This thesis is an exploratory examination of the social characteristics of 139 poets featured in a selection of five small press Canadian literary journals. The investigation charts and analyzes the demographics of 64 poets who were published in 1967, and 75 poets who were published in four small press literary magazines in 2010. The 2010 magazines were purposely sampled as representatives of specific geographical areas in Canada (i.e., the West Coast, the Prairies, Central Canada, and the East Coast). The results indicate that in 1967 female poets were less likely to be published; however, 43 years later, this bias has been rectified. Another notable difference between the two groups of poets is that in 1967 ethnic minorities were more likely to be published. Educational achievement was an important factor for both the 1967 and 2010 poets, as was location, occupation and editorial duties. / Graduate

ABREU, Raimundo Luidi Santos de. Assimetrias socioeconômicas e acesso ao ensino superior – um estudo da (des)elitização discente na Universidade Federal do Ceará (UFC). 2013. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Políticas Públicas e Gestão da Educação Superior, Fortaleza (CE), 2013. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-05-12T12:13:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_rlsabreu.pdf: 970446 bytes, checksum: 7b17c0f6ea2cb6dc4e0ccf6c1fb6bb9d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-05-12T12:51:46Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_rlsabreu.pdf: 970446 bytes, checksum: 7b17c0f6ea2cb6dc4e0ccf6c1fb6bb9d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-12T12:51:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_dis_rlsabreu.pdf: 970446 bytes, checksum: 7b17c0f6ea2cb6dc4e0ccf6c1fb6bb9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Since its genesis, the Brazilian higher education has been referred to as the stage of the elites. In recent decades, however, democratizing policies of academic access, suggesting the inflow of less affluent students, anticipate a reversal of this scenario. Among the policies grounded in the selection process, stands out the replacement of the traditional selection examination for the ENEM/SISU and its adjustment to the compulsory quota policy , which act to reduce the influence of class position in the possibilities of access to the IFES , of which the UFC is an integral part. From a social perspective of education, this study aimed to identify the effects that such changes in the freshmen\\\'s contests of admission had on the levels of gentrification at the institutional scope and of the higher courses of the UFC From descriptive nature and quantitative-longitudinal approach, the research was based on the Pareto\\\'s Theory of Elites to stablish numeric indicators, called rates of gentrification, useful for checking the de(gentrificational) trends in the academic field. The socioeconomic variables that supported the achievement of indexes concerned the family income. type of school of middle and high education; and maternal and paternal education from the entrant student body at the university in 2010, 2012 and 2013. From the institutional point of view, the results of the analysis showed that adherence to ENEM/SISU caused no change in the level of gentrification of the UFC. Thereafter, the advent of quotas subjected to a mild degentification. These results suggest, however, that such process would occur more sharply if the requisite household income, rather than the type of high school, appeared as the main criterion in the selection of the shareholders. With regard to the first group of courses studied, the imperial (Law, Medicine and Engineering), it was found that both ENEM/SISU as the quota system degentificate them almost in their entirety. In relation to the assembly of other courses, degree courses, it was observed that the ENEM / SISU reverberated in a manner contrary to the expected, since subjected them to gentrification; the quotas, on the other hand, reversed this degentificate trend embodied in the previous period. In this topic was also possible to fathom for incidental effect arising from the implementation of quotas: the slowdown of self-exclusion; phenomenon that distance humblest individuals of contests for access to the IES. / Desde sua gênese, a educação superior brasileira vem sendo referenciada como palco das elites. Nas últimas décadas, todavia, políticas democratizantes de acesso universitário, ao sugerirem ingresso de discentes menos abastados, anteveem reversão desse cenário. Entre as alicerçadas nos processos seletivos, destacam-se a substituição do tradicional vestibular pelo ENEM/SISU e seu ajuste à compulsória política de cotas, que atuam no sentido de diminuir a influência das posições de classe nas possibilidades de acesso às IFES, das quais a UFC é parte integrante. Sob uma perspectiva social da educação, o presente trabalho teve como objetivo identificar os efeitos que tais mudanças nos certames de admissão de calouros exerceram sobre os níveis de elitização em âmbito institucional e dos cursos superiores da UFC. De natureza descritiva e abordagem quantitativa longitudinal, a pesquisa baseou-se na Teoria das Elites de Pareto para estabelecer indicadores numéricos, denominados índices de elitização, úteis à verificação de tendências