Immigration is a debatable topic, and Sweden offers a unique context due to its long-established liberal immigration policies and recent political shifts, making it an ideal case study for understanding broader European trends. The current study explores changes in public attitudes toward immigrants in Sweden from 2012 to 2020 using data from the final five waves (from 2012 to 2020) of the European Social Survey (ESS). Employing multi-group analysis and structural equation modeling (SEM), this research aims to identify how attitudes have shifted over the study period and to analyze significant demographic (age, gender, domicile) and socioeconomic (income, education) influences on immigration attitudes. The results reveal a shift from generally positive to more negative perceptions, particularly between 2018 and 2020. Older age groups and individuals from rural areas exhibited more negative attitudes, while females generally displayed more positive attitudes than males. Moreover, females with higher education and higher income levels also demonstrate more favorable attitudes. These findings are crucial for policymakers, as they highlight the need for strategies that address demographic influences and suggest specific areas where interventions can help reduce negative views and improve social cohesion.

This thesis examines the reactions to the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023 on the political left. The focus is on understanding how the German left’s responses differ from those of the global left and the extent to which these differences are influenced by the concept of "German guilt." The study employs content analysis of social media statements, guided by theoretical insights from Karl Jaspers' notion of metaphysical guilt and Moishe Postone's critique of violence against civilians. The findings reveal a distinct divergence in responses: while the German left uniformly condemned the violence, the global left displayed a wider range of reactions, including significant support framed as “resistance”. This thesis suggests that beneath the apparent national or ethnic differences, there lies a more fundamental divide grounded in Postone’s critique of the left’s approach to violence against civilians as a legitimate means to achieve progressive goals.

I dagens samhälle berör integrationspolitiken en av de viktigaste samhällsfrågorna för invånarna i Sverige men när det kommer till begreppet integration så finns det en tvetydighet kring begreppet och förhållningssättet. Vidare finns det också en diskursiv påverkan kring begreppet gjord av politiker. Syftet med uppsatsen utgår från att se hur diskursen kring integration hålls av vår nuvarande regering samt Sverigedemokraterna, om den håller sig till den teoretiska definitionen och vilken påverkan diskursen har över samhället. Den kommer att försöka besvara frågeställningarna ”Vilken diskurs kring integration förs av dagens regering och Sverigedemokraterna?” och ”Hur förhåller sig deras diskurser till teoretiska begreppsdefinitioner och teoretiska perspektiv?” samt ”Vad för påverkan kan den politiska diskursen kring integration ha när det kommer till samhället?”. Utifrån en diskursanalys inspirerad utifrån Foucaults förståelse av den har jag analyserat diskursen kring integration som visas på partiernas hemsidor samt i Tidöavtalet som de gemensamt skrivit. I användandet av teorier och teoretiska begrepp som berör integration kunde jag finna att den diskurs som analyseras egentligen inte förespråkar integration utan förespråkar assimilation samtidigt som den leder till en segregation i samhället mellan majoritetssamhället och minoritetssamhället. Min forskning visar alltså att dagens politiker använder ordet integration i deras politik men förespråkar en politik som inte är för integration. / Today, integration politics touches one of the most important social issues for the inhabitants of Sweden, but when it comes to the concept of integration, there is an ambiguity surrounding it and the way to approach it. Furthermore, there is also a discursive influence around integration made by politicians. The aim of the essay is based on seeing how the discourse around integration is held by our current government and the Swedish Democrats, whether it adheres to the theoretical definition and what impact the discourse has on society. It will try to answer the questions "Which discourse around integration is being held by today's government and the Swedish Democrats?" and "How do their discourses relate to theoretical conceptual definitions and theoretical perspectives?" and "What impact can this political discourse around integration have when it comes to society?". Based on a discourse analysis inspired by Foucault's understanding of it, I have analyzed the discourse around integration that appears on the parties' websites and in the Tidö-agreement that they jointly wrote. In the use of theories and theoretical concepts that concern integration, I could find that the discourse being analyzed does not really advocate integration but advocates assimilation. It also leads to a segregation in society between the majority society and the minority. My research thus shows that today's politicians use the word integration in their politics but advocate a policy that is not for integration.

