Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 2009. / Text document in PDF format. Title from PDF title page (viewed on April 3, 2010). "Fall, 2009." Includes bibliographical references (p. 84-90).

To lessen the threats of global climate change, governments have to set and enforce robust polices to save energy and reduce greenhouse gases. But will the public support these policies? And what cognitive factors will affect the public's support? To answer these two questions, this study surveyed a convenience sample consisted of 171 Taichung citizens and 132 Kaohsiung citizens. The survey questionnaire asked questions for 2 variables about the threats of climate change and 5 variables about carbon reducing policies. The variables were vulnerability, severity, personal benefit, social benefit, response efficacy, self-efficacy, and response cost. All these were cognitive variables based on Rogers' (1983) protection motivation theory. The latter 5 variables were assessed for each of the 3 policies mentioned in the questionnaire. The policies were (a) rebate on electric bills for energy saving; (b) energy tax; and (c) ordering public places to keep temperatures above 26 degrees Celsius in summer. Results showed that though respondents moderately supported energy taxation policy, this policy was the least welcomed. Further, personal benefit, social benefit and self-efficacy had significant effects on all three policies. In contrast, perceived vulnerability to climate threats and response cost (policy-induced personal cost) had no effect on any of the policies. Implications of these findings are discussed.

Coupled with the issue of promoting energy efficiency in South Africa is the need to focus on the source of energy production. The country's excessive burning of coal resources has been linked to the global warming crisis. To address this energy crisis, taxpayers can be encouraged to play an important role in moving the country towards a position of energy stability by conserving energy or decreasing their energy consumption, or contributing towards the research and development of energy-efficient processes as well as cleaner forms of energy. This study analyses the energy-related tax incentives that are currently legislated and available to South African taxpayers and discusses the feasibility of taking advantage of these incentives. The study may provide guidance to taxpayers that have decided to invest in renewable energy sources and will discuss some of the advantages and perceived challenges facing the renewable energy industry. This study also provides a worked example that illustrates a detailed calculation of the energy tax saving incentive set out in section 12L of the Income Tax Act, No. 58 of 1962. A case study guides taxpayers though the practical process of applying for and calculating their energy-saving tax deduction. The case study may be used as a point of reference for taxpayers planning to implement the section 12L energy efficiency tax incentive for the first time and may highlight complexities and concerns they should consider. / Mini Dissertation (MCom)--University of Pretoria, 2016. / Taxation / MCom / Unrestricted

2006年立委陳明真、王塗發與行政院各自提出能源稅條例草案，在此三個版本中，能源稅之課徵雖是一非加稅之政策，但對於世代間之財政負擔應有所影響，故本研究使用世代會計法，以2006年之財政收支資料為基礎，計算我國之世代會計帳，衡量我國目前跨世代財政負擔之情形，並針對現行三版能源稅條例草案進行模擬分析。 本研究結果發現，目前跨世代財政負擔之情形不利未來世代，未來世代的財政負擔約為目前世代的5.34倍，若去除人口結構老化因素，約為4.11倍。由此可知人口老化對我國跨世代財政負擔有很大的影響。三個能源稅草案版本中，若假設此三版本皆為一加稅之政策，則陳明真與王塗發版本皆會使未來世代財政負擔大幅減少；若考量三版本之配套措施後，則只有陳明真版本會使不平衡程度些微下降；若假設未來世代財政負擔與目前0歲世代之負擔相同，則不論在那一種版本下，能源稅之課徵不足以償還跨期公共債務，最後仍由未來世代以其他賦稅償還。 / In 2006, Ming-chen Chen, Tu-fu Wang, the commissioners of the Legislative Yuan, and the Executive Yuan respectively proposed three draft editions of the Energy Tax Act. Although the implementation of Energy Tax Act will not increase the tax burden, it may have some effect on the intergenerational fiscal burden. Therefore, the main purpose of the study is to evaluate the intergenerational fiscal burden in Taiwan as well as to make a stimulated analysis of how each draft edition of Energy Tax Act will affect the intergenerational fiscal burden, by applying the Generational Accounting Approach, based on the fiscal data of 2006. The results of the research indicate that current circumstance of the intergenerational fiscal burden is unfavorable for future generations. The amount of fiscal burden on future generations would be around 5.34 times that of current generations. If the factor of population aging is excluded, the amount would down to 4.11, thus implies that the aging problem has a lot of influence on the intergenerational fiscal burden in Taiwan. If we assume the aforesaid three draft editions of Energy Tax Act are designed to raise the tax revenue, the editions of Chen and Wang will reduce the future burden. Otherwise, if we assume the three proposed editions are not designed to add tax , it’s only Mr. Chen’s proposal will slightly reduce the imbalance of burden. Furthermore, if we assume the burden on the future generations are the same as that on the 0-year-old generations, levying energy tax does not pay off the intertemporal public liabilities in each proposals, so that the future generations will finally have to pay off the intertemporal public liabilities in the form of other taxes.

