Spanish Indian is a generic term that has been used repeatedly in written documents over the past three centuries to describe a range of different social, ethnic, and economic groups in the southeastern United States. In this thesis, a comparative analysis of the material culture from Cuban fishing ranchos of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries on the west coast of Florida addresses the ways in which specific Spanish Indian artifact assemblages fit into the archaeological record. Three archaeological assemblages from known Rancho sites are detailed and analyzed. In addition, this thesis details a public archaeology project undertaken in conjunction with the Florida Public Archaeology Network, which led to the development of a traveling exhibit and public presentation on the origins of local place names. The thesis also provides suggestions for how historical archaeologists might contend with difficulties in determining and documenting identity at early historical sites in coastal Florida. The research undertaken for this thesis demonstrates a pressing need for additional data collection and research in the field. As it currently stands, however, the preliminary analysis conducted in this thesis indicates an economic basis for cultural interaction and intermarriage rather than an actual cultural synthesis, creolization, or ethnogenesis, which would imply shared cultural systems of belief and meaning. This thesis is also a proposal for a typology of ranchos. Through a cross-comparison of the similarities and differences in subsistence strategies and labor practices, a research design for rancho archaeology is outlined.

Orientador: Guillermo Raul Ruben / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T22:53:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucio_CarlosFrederico_D.pdf: 105857209 bytes, checksum: c4444c6900a026d00c219758a94a60f1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Inserido no campo da Antropologia do Capitalismo, este trabalho propõe analisar a relação entre Etnicidade, Sustentabilidade e Mercado a partir de um estudo etnográfico de três iniciativas empreendedoras na comunidade quilombola do Mandira, localizada no município de Cananéia, litoral sul do estado de São Paulo. São elas: produção e comercialização de ostras; exploração do turismo histórico e ecológico; e profissionalização do corte-costura/artesanato. Face às limitações impostas pela legislação ambiental a partir da década de 1970, que levou a uma ameaça quase efetivada de dispersão e desintegração da comunidade e do seu terrritório, e atendendo a seus próprios anseios, iniciativas governamentais e de pesquisadores com participação comunitária trouxeram um modelo preservacionista de economia com a implementação do manejo sustentado de ostras obtendo como resultado a criação de uma cooperativa de coletores na década de 1990 que ganhou projeção internacional. Este modelo despertou em alguns mandiranos o espírito empreendedor inspirando-os na criação das duas outras formas de negócios com viés ecológico e étnico que passaram a compor um núcleo importante de sua economia atual. Simultaneamente a estes fatos, ocorreu o processo de seu reconhecimento oficial como comunidade quilombola, promovido pelo Estado. A questão central que a pesquisa pretendeu investigar é que relações esses dois processos (um de natureza econômica e o outro jurídico-política) guardam com o resgate e a reelaboração de sua tríplice identidade, hoje bastante valorizada por eles (negros, quilombolas e mandiranos), indicando a existência de um fenômeno consagrado na literatura antropológica como etnogênese. A etnografia realizada trouxe também alguns elementos importantes para pensar as ideias de natureza ("sustentabilidade") e cultura ("etnicidade") como commodities, na medida em que, ao representar um importante diferencial mercadológico desta nova economia, tornaram-se "produtos em si" inseridos numa perspectiva global de etnodesenvolvimento sustentável numa economia de mercado, apontando para desdobramentos em futuras possibilidades de empreendimentos indicados por alguns deles / Abstract: Within the field of Anthropology of Capitalism, this thesis proposes to analyze the relationship between Ethnicity, Sustainability and Market through an ethnographic study of three local businesses in the quilombola community of Mandira, located in the city of Cananéia, São Paulo. They are: an oyster growers cooperative, the development of ecological and cultural heritage tourism, and the professionalization of dressmaking and sewing/handicraft. Given the limitations imposed by environmental law from the 1970s, which led to a threat that almost dispersed and disintegrated the community and its land, researchers and government initiatives involving the community brought a preservationist model of economy with the implementation of a sustainable management of oysters that led to the creation of a cooperative of growers in the 1990s, which achieved international renown. This model promoted an entrepreneurial spirit among some Mandiranos that inspired them to create two other forms of businesses with ecological and ethnic approaches that started to compose an important role in their current economy. At the same time, Mandira was officially recognized by the government as a quilombola community. The main issue that this research intended to investigate is the relationship between these two processes (one of economic nature and the other of legal and political nature) with the rescue and redefinition of their triple identity, today much prized by