This thesis explores how the tactics of intimidation, harrassment and criminalization impact the activists providing humanitarian assistance to migrants at the border between Poland and Belarus. Through an investigation of the relations of power between the authorities, the activists and the migrants, this study aims to understand the complex context of the border in which the activists provide the assistance. With the aim of exploring how the activists operate under the threat of criminalization, it makes a contribution to the emerging body of research on the phenomenon of criminalization of grass-roots humanitarian efforts, which has been on the rise in Europe and around the world. The findings reveal that as a result of the state imposed measures, such as heavy militarization and policing of the broder, as well as restrictions on freedom of movement and public access to information, the humanitarian aid is provided in an atmosphere of fear. Nevertheless, the desired effect of deterrence is not achieved, as the activists perceive providing aid as their duty.

Over 40% of the more than 100 million people displaced worldwide are children (UNHCR, 2023). Multicultural literature is used in classrooms to provide representation to and build empathy for children with diverse backgrounds. Books featuring refugee characters and experiences are increasing. The complexity of identities represented in these books is dominated by common tropes of trauma, helplessness, and a perilous journey. Identity complexities remain neglected in multicultural research. The emerging theory of RefugeeCrit forefronts authentic understanding of refugee experiences and complex identities (Strekalova-Hughes, 2019).This study undertakes a critical content analysis of three refugee-themed children’s books. By applying two critical visual methodologies—in constant conversation with RefugeeCrit—I analyzed how trauma, helplessness, agency, the journey, and anti-essentialized complex identities were represented. These tropes were embedded in the books explicitly and through implied interpretation, but glimpses of complex identities were also shown in original interactions between word and image. The results show the potential of RefugeeCrit to extract problematic representations and the continued importance of critical evaluations of representations in refugee-themed literature.

In 2017 there was a large influx of Rohingya people to Bangladesh. This work examines tensions between the host communities and the Rohingya people in Bangladesh, and how humanitarian aid has impacted these tensions. Through the methodology, in the form of a literature review of peer-reviewed articles published between 2017 and 2024, as well as accompanied by the work's analytical lens Mary B. Anderson's operationalisation of the humanitarian principle Do No Harm from 1999. It is concluded that tensions between the host communities and the Rohingya people are impacted by humanitarian aid in four different ways, and that the literature reviews proposed solutions can be categorized into three different groups with different methods of fulfilment. The work further establishes that possible tensions may occur within host communities and that aid actors must prioritise their cooperation with other aid actors. Furthermore, it is recommended that Bangladesh continue to work with the aid actors, as well as aid actors, to implement a balanced distribution of aid and design the aid programs to do as little harm as possible.

Abstract  In 2011, the war broke out in Syria, affecting a significant portion of the Syrian population. Many have been forced to flee the war in search of a safe and secure life. However, those who have left Syria have also left their loved ones behind and carry with them the traumas of war. The main purpose of this essay is to examine the challenges that Syrian refugees diagnosed with PTSD face when they arrive in Sweden. The essay is based on qualitative research methodology and semi-structured interviews with six Syrian refugees. The results of the essay identify the significance of war traumas for these refugees and their negative impact on their ability to integrate into Swedish society. The lack of access to specialized psychiatric care and communication barriers exacerbates the situation and emphasize the importance of a person-centered approach in healthcare. Gender differences are highlighted, where both men and women face unique challenges based on their cultural norms and experiences. Special emphasis is placed on the need for targeted interventions to address the needs of Syrian refugee women, who are at increased risk of gender-based violence and psychological distress.   The essay contributes to a better understanding of the specific challenges that Syrian refugees with PTSD face in Sweden and underscores the importance of designing adequate support and care programs to meet their needs.