des(elitizantes) no campo acadêmico. As variáveis socioeconômicas que subsidiaram a obtenção dos índices disseram respeito à renda familiar; ao tipo de escola de ensino fundamental e médio; e à instrução paterna e materna do alunado ingressante na universidade nos anos de 2010, 2012 e 2013. Do ponto de vista institucional, os resultados das análises apontaram que a adesão ao ENEM/SISU não ocasionou mudança considerável no nível de elitização da UFC. Em momento posterior, o advento das cotas sujeitou-a a uma leve deselitização. Pôde-se deduzir, conquanto, que a deselitização ocorreria de forma mais acentuada se o quesito renda familiar, em vez do tipo de escola de ensino médio, aparecesse como critério principal na seleção dos cotistas. No que se refere ao primeiro grupo de cursos investigados, os imperiais (Direito, Medicina e Engenharia), verificou-se que tanto o ENEM/SISU quanto o sistema de cotas deselitizou-os quase que na íntegra. Já com relação ao outro ajuntamento de cursos, os de licenciatura, observou-se que o ENEM/SISU repercutiu de forma contrária à esperada, pois os sujeitou à elitização; às cotas, por sua vez, coube reverter essa tendência elitizante consubstanciada no período anterior. Neste tópico também foi possível atinar para um efeito acessório advindo da aplicação da política de cotas: o abrandamento da autoexclusão; fenômeno que distancia indivíduos mais humildes dos certames de acesso às IES.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2004-09-30Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:54:38Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 ribeiro_ia_me_fran.pdf: 1883453 bytes, checksum: 949727bbb0c4c6d2728224efc9bda977 (MD5) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / A Ação Integralista Brasileira constituiu-se na década de 1930, no mais importante movimento político de direita e no primeiro partido de massa do país. Influenciada pela ideologia fascista italiana, a A.I.B. criou núcleos espalhados por todo o Brasil, como na cidade de Olímpia, encravada nos anos 30 no então sertão de São Paulo. O núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista foi fundado em 1934 por Ruy do Amaral e teve no jornal “Cidade de Olympia” uma espécie de porta-voz não oficial do movimento. Entre 1932 e 1937, o semanário publicou 93 artigos e notícias dos mais diversos matizes sobre o movimento integralista, inclusive uma contundente entrevista com Plínio Salgado. É a partir da análise desses artigos e notícias e da história oral de dois dos principais camisas-verdes do sertão, Ruy do Amaral e Ítalo Galli, que tornou-se possível reconstruir parte da história de um núcleo municipal da Ação Integralista no interior do país. Tanto os textos escritos como as entrevistas, apresentam um movimento impregnado pelo fascismo e pelo anti-semitismo. A maioria dos camisas-verdes que escreveram artigos para o “Cidade de Olympia”, deixou clara sua adesão à A.I.B. por considerar o movimento uma cópia do fascismo e por adotar a posição anti-semita. Por outro lado, o movimento integralista em Olímpia ignorou o fato de atuar numa região de vida rural e teve uma inserção no campo insignificante. Mesmo portador de um discurso fascista, os integralistas do sertão, profissionais liberais em sua maioria, preferiram elitizar esse discurso, desprezar ações de mobilização das massas e perpetuar uma relação de “compadrio” com os coronéis que dominavam a vida política em Olímpia, constituindo, assim, uma espécie de “fascio de intelectuais”. / The Brazilian Integralist Action was formed in the decade of 1930, at the most important right political movement and at the first mass party of the country. Influenced by the Italian Fascist Ideology, the Brazilian Integralist Action created cores spread all over Brazil, like in the city of Olimpia, embedded in the 30s, then called “Sertão” (a less inhabited part in a country) of São Paulo. The Integralist Action Municipal Core was founded in 1934 by Ruy do Amaral and had in the newspaper “Cidade de Olympia” a type of non-official spokesman of the movement. Between 1932 and 1937, the weekly paper published 93 articles and news of the most diverse shades about the integralist movement, including an aggrieved interview with Plínio Salgado. It is from the analysis of these articles and news and the oral history of two of the main “green-shirts” from “Sertão”, Ruy do Amaral e Italo Galli, that it was possible to re-create part of the history of an Integralist Action Municipal Core at the inland country. The written texts, as well as the interviews, present a movement permeated by the Fascism and by the Anti-Semitism. Most of the “green-shirts” who wrote articles for the “Cidade de Olympia”, made clear their adhesion to the Brazilian Integralist Action for considering the movement a copy of fascism and for adopting the anti-semit position. On the other hand, the integralist movement in Olimpia ignored the fact of acting in a rural life region, and had an insignificant insertion in the country life. Even holding a fascist speech, the integralist from “Sertão”, liberal professionals mostly, preferred to select this speech, disregard mass mobilization actions and perpetuate a “compadrio”relation (close relation) with the Colonels who dominated the political life in Olimpia, building up, this way, a kind of “intelectual fascio”.