them (black, quilombolas and Mandiranos) indicating the existence of a phenomenon known in the anthropological literature as ethnogenesis. The ethnography also brought some important elements to think about the ideas of nature ("sustainability") and culture ("ethnicity") as commodities once they started to be an important market differentiation of this new economy, becoming "products themselves" within a global perspective of sustainable ethnodevelopment in a market economy, pointing to future possibilities of enterprises indicated by some of them / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Cette recherche analyse les processus d’identifications collectives inhérents à unnationalisme ethnoculturel ainsi que les usages sociaux et politiques de la culture et de la"tradition". Elle porte sur les Roms en Roumanie post-communiste à l'heure de l'intégrationeuropéenne. Privilégiant une étude du nationalisme en deux champs, politique et quotidien,elle procède d'un terrain multi-situé basé sur l'ethnographie de la mobilisation ethnoculturelledes Roms de Roumanie et de familles roms en Roumanie et en France.Cette thèse postule l’émergence de la nation rom sur la scène nationale roumainecomme une construction récente, intrinsèque à la modernité et au nationalisme ethnoculturelrom roumain. En cela, ce dernier est exploré autour de trois axes qui sont les trois parties dethèse. Le premier, politico-historique, interroge la cristallisation du rapport à la culture enmiroir avec l'émergence du nationalisme ethnoculturel et du contexte de changement socialpropice à son avènement (post-communisme, démocratisation et multiculturalisme). Mêlanttrajectoires sociales de militants et analyses discursives, historiques et politiques, il revient surla genèse de l'opposition entre "Roms traditionnels" et "Roms roumanisés". Le second traitedes usages politiques de la "tradition" et de la "modernité" au travers des pratiques militanteset de l’analyse du discours sur la communauté de culture : la nation rom. Il illustre le rapportmoderne à la culture. Le dernier propose une description ethnographique du fonctionnementde l'ethnicité au travers de deux lignes d'analyse. La première appréhende la réception auprèsdes Roms militants et non militants de ce processus d'identification collective à la catégorierom. La seconde rend compte des logiques de l’appartenance ethnique et sociale au quotidien.Ces trois axes visent à interroger le lien entre construction d'une identification collective et etthnogenèse. / This research analyses the collective identification process resulting from anethnocultural nationalism as well as the social and political uses of culture and tradition. Itdeals with the Roma in post-communist Romania in the context of the European integration.Favoring a study of the nationalism in two fields, political and every day life, it proceeds by amulti-sited fieldwork based on the ethnography of the ethnocultural mobilization of Roma inRomania and focuses on roma families in Romania and France.This thesis postulates the emergence of Roma nation on the Romanian national sceneas a recent construction, intrinsic to modernity and to the roma Romanian ethnoculturalnationalism. Three themes make up the three parts of the thesis. The first, political-historical,questions the crystallization of the relation to culture in mirror with the emergence of theethnocultural nationalism and the context of social change favorable to it’s advent(postcomunism, democratization and multiculturalism). Reflecting upon the social trajectoriesof activists and bringing in discursive analysis, historical and political, it retraces the genesesof the opposition between “traditionnal roma” and “romanized roma”. The second deals withpolitical uses of tradition and modernity through militant practices and the analysis of thespeech on “community of culture” : the roma nation. It shows the modern relation to culture.The last suggests an ethnographic description of how ethnicity works through two lines ofanalysis. The first apprehends the reception from the roma militant and non-militant of thiscollective identification process to the roma category. The second reports the logics of socialand ethnic belonging in everyday life. This three themes aim at questioning the link betweenthe construction of collective identification and ethnogenesis.

In Albanian, there is more than eight hundred Latin and Romance loanwords. The suggested chronological stratification is following: 1) Latin loanwords, 2) Balkan-Romance loanwords, 3) loanwords from the time of Via Egnatia and 4) Venetian loanwords. By the chronological classification of the words is decisive both the phonetic development of the word and the semantical point of view. Many loanwords went through dramatical phonetic development, which can be characterised by neutralisations and syncopes. The oldest Latin loanwords are those from the field of religion, craft, construction or transport; in the Balkan-Romance phase we find many pastoral words, names of the plants and animals or names of the body parts, some cultural words, marine words or some articles of daily use. The study of Latin loanwords offers a new view on the ethnogenesis of Albanian people and the question of their Illyrian origin. Together with the interdisciplinary view (history, archeology, zoology etc.) we come to the conclusion that Albanians met Latin first in the northern part of the Balkan peninsula and later in the time of the Slavic expansions they were in an intense contact with the romanized Vlah people in the mountains of Central Balkan.