Lättnadsregeln i 11 kap. 15 § LSE ger möjlighet till avdrag för den el som förbrukats i datorhallar. Datorhallsdefintionen avgränsar skattelättnaden till att enbart gälla vissa datacenter enligt 1 kap. 14 § LSE. Skattelättnaderna innebär ett driftstöd, vilket regleras inom statsstödsreglerna. Generellt är statsstöd förbjudet, men Sverige har använt sig av gruppundantaget GBER för att kunna ge stöd till vissa datorhallar med motivationen att det faller in under GBER:s avsnitt för miljöskydd. Dagens utformning av stödmottagar-formuleringen enligt LSE kopplat till skattelättnadsregeln i 11 kap. 15 § LSE uppfyller inte syftet enligt förarbetena rörande skattelättnaderna för datorhallar. Enligt förarbetena framgår det tydligt att syftet är att även colocation-datorhallar är minst lika konkurrensutsatta och elintensiva som andra datorhallar, och därför bör anses lika berättigade till statsstöd som företagsspecifika datorhallar. I 1 kap. 11b § p. 4 framgår dock att stödmottagaren är elförbrukaren, vilket i colocation-sammanhang med största sannolikhet bör ses som colocation-företagens kunder, inte colocation-företagen själva. Detta skiljer sig gentemot de företagsspecifika datorhallarna, vilka förbrukar elen själva i de egna datorhallarna. SKV:s ställningstagande, vilket tolkar begreppet ”förbrukare av el” som ”den som äger utrustningen som elen förbrukas i”, får anses innebära en korrekt tolkning av lagen, så som den nu är utformad. Detta medför att det krävs en lagändring av vem som är stödmottagare i datorhallssammanhang för att syftena med förarbetet ska kunna uppnås. Omformuleringen kan lämpligen ske genom att begreppet stödmottagare, byts från ”förbrukaren av el” till något som tar sikte på själva datorhallen. I nuläget utgår statsstöd till sådana bolag, oavsett verksamhet, som hyr plats för sina servrar hos colocation-datorhallar som uppnår de tekniska kraven på bl.a. installerad effekt för att räknas som datorhall vars elförbrukning ger rätt till stöd. Det skulle möjligen kunna anses att ett så brett spann av stödmottagare inte stämmer överens med vad Sverige angett till kommissionen vid underrättelserna om statsstöd enligt GBER. Eftersom datorhallarna ger många fördelar för Sverige i form av exempelvis inkomster till statskassan och arbetstillfällen, så är det viktigt att Sverige upprätthåller konkurrenskraftiga förutsättningar för att attrahera fler datorhallsföretag. En del av att upprätthålla konkurrenskraften är att ha konkurrenskraftiga regler, däribland konkurrenskraftig prissättning på elen. Jag finner tre lösningar på stödmottagar-problematiken för colocation-företag. Antingen så får man ansöka om stöd istället för att använda sig av gruppundantaget, för att på så vis känna sig säkrare på att stödet blir korrekt utformat, eller separera colocation-regeln från LSE för att komma bort från stödmottagar-problematiken. Det tredje alternativet, vilket jag anser lättast, är att formulera ett tillägg i LSE, gällande vem som anses vara stödmottagare i datorhallssammanhang, exempelvis kopplat till vem som anses vara ägaren till infrastrukturen i datorhallarna. Finlands motsvarighet till vår lättnadsregel slipper uppdelningsproblematiken mellan företagsspecifika datorhallar och colocation-datorhallar, då de ser datorhallsföretagen som skattskyldiga, och då tillämpar en lägre skattesats för elen som datorhallarna förbrukar. LSE skiljer sig dock på flera sätt från den finska lagen. Detta gör att även om inspiration kan inhämtas kring hur fokus bör flyttas för stödmottagar-rollen i datorhallssammanhang till att inbegripa själva datorhallen snarare än elförbrukaren, så är det inte möjligt att kopiera den finska utformningen rakt av heller.

