial relations legislation that enables unions to bid up wages should be inversely related to the economy's openness, while support for employment protection legislation should be positively related to the size of the unionized sector. Empirical evidence from a cross-section of 70 countries match my theoretical priors.

El trabajo muestra la evolución de la trama política general, española mediante el análisis en una zona concreta de la Región de Murcia en el período 1891-1910. La primera parte indaga en la estructura de la propiedad presentando a los grupos sociales. La segunda parte atiende expresamente a la política, mostrando la relación entre la dinámica de los poderes locales y del estado a través de la organización de las elecciones. La tesis demuestra que en el período estudiado no se produce ni una sola elección libre y democrática. Finalmente expone información sobre las revueltas sociales que se produjeron y la contundente represión en una aparente contradicción entre actitudes de paternalismo y de violencia, las dos caras definitorias del sistema caciquil. / The study is centred upon the small boroughs which formed three separately named districts, in the period 1891-1910, and which formed societies of a rural charachter, in the midst of the general transformation towards capitalistic norms. These district were characterised by the unequal distribution of property, - concentrated in few hands: - those of the descendants of the established oligarchy, and those of a reduced number of merchants and landowners, these latter two grown richer by the forming of matrimonial ties with the former. Only between a quarter and a half of the individuals who comprised these rural-societes had access to the ownership ofland. The rest was made up of tenant- farmers, casual-workers, and the poor. All undergoing a new breed of property, that property associated with work, - a 'structural-proverty'; into which this study has attempted to penetrate. The division has been found to have been underlined, due to the inexistence of associations capable of representing collective interests, - the first of such movements oniy appeared during this same periodo it was within this context that universal-suffrage for men first appeared, which, in the three districts studied was so denaturalised as not to have produced a single democratic election whose voting resulted in its electors being representad by any freely- appointed parliamentarian. This being so, it has been necessary to investigase the totality of electoral resuits and returns of the three main groups, Conservative, Liberal, and Republican. In order to be able to exert such control over the popular vote, it was essential for the grand-propietors to create social-restrictions, managed by the local, party-bosses, who embodied the oligarchic sectors of the societies and who, via paternalistic measures, administered a goverment of authoritarian, repressive, charachter whose essence was the domination of local-counciis, and channels of communication with the word outside.

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This paper is aimed at exploring the theory and process about electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan. First, we discuss the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and also try to analyze the theory for electoral marketing which consists of theories about marketing, political commmunication and electoral strategies to offer a basic theory for electoral marketing of political partys and candidates in this paper. In addition, we also construct a research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan by exploring the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and the theory for electoral marketing in this paper. .Second, we also use the observational method, the interview method and the research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan to analyze the electoral marketing of the TSU party and its candidate in the north district in Kaohsiung city for the 2004 legislator election in this paper. Finally, the candidate in this case successes to get the seat for the 2004 legislator election, and the winning key is his electoral marketing. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the first period and the second period are emphasized his personality, profession and the TSU party. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the third period and the final period are emphasized the coordination with the DPP and allocation of votes. By analyzing the theory and the case, we can find a basic framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and it could be possible to win a seat by working with political partys and making a theme for electoral marketing to emphasize the personality and profession of candidates, or to operate ¡§allocation of votes¡¨, including the coordination among political partys and candidates. To sum up, the electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system is a process, including political partys, candidates, professinal work-teams, strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing, and voters. It also can show a process for political communication in which political partys, candidates and work-teams may use strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing to address political information to voters and correct strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing from voter¡¦s feedback. In this way, political partys, candidates can give voters what they want and success to win a seat. At the same time, we also can offer new ideas for researching the behavior of political partys and candidates, the campaigns of political elite in Kaohsiung city and developing the research for elections in Taiwan in this paper.

The single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system was mainly used for Taiwan¡¦s electoral system after several reforms. However, most democratic countries already don¡¦t adopt any more the SNTV system which is not appropriate. In order to combat the abuses in electoral system and implement democracy, the single-member district and two-vote system is definitely needed. By using this system, the voters can elect the capable People¡¦s Representatives and the parliamentary quality and efficiency will be enhanced. Taiwan started to use this single-member district and two-vote system from the 7th Legislative Yuan Election. In this study, we¡¦ll observe how the legislative seats of the Kuomintang (KMT) Party have been changed in Ping-tung County. The electoral reform usually affects the results. Therefore, the KMT Party desired to extend their territory by this reform and used different strategies for the three political districts respectively: non-nomination, negotiation and recruitment. In Ping-tung County, the KMT Party¡¦s territory has been always inferior to Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)¡¦s. In the past, the KMT Party was just one third of the seats of the DPP in the Legislative Yuan Election. Consequently, the KMT Party expected to break through the awkward situation after the 7th Legislative Yuan Election. Nevertheless, the KMT didn¡¦t succeed. Thus it is evident that if the KMT Party longs for victory, they will not only rely on the reform of electoral system, but also need to improve themselves in many perspectives.