Cette thèse a comme objectif de démontrer combien Alaric et ses Goths étaient Romains dans pratiquement toutes les catégories connues sur leur compte. Pour ce faire, l’auteur a puisé dans les sciences sociales et a emprunté le champ conceptuel de l’éminent sociologue Pierre Bourdieu. À l’aide du concept d’habitus, entre autres choses, l’auteur a tenté de faire valoir à quel point les actions d’Alaric s’apparentaient à celles des généraux romains de son époque. Naturellement, il a fallu étaler le raisonnement au long de plusieurs chapitres et sur de nombreux niveaux. C’est-à-dire qu’il a fallu d’abord définir les concepts populaires en ce moment pour « faire » l’histoire des barbares durant l’Antiquité tardive. Pensons ici à des termes tels que l’ethnicité et l’ethnogenèse. L’auteur s’est distancé de ces concepts qu’il croyait mal adaptés à la réalité des Goths et d’Alaric. C’est qu’il fallait comprendre ces hommes dans une structure romaine, au lieu de leur octroyer une histoire et des traditions barbares. Il a ensuite fallu montrer que la thèse explorait des avenues restées peu empruntées jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Il a été question de remonter jusqu’à Gibbon pour ensuite promouvoir le fait que quelques érudits avaient autrefois effleuré la question d’Alaric comme étant un homme beaucoup moins barbare que ce que la tradition véhiculait à son sujet, tel que Fustel de Coulanges, Amédée Thierry ou encore Marcel Brion. Il s’agissait donc de valider l’angle de recherche en prenant appui d’abord sur ces anciens luminaires de la discipline. Vint ensuite l’apport majeur de cette thèse, c’est-à-dire essentiellement les sections B, C et D. La section B a analysé la logistique durant la carrière d’Alaric. Cette section a permis avant tout de démontrer clairement qu’on n’a pas affaire à une troupe de brigands révoltés; le voyage de 401-402 en Italie prouve à lui seul ce fait. L’analyse approfondie de l’itinéraire d’Alaric durant ses nombreux voyages a démontré que cette armée n’aurait pas pu effectuer tous ces déplacements sans l’appui de la cour orientale. En l’occurrence, Alaric et son armée étaient véritablement des soldats romains à ce moment précis, et non pas simplement les fédérés barbares de la tradition. La section C s’est concentrée sur les Goths d’Alaric, où on peut trouver deux chapitres qui analysent deux sujets distincts : origine/migration et comparaison. C’est dans cette section que l’auteur tente de valider l’hypothèse que les Goths d’Alaric n’étaient pas vraiment Goths, d’abord, et qu’ils étaient plutôt Romains, ensuite. Le chapitre sur la migration n’a comme but que de faire tomber les nombreuses présomptions sur la tradition gothe que des érudits comme Wolfram et Heather s’efforcent de défendre encore aujourd’hui. L’auteur argumente pour voir les Goths d’Alaric comme un groupe formé à partir d’éléments romains; qu’ils eurent été d’une origine barbare quelconque dans les faits n’a aucun impact sur le résultat final : ces hommes avaient vécu dans l’Empire durant toute leur vie (Alaric inclus) et leurs habitus ne pouvaient pas être autre chose que romain. Le dernier chapitre de la section C a aussi démontré que le groupe d’Alaric était d’abord profondément différent des Goths de 376-382, puis d’autres groupes que l’on dit barbares au tournant du 5e siècle, comme l’étaient les Vandales et les Alamans par exemple. Ensemble, ces trois chapitres couvrent la totalité de ce que l’on connait du groupe d’Alaric et en offre une nouvelle interprétation à la lumière des dernières tendances sociologiques. La section D analyse quant à elle en profondeur Alaric et sa place dans l’Empire romain. L’auteur a avant tout lancé l’idée, en s’appuyant sur les sources, qu’Alaric n’était pas un Goth ni un roi. Il a ensuite analysé le rôle d’Alaric dans la structure du pouvoir de l’Empire et en est venu à la conclusion qu’il était l’un des plus importants personnages de l’Empire d’Orient entre 397 et 408, tout en étant soumis irrémédiablement à cette structure. Sa carrière militaire était des plus normale et s’inscrivait dans l’habitus militaire romain de l’époque. Il a d’ailleurs montré que, par ses actions, Alaric était tout aussi Romain qu’un Stilicon. À dire le vrai, mis à part Claudien, rien ne pourrait nous indiquer qu’Alaric était un barbare et qu’il essayait d’anéantir l’Empire. La mauvaise image d’Alaric n’est en effet redevable qu’à Claudien : aucun auteur contemporain n’en a dressé