x, 59 p. / Governments around the world provide financial incentives to encourage renewable energy generation and energy conservation. The primary goals of these efforts are to mitigate climate change and improve long-term energy independence by reducing reliance on fossil fuels. The consensus in the energy incentive literature is that performance-based incentives, which fund energy output, are more cost efficient than investment-based incentives, which fund capital input. This thesis uses a 30-year case study of Oregon's Business Energy Tax Credit (BETC) program to argue that investment-based energy incentives are moderately cost efficient relative to other state performance-based incentives and can be an effective driver of clean energy deployment. However, this analysis also finds that there are significant opportunities to improve the cost efficiency of investment-based energy incentive programs by targeting least cost projects. Namely, 50% of the first year kilowatt-hour electricity returns of the BETC program could have been achieved at 10% of the cost. These lessons from historical BETC spending should guide policymakers, NGO.s, and businesses who aim to make targeted use of fiscally-constrained energy incentive programs. / Committee in charge: Laura Leete, Chair; Ron Mitchell, Member; Grant Jacobsen, Member

<p>The aim of the thesis is to analyze the design of the present climate and energy policies. The main focus is on how the policy instruments affect the Swedish stakeholders who are included in the European Union’s Emission Trading Scheme (EU-ETS). In-depth interviews have been carried out with representatives from the basic industry, energy utilities as well as industrial and green organizations. The purpose is to illustrate have how these stakeholders view the current policy framework and what amendments that they view as necessary.</p><p>Suggestions to the Government are given regarding the design of national policies and policy instruments to provide for an improved policy framework. The information and synthesis have furthermore been collected through extensive literature studies as well as participating at conferences and seminars.</p><p>The thesis is written as a monograph in order to address a larger group of readers interested in the transition of energy systems towards sustainability as well as policy makers and Swedish stakeholders. The common understanding that the global energy systems have to undergo a transition to renewables and higher energy efficiency due to the earth’s finite sources of fossil fuels and uranium presents large challenges for policy makers and business sectors as well as the society in general.</p><p>Global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions have to be drastically reduced and the work to achieve this has started through international negotiations such as the Kyoto Protocol. As the present commitment levels are low, an important issue in a short-term perspective is to develop a more comprehensive and efficient system with a much wider participation and more stringent emission targets.</p><p>In order to achieve current national policy goals and international GHG emission commitments the Swedish Government utilizes a number of policy instruments that are either nationally self-assumed or called for by international agreements or the European Union. The Swedish stakeholders that are included in the EU-ETS face a broad policy framework that has a large impact on their daily operations and future investment strategies. It is imperative for the policymakers, i.e. the Government, to act in accordance with the long-term perspective that the climate change issue and the transition of the energy system require. It is likewise important that any actions are in accordance with the operational and investment climate that the business sector faces. It is argued that these aspects are not fully considered as the success of the next national budget or term of public office seems to overshadow these issues. A long-term perspective is required to provide the business sector with stable and reliable incentives. This is needed to provide the economic conditions under which the businesses can realize investments that will result in emission reductions. Short-term policies reinforce the view of environmental investments as a form of risk investments. This negatively affects the possibility of the policy instruments to effectively achieve established policy goals.