Friedrich Nietzsche’s 1874 essay "On the Use and Disadvantage of History for Life" (HL) presents ideas on how the past ought to be appropriated and how history ought to be written. His 1887 book "On the Genealogy of Morality" (GM) presents an account of the historical development of European morality. Given that Nietzsche appropriates the past through writing in GM, the question arises: does GM put into practice Nietzsche’s earlier ideas from HL concerning how the past ought to be appropriated through the writing of history? I argue that GM does indeed apply some of Nietzsche’s key ideas from HL. In particular, GM remains consistent with HL insofar as it appropriates the past unhistorically, makes use of the monumental and critical modes of history, and appropriates the past in a way that encourages the flourishing of an elite kind of human being. However, Nietzsche’s manner of appropriating the past in GM also diverges from what he espouses in HL. Whereas in HL he emphasizes the usefulness and desirability of forgetting and distorting the past, in GM he exhibits a more notable concern with knowing the truth about the past. I show that this difference in approach is due to the significant change that Nietzsche’s epistemology underwent between the writing of HL and the writing of GM. This difference in approach notwithstanding, the great virtue of illuminating GM through the lens of HL is that it allows us to see more clearly how a lack of concern with truth and knowledge plays a positive role in Nietzsche’s writing of the past in GM. It also helps us to understand why he appropriates the past the way that he does in GM. Just as in HL Nietzsche thought that the past ought to be appropriated in a way that encourages the activity of genius, his writing of the history of European morality in GM is undertaken with the intent to encourage the occurrence and activity of a select kind of human being, a kind of human being that Nietzsche values above all else.

This study examines the manifestation of New Urbanism in the South African environment and applies the themes, characteristics and principles of New Urbanism to the landscape of Melrose Arch in Johannesburg. This precinct has been developed according to New Urban principles, and it is the aim of the author to assess whether these principles have been applied successfully, keeping in mind that since New Urbanism is an American design movement, some of its principles may be impractical to apply in a South African environment. In order to conceptualise the environment in which the analysis takes place, the author sketches a background of the origin and history of Johannesburg, including the development of the city centre and rise of the suburbs. Trends such as decentralisation and gentrification are also recognised and examined. A correlation is drawn between the Johannesburg of a few decades ago and the contemporary city to see how events and tendencies created the city of today. The current initiatives that are being undertaken to reinvent the CBD and other areas of the city are considered as well, in order to provide a context for Melrose Arch. The author also briefly examines the origin and history of leisure landscapes such as arcades, world fairs and expositions, shopping malls and themed landscapes. The purpose is not to give exact timelines and histories of these phenomena, but rather to provide a historic foundation to work from in order to sketch the context wherein developments such as Melrose Arch can be situated. The author examines the predecessors of and influences on New Urbanism in an attempt to understand this movement. Starting with the Classical Reformers and the concept of the Ideal City, a common theme runs through several other development theories, such as Garden Cities, Pedestrian Cities, as well as the more recent Edge Cities. The influence of Sprawl on cities is noted, and measures to reduce the occurrence of sprawling land by implementing solutions that are connected to New Urbanism are discussed. The author discusses the inception of New Urbanism, taking into account all the previous discussed development theories that influenced it in one way or another. Additionally, some variations on New Urbanism, such as Traditional Neighbourhood development (TND) and the Pedestrian Pocket (PP) are discussed. New Urbanism is thus placed in a contemporary context by regarding its history and influences. The application to Melrose Arch includes a brief history of this landscape, as well as its architecture and the articulation of space within the precinct. Some themes evident in Melrose Arch are discussed; many of these are based on popular myths and ideologies and how they are represented in this particular space. Issues such as Security and control, Class and status, Consumption and Utopianism are discussed and applied to Melrose Arch. Finally, the principles and characteristics of New Urbanism are applied to Melrose Arch in order to assess how successful the implementation of New Urbanism is in this precinct. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Visual Arts / MA / unrestricted

The aim of this essay was to study the extent to which president Nayib Bukele applies the ideologies of the party Nuevas Ideas in accordance with the wishes of the Salvadoran people. Nueva Ideas party ideology consists of democratic, decentralized, plural, and inclusive political definitions. Using populism as a theoretical framework, the essay provided various explanations that describe the extent to which Nayib Bukele starts from populism to understand the connection between the president and defined concepts in populism: identity politics, anti-pluralism, and anti-elitism. The essay has created a greater understanding of the president's political procedure. The research problem has been studied with the help of the theory that fulfills an important function as it is at the center of the study's question. The chosen method for this research is a qualitative case study. The results show that the president is portrayed as the populist leader in El Salvador, but Bukele's political procedure can not be defined as populist because the president does not act fully in accordance with the ideas he advocated.