un portrait aussi sombre. En découle que les auteurs subséquents qui firent d’Alaric le roi des Goths et le ravageur de la Grèce avaient sans doute été fortement influencés eux aussi par les textes de Claudien. / This thesis hopes to demonstrate how Alaric and his Goths were Romans in virtually all that is known about them. To do this, the author has drawn from the social sciences to take the conceptual scope of the eminent sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. Using the concept of habitus, among other things, the author has tried to argue how Alaric’s ‘habits’ were similar to those of the Romans of his time. Naturally, the reasoning was spread over several chapters and on several levels. That is to say, it was first necessary to define the concepts popular at this time to "tell" the History of the Barbarians in Late Antiquity. We have to think here of terms such as ethnicity and ethnogenesis. The author has distanced himself from these concepts he thought ill-suited to the reality of the Goths and of Alaric. We should understand these men in a Roman structure, instead of granting them a History and/or barbaric traditions. He then had to show that the thesis explored avenues which have remained understudied until today. He had to start with Gibbon and work his way up the erudite chart while promoting the fact that some scholars had previously touched on Alaric as a man much less barbaric than the tradition was promoting, such as Fustel de Coulanges, Amédée Thierry and Marcel Brion. It was therefore important to validate the research angle by first acknowledging the place of these great scholars. Then came the major contribution of this thesis, that is to say essentially the sections B, C and D. Section B is focusing on the logistical side of Alaric’s story. This section have foremost allowed to demonstrate clearly that we are not dealing with a band of revolted brigands : the travel of 402 in Italy alone proves this fact. The detailed analysis of the routes taken by Alaric during his many trips demonstrates that the army could not have done all these movements without the support of the eastern court. In that case, Alaric and his army were truly Roman soldiers and not just the barbarous federated people of the tradition. Section C focus on Alaric's Goths where one can find two chapters covering two distinct areas: Origin/Migration and Comparison. It is in this section that the author attempts to support the hypothesis that the Goths of Alaric were not really Goths but rather Romans. The chapter on migration had the goal to break down many assumptions about this gothic tradition that scholars like Wolfram and Heather are still trying to defend. The author argues to see Alaric's Goths as a group formed from Roman elements; to know if in fact any of them was of barbarian stock is irrelevant to the end result : these men had lived in the Empire throughout their entire lives (Alaric included) and their habitus could not have been anything other than Roman. The last chapter of Section C showed without any doubt that the group of Alaric was firstly deeply different from the Goths of 376-382, but then also from other groups that are said to have been barbarians at the turn of the fifth century, as were the Vandals and Alamanni for example. Together, these three chapters cover the totality of what is known about the group of Alaric and offers fresh interpretation following the last trends in social sciences. The section D is for its part an in-depth analysis of Alaric and his place in the Roman Empire. The author has demonstrated above all, relying on sources, that Alaric was not a Goth nor a king. He then analyzed the role of Alaric in the power structure of the Empire and came to the conclusion that he was one of the most important men of the Eastern Empire between 397 and 408, while still being totally dependant on that structure. His whole military career up to 397 was unassuming and was part of the Roman military habitus of the time. He also showed that by his actions, Alaric was also as Roman as Stilicho. To tell the truth, apart from Claudian, nothing could tell us that Alaric was a barbarian and was trying to destroy the Empire. The bad image of Alaric is liable only to Claudian alone : no contemporary writer did draw such a dark portrait of him. It follows that subsequent authors who made Alaric the king of the Goths and the destructor of Greece must had followed Claudian as well.

