La thèse consiste en un réexamen des traits saillants des systèmes politique et partisan du Japon d’avant-guerre (1890-1937). L’analyse de données quantitatives et qualitatives sur l’achat de voix et les pratiques d’ingérence des gouvernements dans le déroulement des campagnes électorales démontre que la première pratique était massive et généralisée et les secondes systématiques. L’achat de voix massif et généralisé et les pratiques d’ingérence étaient liés par une relation de complémentarité fonctionnelle, l’ingérence consistant le plus communément en la répression partiale des fraudes électorales. Le système partisan s’ordonnait autour de ce binôme d’expédients. Les acteurs collectifs de ce système furent des spécimens du type « parti-cartel, stratarchique, clientélistes et attrape-tout », des partis qui n’activaient pas de clivage sociologique ou idéologique. Le binôme d’expédients structurants eut de nombreuses conséquences systémiques et constitua la plus puissante des modalités de la politisation des rapports sociaux. En conclusion, les résultats de l’examen de la pratique de l’achat de voix dans le Japon d’avant-guerre sont confrontés à ceux que proposent des études de cette pratique en d’autres sociétés, les États-Unis d’Amérique et le Royaume-Uni au XIXe siècle ou, au XXe siècle, des pays d’Amérique Latine et Taiwan. / This thesis is a reappraisal of salient features of the political and party systems in prewar Japan (1890-1937). Analysis of qualitative and quantitative data on vote buying and governmental interference in electoral campaigns demonstrate that the first practice was massive and generalized; and that the second was systematic. These two practices were tied by a functional relationship since the most common form of governmental interference consisted in a partisan bias in the repression of electoral frauds. The core of electoral politics was a functional set of expedients. The collective actors of this system are characterized as specimens of the “cartel party stratarchic, clientelistic, catch-all” type, many political parties that did not activate any sociological or ideological cleavage. The two electoral expedients bore many systemic consequences and were the most powerful ways of the politicization of social relationships in this society. The concluding chapter is a comparative examination of the characteristics and properties of vote buying in prewar Japan to those of the same practice in other societies, the 19th century United States of America and Britain, or 20th century Latin America and Taiwan.

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales) / El artículo 16 numeral 2° de la Constitución Política de la República dispone la suspensión del derecho de sufragio respecto de la persona acusada por delito que merezca pena aflictiva. A partir de lo anterior, nuestra hipótesis consiste en que dicha suspensión, al imponerse antes de que la persona sea condenada por sentencia firme dictada en proceso penal, constituye una pena anticipada vulneratoria de la presunción de inocencia, principio que forma parte de nuestro ordenamiento jurídico al encontrarse consagrado en tratados internacionales ratificados por el Estado de Chile y que se encuentran vigentes. Será en este contexto que el objeto del presente trabajo, una vez determinado el carácter de derecho fundamental que reviste el sufragio, se centra en un análisis tanto histórico como semántico del artículo 16 numeral 2°, así como también en las consecuencias que su redacción genera en el trato de inocente que debe recibir el imputado.

<p>This thesis consists of an introduction and three stand-alone essays. In the introduction I discuss the commonalities between the three essays. Essay I charts the the main political cleavages among 59 Swedish unions and business organizations. The main conclusion is that there appear to exist two economic sources of political cleavage: The traded versus the nontraded divide and the labor versus capital divide. Essay II suggests a political rationale for why strikes have been more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (e.g. France, Great Britain) than where it was elected by proportional representation (e.g. Sweden, Netherlands). In Essay III I present a theoretical model of political support for different types of labor market regulations. From it I recover two implications: Support for industrial relations legislation that enables unions to bid up wages should be inversely related to the economy's openness, while support for employment protection legislation should be positively related to the size of the unionized sector. Empirical evidence from a cross-section of 70 countries match my theoretical priors.</p>

This thesis consists of an introduction and three stand-alone essays. In the introduction I discuss the commonalities between the three essays. Essay I charts the the main political cleavages among 59 Swedish unions and business organizations. The main conclusion is that there appear to exist two economic sources of political cleavage: The traded versus the nontraded divide and the labor versus capital divide. Essay II suggests a political rationale for why strikes have been more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (e.g. France, Great Britain) than where it was elected by proportional representation (e.g. Sweden, Netherlands). In Essay III I present a theoretical model of political support for different types of labor market regulations. From it I recover two implications: Support for industrial relations legislation that enables unions to bid up wages should be inversely related to the economy's openness, while support for employment protection legislation should be positively related to the size of the unionized sector. Empirical evidence from a cross-section of 70 countries match my theoretical priors.