Syftet med föreliggande studie är att utifrån ett lärarperspektiv försöka tydliggöra några värderingar och attityder som finns i Frankrikes och Sveriges läroplaner. Jag undersöker vilken kunskapssyn läraren, lärarstudenten och läroplanerna ger uttryck för i respektive land, vad läroplanen säger om kunskap, mål, riktlinjer och arbetsmetoder, samt hur lärarstudenten och läraren ställer sig till detta. Min studie innefattas också av att titta på hur begreppen «en skola för alla» och «en elit av staten» kan tolkas till min undersökning. Bakgrundskapitlet bidrar med en historisk återblick om hur skolan har utvecklats och vilka grundläggande värderingar Frankrikes och Sveriges skola bygger på. Mitt arbete ger en översikt av litteratur som tar upp begreppen «en skola för alla» och «en elit av staten», kunskap och kompetens. Läroplanen ringar in problemområdet och sammanfattar några värderingar och attityder i respektive land. Utgångspunkten är en kvalitativ «fokuserad» komparativ metod. Resultatet för min undersökning pekar på att både lärarstudenten och läraren i respektive land i stor utsträckning följer läroplanens attityder och värderingar gällande kunskap, mål, riktlinjer och arbetsmetoder. Undersökningen tyder också på att läroplanens kunskapssyn representeras av både lärarstudenten och läraren i respektive land och de har flera gemensamma drag. Begreppen «en skola för alla» och en «elit av staten» får ett visst stöd i undersökningen. Det som är intressant är att undersökningen inte talar för att länderna entydigt lutar åt ett visst begrepp. / Le but de cette étude est, d’une perspective d’enseignement, d’essayer d’éclaircir quelques estimations et attitudes que l’on peut retrouver dans les programmes d’enseignement en France et en Suède. Je fais des recherches sur la signification du mot «connaissance», du point de vue du professeur et de l’étudiant. Cette étude aborde également ce que le programme d’enseignement suggère au niveau des connaissances, des compétences, la méthode de travail et des directives et ce que le professeur et l’étudiant pensent du sujet. Cette étude tente aussi d’éclaircir comment les notions «une école pour tous» et «une élite d’État» peuvent être interprétées. Le chapitre d’antécédents contribue au retour en arrière du développement historique du système éducatif et des grands principes sur lesquels les écoles françaises et suédoises sont construites. Cette étude donne une vue d’ensemble de la littérature, analysant les notions «une école pour tous» et «une élite d’État» ainsi que les connaissances et les compétences que comprend le programme d’enseignement. Ce dernier cerne la problématique et résume quelques estimations et attitudes retrouvées dans chaque pays. Le point de départ est une méthode qualitative et comparative dite «fixée». Le résultat de mon étude montre que tous deux, l’étudiant et le professeur suivent en grande partie les attitudes et les estimations en ce qui concerne les connaissances, les buts, la méthode de travail et les grandes lignes préconisées par le programme. La recherche indique aussi que les points de vue concernant les connaissances que l’on peut retrouver dans les programmes d’enseignement, sont représentés aussi bien par l’étudiant que le professeur et que ces deux partis ont plusieurs traits en commun. Les idées de «une école pour tous» et «une élite d’État» obtiennent un certain support dans la recherche. Ce qui est intéressant, c’est que la recherche ne parle pas sans équivoque de l’une ou l’autre des idées.