Les Thaïs dont il est question dans cette thèse ont été détachés et cédé avec l'ancien territoire siamois de Patchan Khirikhet ou Ko Kong à la colonie française du Cambodge en 1904. En conséquence, des Thaïs sont restés dans le territoire cambodgien de Ko Kong jusqu'à présent. À plusieurs époques, toutefois, les Thaïs-Ko-Kong ont choisi de traverser la frontière afin de rentrer définitivement dans la terre patrie de Thaïlande ; l'époque des Khmers Rouges tout particulièrement a provoqué la plus grande de ces immigrations et une nouvelle dispersion des Thaïs de Ko Kong. La majorité des immigrants thaïs-Ko-Kong a trouvé refuge dans le district de Khlong Yai, dans la province frontalière de Trat. Aujourd'hui, le district thaïlandais de Khlong Yai et la province cambodgienne de Ko Kong sont ainsi l'espace transfrontalier principal des Thaïs-Ko-Kong. Cette recherche a pour le but de répondre à trois questions principales sur l'ethnogenèse des Thaïs-Ko-Kong, les identités dynamiques des Thaïs-Ko-Kong et l'hégémonie des frontières des Thaïs-Ko-Kong. Les Thaïs-Ko-Kong ne sont pas un groupe ethnique, ils sont une « ethnie-frontières », un pseudo groupe ethnique, qui s'est formé par une histoire commune liée à la délimitation des frontières et par l'expérience des immigrations depuis le Cambodge. / The Thai people studied in this research have been separated with the ancient Siamese territory of Patchan Khirikhet or Ko Kong and given to the French colony of Cambodia in 1904. Consequently, they constitute nowadays a Thai ethnic minority in Ko Kong province of Cambodia. From generation to generation, at many occasions the Thais of Ko Kong have decided to cross the borderline to go back to their ancestor's homeland. But the main immigration, the dispersion and the disappearance of many Thais from Ko Kong occurred during the Khmers Rouges period. A majority of the Thai migrants from Ko Kong province have settled down at Khlong Yai district at the extreme East of Trat province, in Thailand. At the present time, Khlong Yai district of Thailand and Ko Kong province of Cambodia are therefore a core trans-boundary area for the Thais of Ko Kong. The aims of this research are at answering three mains questions concerning the ethnogenesis, the dynamic identities of the Thais of Ko Kong and their hegemonic controls of the borderlines and border areas. The Thais of Ko Kong are not an ethnic group. They are an « border ethnic group », a pseudo-ethnic group, who have been formed by their common history of the delimitation of frontiers in 1904 and their migration experiences from Cambodia.

For over five centuries, the Muiscas have faced direct colonial aggression against their traditional belief systems and sacred practices that have been historically demonized and driven to the brink of extinction. Despite such circumstances, however, the Muisca community has thrived to the present day, and since the turn of the twentieth century has begun to undergo a process of re-identification as an indigenous community in an attempt to revitalize their ethnic identity and practices. These efforts of re-indigenization have challenged their historically coerced identities, actively engaging in returning to traditional practices and beliefs, demand cultural and spiritual liberties, and regain their proper rights to sacred lands, which have also been devastated for centuries. Based on an ethnographic study conducted in Colombia, this thesis examines how rituals in sacred places are of central importance to this community within the re-indigenization process that is currently underway in the Muisca community.

The aim of the study is to carry out a comparative causative analysis of population systems in the territory of Lithuania in the 1st–12th century AD. For this purpose, a unique GIS GDB of archaeological sites and find spots of Iron Age in Lithuania was compiled making advantage of the possibilities offered by GIS technologies. The comprehensive analysis of chronological development of territory population (by cultural groups localized in the territory of Lithuania) systems was carried out distinguishing their progression, change, stability and regression stages. The results obtained by detailed cartographic analysis allowed supplementing the data obtained by other researchers who have investigated the structural homogeneity of cultural areas and distinguished their kernel areas, peripheries, unpopulated tribal and intertribal territories, and peripheral areas of mixed cultural possession. Much attention was paid to the boundaries of cultural areas and their changes. The territorial unevenness of the spread of innovations is pointed out and their seed-beds and centres of