El trabajo muestra la evolución de la trama política general, española mediante el análisis en una zona concreta de la Región de Murcia en el período 1891-1910. La primera parte indaga en la estructura de la propiedad presentando a los grupos sociales. La segunda parte atiende expresamente a la política, mostrando la relación entre la dinámica de los poderes locales y del estado a través de la organización de las elecciones. La tesis demuestra que en el período estudiado no se produce ni una sola elección libre y democrática. Finalmente expone información sobre las revueltas sociales que se produjeron y la contundente represión en una aparente contradicción entre actitudes de paternalismo y de violencia, las dos caras definitorias del sistema caciquil. / The study is centred upon the small boroughs which formed three separately named districts, in the period 1891-1910, and which formed societies of a rural charachter, in the midst of the general transformation towards capitalistic norms. These district were characterised by the unequal distribution of property, - concentrated in few hands: - those of the descendants of the established oligarchy, and those of a reduced number of merchants and landowners, these latter two grown richer by the forming of matrimonial ties with the former. Only between a quarter and a half of the individuals who comprised these rural-societes had access to the ownership ofland. The rest was made up of tenant- farmers, casual-workers, and the poor. All undergoing a new breed of property, that property associated with work, - a 'structural-proverty'; into which this study has attempted to penetrate. The division has been found to have been underlined, due to the inexistence of associations capable of representing collective interests, - the first of such movements oniy appeared during this same periodo it was within this context that universal-suffrage for men first appeared, which, in the three districts studied was so denaturalised as not to have produced a single democratic election whose voting resulted in its electors being representad by any freely- appointed parliamentarian. This being so, it has been necessary to investigase the totality of electoral resuits and returns of the three main groups, Conservative, Liberal, and Republican. In order to be able to exert such control over the popular vote, it was essential for the grand-propietors to create social-restrictions, managed by the local, party-bosses, who embodied the oligarchic sectors of the societies and who, via paternalistic measures, administered a goverment of authoritarian, repressive, charachter whose essence was the domination of local-counciis, and channels of communication with the word outside.

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This paper is aimed at exploring the theory and process about electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan. First, we discuss the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and also try to analyze the theory for electoral marketing which consists of theories about marketing, political commmunication and electoral strategies to offer a basic theory for electoral marketing of political partys and candidates in this paper. In addition, we also construct a research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan by exploring the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and the theory for electoral marketing in this paper. .Second, we also use the observational method, the interview method and the research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan to analyze the electoral marketing of the TSU party and its candidate in the north district in Kaohsiung city for the 2004 legislator election in this paper. Finally, the candidate in this case successes to get the seat for the 2004 legislator election, and the winning key is his electoral marketing. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the first period and the second period are emphasized his personality, profession and the TSU party. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the third period and the final period are emphasized the coordination with the DPP and allocation of votes. By analyzing the theory and the case, we can find a basic framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and it could be possible to win a seat by working with political partys and making a theme for electoral marketing to emphasize the personality and profession of candidates, or to operate ¡§allocation of votes¡¨, including the coordination among political partys and candidates. To sum up, the electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system is a process, including political partys, candidates, professinal work-teams, strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing, and voters. It also can show a process for political communication in which political partys, candidates and work-teams may use strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing to address political information to voters and correct strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing from voter¡¦s feedback. In this way, political partys, candidates can give voters what they want and success to win a seat. At the same time, we also can offer new ideas for researching the behavior of political partys and candidates, the campaigns of political elite in Kaohsiung city and developing the research for elections in Taiwan in this paper.