</p><p>Paying attention to these requirements is however not a simple task for policy makers as it will require agreements between the political parties. This demonstrates the main political difficulty with climate change – the requirement of a long-term and full commitment by all state authorities. It should be noted that the thesis does not attempt to describe the Swedish policy makers as neglecting the urgency of acting to mitigate climate change. The national agenda is far to advanced from an international perspective for such statements. The thesis however pinpoints some important issues highlighted by stakeholders, within the business sector and other organizations, who are concerned with the present climate and energy policy framework.</p><p>Some of the findings are as follows:</p><p>• Reducing GHG emissions in order to combat climate change must include a long-term perspective</p><p>• The design of policy instruments should consequently be long-term to increase the support for investments in GHG emission reducing technologies</p><p>• The design of policies that promote low GHG production alternatives within the energy utilities should be improved</p><p>• The large potential for reduced GHG emission available through fuel switching and energy efficiency improvements in the Swedish basic industry should be promoted by amended policies</p><p>• Reformulate or abandon the national GHG emissions target goal with the current formulation</p><p>• Strive for an emission rights allocation system that is as transparent, fair and predictable as possible</p><p>• The policy framework should aim for a high level of stability through interaction with the affected stakeholders</p><p>• These factors are inherently important for the overall efficiency of the policy framework</p>

The aim of the thesis is to analyze the design of the present climate and energy policies. The main focus is on how the policy instruments affect the Swedish stakeholders who are included in the European Union’s Emission Trading Scheme (EU-ETS). In-depth interviews have been carried out with representatives from the basic industry, energy utilities as well as industrial and green organizations. The purpose is to illustrate have how these stakeholders view the current policy framework and what amendments that they view as necessary. Suggestions to the Government are given regarding the design of national policies and policy instruments to provide for an improved policy framework. The information and synthesis have furthermore been collected through extensive literature studies as well as participating at conferences and seminars. The thesis is written as a monograph in order to address a larger group of readers interested in the transition of energy systems towards sustainability as well as policy makers and Swedish stakeholders. The common understanding that the global energy systems have to undergo a transition to renewables and higher energy efficiency due to the earth’s finite sources of fossil fuels and uranium presents large challenges for policy makers and business sectors as well as the society in general. Global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions have to be drastically reduced and the work to achieve this has started through international negotiations such as the Kyoto Protocol. As the present commitment levels are low, an important issue in a short-term perspective is to develop a more comprehensive and efficient system with a much wider participation and more stringent emission targets. In order to achieve current national policy goals and international GHG emission commitments the Swedish