old tradition distinguished. The regional differences of population and ethnogenetic processes in the territory of Lithuania were evaluated in close correlation with the natural environment as a determining factor of paramount importance. A concept of natural environment and integrity of cultural divisions (ethnogeocoenoses) is presented and used as an ideological and theoretical basis for further structural... [to full text] / Disertacijos tikslas – atlikti I–XII a. Lietuvos teritorijos apgyvenimo sistemų palyginamąją priežastinę analizę. Tyrimui sukurta unikali Lietuvos geležies amžiaus archeologinių vietų ir radimviečių GIS GDB, kurios pagrindu, panaudojant GIS technologijas, atlikta išsami skirtingų I–XII a. Lietuvos teritorijoje lokalizuotų kultūrinių regionų teritorijos apgyvenimo sistemų chronologinės raidos analizė (skiriant jų plėtros, kaitos, stabilumo bei regresijos laikotarpius). Detalios kartografinės analizės rezultatas – papildyti ir patikslinti iki šiol kitų tyrinėtojų atlikti tyrimai, vertinant kultūrinių regionų struktūrinį nevienalytiškumą, išskiriant juose branduolius, periferiją, tarpgentines ir vidujgentines neapgyventas teritorijas bei mišrios kultūrinės priklausomybės periferines teritorijas. Daug dėmesio skirta kultūrinių regionų riboms, jų kaitai. Atkreiptas dėmesys į inovacijų plitimo teritorinį netolygumą, išskiriant jų židinius bei konservatyviuosius senųjų tradicijų centrus. Lietuvos teritorijos apgyvenimo ir etnogenezės procesų raidos regioniniai skirtumai vertinti neatsiejant jų nuo gamtinės aplinkos – kaip itin svarbaus jų raidą determinuojančio faktoriaus, įtakos vertinimo. Tuo pagrindu parengta gamtinės aplinkos ir kultūrinių darinių integralumo (etnogeocenozių) koncepcija, šiame darbe tapusi teoriniu pagrindu atliekant tolimesnę teritorijos apgyvenimo sistemų struktūrinę analizę. Aptariant bendruomenių adaptaciją nevienalytėje gamtinėje aplinkoje, išryškinti Rytų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Disertacijos tikslas – atlikti I–XII a. Lietuvos teritorijos apgyvenimo sistemų palyginamąją priežastinę analizę. Tyrimui sukurta unikali Lietuvos geležies amžiaus archeologinių vietų ir radimviečių GIS GDB, kurios pagrindu, panaudojant GIS technologijas, atlikta išsami skirtingų I–XII a. Lietuvos teritorijoje lokalizuotų kultūrinių regionų teritorijos apgyvenimo sistemų chronologinės raidos analizė (skiriant jų plėtros, kaitos, stabilumo bei regresijos laikotarpius). Detalios kartografinės analizės rezultatas – papildyti ir patikslinti iki šiol kitų tyrinėtojų atlikti tyrimai, vertinant kultūrinių regionų struktūrinį nevienalytiškumą, išskiriant juose branduolius, periferiją, tarpgentines ir vidujgentines neapgyventas teritorijas bei mišrios kultūrinės priklausomybės periferines teritorijas. Daug dėmesio skirta kultūrinių regionų riboms, jų kaitai. Atkreiptas dėmesys į inovacijų plitimo teritorinį netolygumą, išskiriant jų židinius bei konservatyviuosius senųjų tradicijų centrus. Lietuvos teritorijos apgyvenimo ir etnogenezės procesų raidos regioniniai skirtumai vertinti neatsiejant jų nuo gamtinės aplinkos – kaip itin svarbaus jų raidą determinuojančio faktoriaus, įtakos vertinimo. Tuo pagrindu parengta gamtinės aplinkos ir kultūrinių darinių integralumo (etnogeocenozių) koncepcija, šiame darbe tapusi teoriniu pagrindu atliekant tolimesnę teritorijos apgyvenimo sistemų struktūrinę analizę. Aptariant bendruomenių adaptaciją nevienalytėje gamtinėje aplinkoje, išryškinti Rytų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The aim of the study is to carry out a comparative causative analysis of population systems in the territory of Lithuania in the 1st–12th century AD. For this purpose, a unique GIS GDB of archaeological sites and find spots of Iron Age in Lithuania was compiled making advantage of the possibilities offered by GIS technologies. The comprehensive analysis of chronological development of territory population (by cultural groups localized in the territory of Lithuania) systems was carried out distinguishing their progression, change, stability and regression stages. The results obtained by detailed cartographic analysis allowed supplementing the data obtained by other researchers who have investigated the structural homogeneity of cultural areas and distinguished their kernel areas, peripheries, unpopulated tribal and intertribal territories, and peripheral areas of mixed cultural possession. Much attention was paid to the boundaries of cultural areas and their changes. The territorial unevenness of the spread of innovations is pointed out and their seed-beds and centres of old tradition distinguished. The regional differences of population and ethnogenetic processes in the territory of Lithuania were evaluated in close correlation with the natural environment as a determining factor of paramount importance. A concept of natural environment and integrity of cultural divisions (ethnogeocoenoses) is presented and used as an ideological and theoretical basis for further structural... [to full text]