In 1994, Swaziland celebrated 150 years of Christianity. Three distinct eras are identified in the history of mission-church growth, each of which is related to elitism. 1884 saw the start of missions is Swaziland, but this effort was short-lived. The mission became caught up in internecine warfare, the resident missionary and the Swazi Christian community fled to Natal where the church grew and matured in exile during a period of missionary lacuna in Swaziland itself. After thirty-six years, the missionaries were once again allowed to settle in Swaziland and the church grew rapidly, mainly as a result of the widespread institutional work undertaken. Soon an elite Christian community developed as people came to identify with a mission or church, many of whom had little Christian commitment. In 1%8, Swaziland was granted independence. A return to culture accompanied a strong wave of nationalism. Mission-church growth in this period declined as those, whose commitment to the Christian faith was shallow, returned to culture or joined one of the Independent churches which catered for varying degrees of syncretism The third era outlined in this study is one of secularisation. Family structures were eroded, materialism took hold and the church was in danger of becoming irrelevant. The older churches continue their decline, but new churches, appealing particularly to the new elite, are growing. / Christian spirituality, Church history and Missiology / Th.M.(Missiology)

This study identifies the characteristics of seven key principles of good/corporate governance at three levels: as notions that originated in business; in their applications to sport through systematic review; and in relation to the interpretations given to them in the Olympic Movement. The aims of this study are, thus, to establish and utilise the IOC s definitions/interpretations and operationalisations of corporate and/or good governance developed in a western framework and apply to a non-western NOC, the Korean Olympic Committee (KOC). This study adopts critical realist assumptions which give rise to the hypothesis that both the regularities of the Korean society and its unobservable social structures have an impact on the corporate governance of the KOC. It also uses Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to examine each interviewee s discourse in order to identify the knowledge embraced by it and to interpret social practice(s) and the exercise of power. CDA is employed in relation to four selected events follows: the KOC/KSC merger, budgetary planning, the recruitment of staff in terms of gender and disability equity and the processes used for selecting the KOC President and the Chef de Mission. The unobservable deep structure is shown to be real domain in Korean society by the social practices exhibited in the four events. The government and, in particular, the State President represent the highest and most influential authority in decision-making on Korean sports policy. That power relationship coupled with the pre-existing structure of the KOC/KSC s financial dependency on the government has resulted in a situation where the government has been able to interfere greatly in the KOC/KSC s overall decision-making on sports policy including the election of the President of the KOC. The KOC/KSC President is the most influential stakeholder in the decision-making within the organisation including the selection of Chef de Mission. As the pre-existing structure of cultural expectations determines that women should usually quit their jobs after marriage and that people with disabilities are incapable of working, the strongly male with abilities-dominated organisational culture has resulted in a social phenomenon whereby few females or people with impairments have succeeded in being promoted to senior positions. From the macro-level perspective, the first KOC/KSC merger accomplished on the orders of the State President shows the dominance of economic power as suggested in Marxist influenced forms of analysis. The incumbent KOC President, who is at the pinnacle of the business elite, contributed to the KOC/KSC merger, which illustrates the aspect of elitism. In connection with the budgetary process, this may be viewed as evidence of the existence of a neo-corporatist structure in which the state plays a central role and acts in a unitary way with the involvement of a limited number of actors. With respect to the meso-level perspective, the aspect of clientelism is exhibited since the government habitually appoints its political aides to be the heads of various sporting organisations. Concerning political governance, it becomes obvious that the government has direct control over KOC/KSC s policy. In terms of systemic governance, the relations among the domestic stakeholders of the KOC are more likely to follow a hierarchical type of governance, as the government has adopted the highest position and the National Federations are under the control of the KOC/KSC. With reference to Lukes (1974) second dimension of power this can be evidenced in the context of the non-decision making roles of women and the disabled. The IOC s interpretations of the key principles of corporate governance in a western framework are applied to the KOC. Accountability, responsibility, transparency and democracy are established but the KOC s governance practices are not equivalent, while effectiveness and efficiency are interpreted as the same ways of the IOC s. In general, power centralisation is apparent throughout the Korean cultural context. The KOC s power structure and organisational culture is likely to be concentrated to the KOC President within the organisation and broadly, the Korean government enjoys its power centralisation decision-making in the Korean context which gives rise to a peculiarly Korean way of interpreting and applying the principles of corporate governance. In such circumstances, nevertheless, where the KOC is making an effort to align its practices with the IOC s recommendations as much as possible, the indication is that the KOC is on course to reflect the IOC s governance practices.

In 1994, Swaziland celebrated 150 years of Christianity. Three distinct eras are identified in the history of mission-church growth, each of which is related to elitism. 1884 saw the start of missions is Swaziland, but this effort was short-lived. The mission became caught up in internecine warfare, the resident missionary and the Swazi Christian community fled to Natal where the church grew and matured in exile during a period of missionary lacuna in Swaziland itself. After thirty-six years, the missionaries were once again allowed to settle in Swaziland and the church grew rapidly, mainly as a result of the widespread institutional work undertaken. Soon an elite Christian community developed as people came to identify with a mission or church, many of whom had little Christian commitment. In 1%8, Swaziland was granted independence. A return to culture accompanied a strong wave of nationalism. Mission-church growth in this period declined as those, whose commitment to the Christian faith was shallow, returned to culture or joined one of the Independent churches which catered for varying degrees of syncretism The third era outlined in this study is one of secularisation. Family structures were eroded, materialism took hold and the church was in danger of becoming irrelevant. The older churches continue their decline, but new churches, appealing particularly to the new elite, are growing. / Christian spirituality, Church history and Missiology / Th.M.(Missiology)