Government utilizes a number of policy instruments that are either nationally self-assumed or called for by international agreements or the European Union. The Swedish stakeholders that are included in the EU-ETS face a broad policy framework that has a large impact on their daily operations and future investment strategies. It is imperative for the policymakers, i.e. the Government, to act in accordance with the long-term perspective that the climate change issue and the transition of the energy system require. It is likewise important that any actions are in accordance with the operational and investment climate that the business sector faces. It is argued that these aspects are not fully considered as the success of the next national budget or term of public office seems to overshadow these issues. A long-term perspective is required to provide the business sector with stable and reliable incentives. This is needed to provide the economic conditions under which the businesses can realize investments that will result in emission reductions. Short-term policies reinforce the view of environmental investments as a form of risk investments. This negatively affects the possibility of the policy instruments to effectively achieve established policy goals. Paying attention to these requirements is however not a simple task for policy makers as it will require agreements between the political parties. This demonstrates the main political difficulty with climate change – the requirement of a long-term and full commitment by all state authorities. It should be noted that the thesis does not attempt to describe the Swedish policy makers as neglecting the urgency of acting to mitigate climate change. The national agenda is far to advanced from an international perspective for such statements. The thesis however pinpoints some important issues highlighted by stakeholders, within the business sector and other organizations, who are concerned with the present climate and energy policy framework. Some of the findings are as follows: • Reducing GHG emissions in order to combat climate change must include a long-term perspective • The design of policy instruments should consequently be long-term to increase the support for investments in GHG emission reducing technologies • The design of policies that promote low GHG production alternatives within the energy utilities should be improved • The large potential for reduced GHG emission available through fuel switching and energy efficiency improvements in the Swedish basic industry should be promoted by amended policies • Reformulate or abandon the national GHG emissions target goal with the current formulation • Strive for an emission rights allocation system that is as transparent, fair and predictable as possible • The policy framework should aim for a high level of stability through interaction with the affected stakeholders • These factors are inherently important for the overall efficiency of the policy framework

隨著氣候變遷及其不利影響的科學證據日益明確，國際社會與主權國家從1980年代以來關懷思考如何因應氣候議題。台灣受限於特殊的國際地位，難以參與《氣候變遷綱要公約》與《京都議定書》為主的國際氣候談判，但是台灣如何因應氣候議題，對於國內與國際都具有重要性。對於國內而言，氣候變遷產生議題連結的效果，加劇環境退化現象，觸發極端氣候事件的頻率與程度，衝擊處於生態脆弱的台灣。對於國際而言，台灣屬於主要的排放溫室氣體國家，意謂台灣是否願意承諾積極的減排責任，對於全球氣候行動舉足輕重。然而，當台灣從2005年推動《溫室氣體減量法》的立法過程，卻採取消極的政治立場，不僅不願意建立積極的減量目標與期程，同時立法院也不願意通過該法以因應全球氣候倡議。本研究討論不同國家面對國際氣候行動採取各自的政治立場，台灣為何選擇消極的政治立場。 在研究理論與方法上，本研究提出修正的利益解釋模型，該模型認為有兩個因素得以解釋國家因應國際環境倡議的立場。第一個因素是風險認知，其認為國家面對國際環境倡議的政治立場，考量國內民眾對於生態脆弱性的風險認知。第二個因素是考量污染減量經濟成本，國內決策者基於各自的成本與利益考量，在決策過程中彼此協商，形塑國家減量成本與利益盤算，當減量成本越低，則國家越傾向於支持國際環境行動，反之亦然。基於修正模型的假定，本研究利用不同的研究方法與資料，分析上述兩項因素。在風險認知面向，本研究利用中央研究院社會學研究所進行台灣社會變遷基本調查2010年六期一次問卷Ⅱ環境題組的實證資料進行統計分析。在減量成本面向，本研究就《溫室氣體減量法》立法過程涉及相關行為者進行深度訪談，透過質化分析理解不同行為者在決策過程的互動。 在研究結果上，本研究發現在風險認知上，台灣民眾儘管認知氣候風險的嚴重性，但是考量氣候變遷的不利影響與後續因應都具有長期特性，降低民眾支持台灣採取積極的政治立場以因應氣候議題的意願。在減量成本上，因應氣候議題的決策形成一種姿態政治（gestural politics），儘管積極倡議台灣必須因應國際氣候議題，但是卻不願意制訂涵蓋積極減量目標與總量管制的《溫室氣體減量法》，其原因在於氣候決策嵌入能源與產業結構的挑戰。在能源結構上，台灣面對核能使用的政治爭議，加以再生能源短期難以巨幅成長，使得台灣仍然呈現以化石燃料為主的能源結構。在產業結構上，既有發展型國家的思維使得政治菁英傾向於強調發展的重要性，依賴高污染、高耗能與高排碳產業推動國家經濟發展，而難以透過調整能源價格等政治策略，改變依賴高排碳產業的產業結構。