Cette thèse démontre comment le patrimoine préhispanique colombien devient un enjeu de reconnaissance pour les peuples autochtones, vingt ans après l’élaboration d’une constitution multiculturelle et néolibérale. Inspirée des travaux de L. Boltanski et d’E. Claverie, l’étude de trois affaires permet de saisir comment de nouvelles revendications ethniques transforment un dispositif patrimonial qui semblait immuable depuis plus d’un demi-siècle. L’analyse s’appuie sur un travail de terrain multisitué (Marcus, 1995). Elle explore les paysages (Appadurai, 2001) patrimoniaux et autochtones du « système monde » en les reliant à trois sites où des parcs archéologiques nationaux se situent au sein ou en bordure de territoires autochtones (Teyuna Ciudad Perdida, San Agustín et Tierradentro). En retraçant la biographie sociale et culturelle des vestiges (Appadurai et Kopytoff, 1986), nous expliquons comment le dispositif patrimonial, mis en place au début du vingtième siècle, est à l’origine d'une valorisation rhétorique et esthétique des racines préhispaniques du pays, mais en aucun cas d'une reconnaissance des peuples autochtones contemporains. Ecartés de l’histoire et de la gestion patrimoniale des parcs, les leaders autochtones entendent, à la fin des années 2000, transformer les régimes de vérité et de patrimonialité qu’ils jugent injustes. L’enjeu est de légitimer leur appropriation des sites afin de justifier leurs demandes de reconnaissance identitaire et territoriale. Le droit autochtone, les principes de l’UNESCO sur la diversité culturelle et le patrimoine immatériel, la pensée décoloniale et les craintes suscitées par le tourisme, sont autant de supports mobilisés pour justifier leurs attentes. Lors des affaires, différents systèmes de légitimité s'affrontent au cours d’épreuves de justice (Boltanski, Thevenot, 1991) et de force. Ce processus renforce les frontières ethniques par un effet d’altérisation patrimoniale et modifie le régime de patrimonialité : les vestiges deviennent les supports de nouvelles pratiques ethniques, rituelles et sacrées, les autochtones acquièrent une place de partenaires dans le nouveau dispositif patrimonial et la valeur relationnelle des artefacts devient aussi importante que leur matérialité. / This thesis aims to understand how Colombia's pre-Hispanic heritage becomes a recognition issue for indigenous peoples, twenty years after the creation of a multicultural and neoliberal constitution. Inspired by the works of L. Boltanski and E. Claverie, the study of three “affairs” makes it possible to understand how new ethnic claims transform a heritage “dispositif” (Foucault, 1977) that seemed immutable for more than half a century. The analysis is based on a multi-sited field work (Marcus, 1995). It explores heritage-scapes (Appadurai, 2001), and indigenous-scapes of the "world system" by linking them to three sites where national archaeological parks are located within or bordering indigenous territories (Teyuna-Ciudad Perdida, San Agustín and Tierradentro). In retracing the social and cultural biography of the vestiges (Appadurai and Kopytoff, 1986), we explain how the heritage “dispositif”, introduced at the beginning of the twentieth century, gave rise to a rhetorical and aesthetic valorization of the country's pre-Hispanic roots, but in no way to the recognition of contemporary indigenous peoples. In the late 2000s, indigenous leaders, who were left out of the history and heritage management of parks, intend to transform the “truth regime” and “heritage regime” they consider unfair. The challenge is to legitimize their appropriation of the sites in order to justify their requests for identity and territorial recognition. Indigenous rights, UNESCO's principles on cultural diversity and intangible heritage, decolonial thinking and fears aroused by tourism are all resources used to justify their expectations. In those “affairs”, different systems of legitimacy clash during “tests of justification” (Boltanski, Thevenot, 1991) and “tests of strength”. This process reinforces ethnic boundaries through a heritage othering effect, and changes the heritage regime: artifacts become the supports of new ethnic, ritual and sacred practices, indigenous peoples acquire a place of partners in the new heritage “dispositif”, and the relational value of vestiges becomes as important as their materiality.