Denna IMER studie handlar om att undersöka bosniska flyktingars integration på arbetsmarknaden. Det valda syftet om bosniska flyktingars etablering på arbetsmarknaden identifierar de strategier och faktorer som har varit viktiga för att få inträde till arbetsmarknaden. Frågeställningarna som besvarats är, vilka faktorer som varit betydelsefulla för bosniers integration på arbetsmarknaden i Sverige? samt om utbildning i Bosnien och/eller Sverige haft betydelse för integrationen på arbetsmarknaden och i så fall på vilket sätt? Studien avgränsas till 90- talets flyktingvåg och fokuserar på individer med någon form av utbildning, som var mellan 20–30 år när de anlände till Sverige. För att besvara studiens syfte har en kvalitativ metod använts, i form av intervjuer. De valda teoretiska utgångspunkterna är humankapital, integration och assimilation. Undersökningens resultat visar på att språk och utbildning har varit nyckeln till att inträda den svenska arbetsmarknaden. Intervjupersonerna var förändringsbenägna och reflexiva i sitt förhållningssätt. Genom att snabbt lära sig det svenska språket och utbilda sig på nytt i Sverige, samt sträva efter att bli en del av den svenska samhörigheten kunde de etablera sig på arbetsmarknaden. / This IMER study is about the integration of Bosnian refugees in the labor market. The chosen theme on the establishment of Bosnian refugees in the labor market identifies the strategies and factors that have been important in entering the labor market. The questions answered in the study is, witch factors have been significant for Bosnian’s integration in the labor market? And has education in Bosnia and/or Sweden had any significance for integration on the labor market and, if so, in what way? The study is limited to the refugee wave of the 90s and focuses on people who have some form of education, and who were between the ages of 20 and 30 when they arrived in Sweden. The approach is a qualitative method, in the form of interviews. The chosen theoretical starting points are human capital, integration, and assimilation. The results of the study show that language and education have been the key to entering the labor market. The interviewees were prone to change and reflexive in their approach. By quickly learning the Swedish language and re-educating in Sweden, as well as striving to become part of the Swedish community, they were able to establish themselves on the labor market.

The aim of this study is to describe and explain how five women with a non-European background find the expression of everyday racism in today’s Swedish society, how everyday racism can affect their mental health and how they experience that the Swedish majority population handle and respond to everyday racism. The study is qualitative and was made with semi-structured interviews. The theories used are the theory of everyday racism, "we" and "the Others" and Goffman’s stigma. The results indicate that everyday racism is manifested through the population's ignorance and silence, comments, prejudices and stereotypes and is mainly expressed in arenas where there are many people at the same time. According to the women, the school and the labor market are the two most common arenas for the expression of everyday racism. They witness that the Swedish majority population rarely deal with the occurrence of everyday racism. Their mental health is negatively affected by everyday racism and can lower the individual's self-esteem. The study’s three theories that include everyday racism, “we” and “the Others” and stigma can be applied to the women's stories about their experiences and feelings about everyday racism in the Swedish society.

Burundi became a German protectorate in August 1884. Prior to the establishment of a protectorate, the territory was ruled by Mwamis (kings) who exercised a kind of quasi-divine system of administration. Conflictual relations were quickly dealt with within this complex structure. During the German and later Belgian colonial administrations, these political structures were redefined and a social class structure based on wealth was created. Forced class division became entrenched in the social fabric of Burundian society and the hierarchical system became even more prominent at independence in July 1962. Successive post-colonial regimes have failed to bridge the social gap. The International Community, through initiatives by the United Nations, the Africa Union, Jimmy Carter, Julius Nyerere and Nelson Mandela have attempted to resolve the political impasse. The dissertation is an attempt to reconstruct the causes of the various crises since 1962 and to reassess whether the various facilitators has succeeded in their tasks. / History / M.A.