The single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system was mainly used for Taiwan¡¦s electoral system after several reforms. However, most democratic countries already don¡¦t adopt any more the SNTV system which is not appropriate. In order to combat the abuses in electoral system and implement democracy, the single-member district and two-vote system is definitely needed. By using this system, the voters can elect the capable People¡¦s Representatives and the parliamentary quality and efficiency will be enhanced. Taiwan started to use this single-member district and two-vote system from the 7th Legislative Yuan Election. In this study, we¡¦ll observe how the legislative seats of the Kuomintang (KMT) Party have been changed in Ping-tung County. The electoral reform usually affects the results. Therefore, the KMT Party desired to extend their territory by this reform and used different strategies for the three political districts respectively: non-nomination, negotiation and recruitment. In Ping-tung County, the KMT Party¡¦s territory has been always inferior to Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)¡¦s. In the past, the KMT Party was just one third of the seats of the DPP in the Legislative Yuan Election. Consequently, the KMT Party expected to break through the awkward situation after the 7th Legislative Yuan Election. Nevertheless, the KMT didn¡¦t succeed. Thus it is evident that if the KMT Party longs for victory, they will not only rely on the reform of electoral system, but also need to improve themselves in many perspectives.

為因應選舉法規變更或時代變遷，往往必須重劃選區。傳統上，選區重劃都是以人工方式劃分。以人工方式劃分選區固然能考慮較多因素，包括最難數據化的人文因素，但人力成本高，也容易引起爭議。 本研究中，我們提出一個有系統的方式以自動劃分選區。主要的考慮因素為選區之人口數、選區形狀及二級行政區之完整性。我們的劃分方式主要分為三部份：產生起始選區、二級行政區分割修正及選區形狀調整。在產生起始選區步驟，我們根據位能場的觀念，劃分出人口數符合標準之起始選區，再經過行政區分割修正以維持二級行政區之完整性，最後採用基因演算法來調整選區形狀，以避免傑利蠑螈的狀況。 我們以台北市為例，來闡述我們的方法，實做的結果顯示我們的方法能有效的做正確的選區重劃。 / Electoral redistricting is normally required when election regulations changed. Traditionally, electoral redistricting is done manually. Though manual redistricting could consider humane or cultural factor, which may be very difficult to be included in the computation model, the cost of manual redistricting normally is high. In addition, manual redistricting may induce controversial issues. In this thesis, we propose a systematic way that could do the electoral redistricting automatically. Our major considerations are: (1) the population must be evenly partitioned, within an acceptable error; (2) the shape of the redistricted region is reasonably good; (3) the integrity of the second level district must be kept reasonably well. Our method consists of three major parts: initial district production, district’s integrity fixing, and district reshaping. The concept of potential is used in producing the initial districts. A heuristic is used in fixing the district’s integrity. And, finally, Genetic Algorithm is used in district reshaping. We use Taipei City as an example to illustrate our idea. Experimental results show that our method can do electoral redistricting effectively.

The presidential contest of 1952 established a new trajectory for Florida politics. This pivotal election reversed decades of Democratic dominance and signified the beginning of presidential Republicanism in the state. Elections in the second half of the 20th century provided evidence of an increasingly favorable environment for Republican nominees. During this period Democrats were limited to carrying the state's electoral votes three times. GOP presidential ascendancy in Florida was augmented by partisan conversion and the disproportionate in-migration of white Northerners following World War II. Contrary to unrivaled 1980s support, which created an anchor in a new core Southern Republican electoral bloc, the 1990s restoration of competitiveness highlighted voter fluidity. This trend was exemplified by a virtual tie in the 2000 election. This paper confirms an atypical regional diffusion of Republican presidential dominance attributable to demographics. Contemporary Florida elections have been profoundly altered by an older population, increasing diversity due to immigration, and the erosion of Southern culture. Unlike intensifying national sectionalism, Florida has been classified as a "too close to call" during most of the past four presidential campaigns. A unique partisan balance is a component of a demographic profile mirroring the nation. Steady population growth has gradually positioned Florida as an unexpected presidential bellwether. The longevity of highly competitive national elections will continue to be primarily dependent on the partisan inclinations of newcomers.