Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T21:21:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Prado_DeboraFigueiredoMendoncado_D.pdf: 1971535 bytes, checksum: 52ad42c55c3bb8336b28f5a15e906b0c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: O objetivo principal desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação internacional dos estados norte-americanos tendo em vista a implementação de sanções econômicas internacionais pelos legislativos estaduais. Estas sanções buscam impactar o bem-estar econômico de um Estado alvo por meio de restrições ao comércio internacional e investimentos com o objetivo de coagir o mesmo a alterar determinado comportamento político. No caso das sanções estaduais, são utilizados dois tipos de atividade: 1) a proibição da contratação ou aquisição de bens e serviços do governo estadual com empresas que fazem negócios no país-alvo e 2) o impedimento dos estados ou agências locais de realizar investimentos públicos nestas empresas e no país-alvo. Este tipo de atividade estadual possui um potencial conflituoso uma vez que as sanções estaduais podem gerar conflitos e tensões legais com o governo nacional. O objetivo deste trabalho será compreender o desenvolvimento destas atividades estaduais e os tensionamentos estabelecidos entre elas e o governo nacional bem como buscará compreender qual tem sido a reação das instituições norte-americanas sobre este processo. Para isto serão discutidas as raízes históricas do desenho institucional norte-americano na definição das funções dos governos estaduais e federais e o comportamento do Congresso e da Suprema Corte nesta temática. Para identificar as principais características das sanções estaduais este trabalho apresentará o mapeamento das sanções estaduais aplicadas pelos legislativos estaduais no período de 1977, data inicial deste tipo de atuação a 2012 / Abstract: The main objective of this research is to analyze the international actions of U.S. states, in view of the establishment of foreign policy actions by international economic sanctions developed by state legislatures. It is understood by the application of sanctions measures that seek to reduce the economic welfare of a target state by reducing international trade in order to coerce it to amend certain political behavior. In the case of state sanctions, are used two types of activity: 1) the prohibition in the states of hiring or purchasing goods and services from companies doing business in the target country or through selective divestment laws and 2) preventing states or local agencies to make public investments in these companies. Through this kind of activity states can develop actions contrary to national foreign policy, generating conflict and legal tensions with Washington. Trying to understand this process, this paper aims to map the historical roots of this institutional design, as well as cases of penalties imposed by state legislatures, 1977, start date this type of activity, 2012. It is understood that the analysis of these cases, the Supreme Court and of the actions taken by Congress will contribute to the understanding of the functioning of these institutions in situations of conflicts between states and the federal government on issues of international economic policy. To identify the main features of state sanctions, this work present the mapping of state sanctions imposed by state legislatures from 1977 to 2012 / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutora em Ciência Política

Cypernfrågan handlar om en etnisk konflikt mellan grek- och turkcyprioterna som uppstod direkt efter öns självständighet. Parterna hade väldigt svårt att samarbeta med varandra vilket ledde till att Cypern delades i två delar. Sedan dess har grupperna levt åtskilda med egna administrationer och strävan efter självbestämmande, den grekcypriotiska befolkningen strävade efter enosis, att hela ön införlivas med Grekland medan den turkcypriotiska befolkningen strävade efter taksim, att den norra delen av ön förenas med moderlandet Turkiet. FN har agerat som tredjepart för att försöka nå en fredslösning och lyckades lindra konflikten men många problem förblev olösta. I min uppsats har jag försökt komma fram till varför fredsförslaget Annanplanen, som upprättades av FN:s dåvarande generalsekreterare, blev avvisad av den grekcypriotiska befolkningen samt vad kan vara den största orsaken bakom den långvarige konflikten. Jag har använt mig av Lijphart demokratimodellen consociational democracy för att se om det skulle kunna vara en bra lösning för Cypern och har kommit fram till att det finns både för- och nackdelar med lösningsmodellen. Hänsyn har även tagits till federalism, etnicitet, primordialism samt socialkonstruktivism.

ABSTRACT University: Växjö University, school of social science, department of political science Level: Bachelor’s thesis in political science Title: SHIFTING BALANCE OF POWER? – an analyze of the new EU-treaty’s consequences for the EC-court. Academic adviser: Associate professor Stefan Höjelid Author: Magnus Nordahl This study focuses on the increased role of the European Court of Justice through the establishment of a Constitution for Europe and its impact on the balance of power, both horizontal and vertical. To do this, the study takes its aims from the research problem, formulated as follows: Does the establishment of a constitution for Europe contribute to an increased role for the European Court of Justice and does it create a more legible horizontal and vertical division of power? To reach the relevant analyses and conclusions two precise questions are presented as well as an analytical model. The precise questions are: • Which are the relevant contributions for the balance of power from a perspective of juridification in the new EU-treaty? • What impacts do those contributions have on the so called ‘European federalism’? The theoretical perspective of this study is rooted in the concept of federalism with special emphasizes on constitution and sovereignty as well as a part about the process of juridification. Along with the presented analytical model consisting of a horizontal and vertical division of power, the empirical material is presented with focus on the new EU-treaty about a constitution for Europe and the European Court of Justice. By doing this, analyses are made about the changing power of the ECJ and the new EU-treaty from a perspective of division of power, federalism and juridification. Through the establishment of the EU-treaty about the creation of a constitution the ECJ receive a clearer platform to act upon which contributes to a more legible division of power, both horizontal and vertical. This due to the fact that the new EU-treaty will take place as the highest law within the EU, something that the ECJ have the right to interpret. The whole process is also a broader recognition of the process of juridification where judicial power increases on the cost of politics. Keywords: Constitution, Division of power, EU, ECJ, Federalism, Juridification, and Sovereignty.

Les interdépendances poussent les États fédéraux à coordonner leurs politiques publiques tout en limitant les conflits potentiels, ce qui consiste souvent en un défi important. Dans plusieurs pays, cette coordination s’effectue principalement au sein d’institutions intergouvernementales, comme les conseils, forums ou agences. Ces mécanismes permettent notamment aux gouvernements de s’entendre sur des priorités communes et d’harmoniser leurs politiques publiques. Au Canada, par contre, les institutions intergouvernementales sont souvent vues comme étant peu efficaces, ce qui force les gouvernements à recourir à des réseaux informels d’acteurs. Cette thèse examine la complémentarité des institutions formelles et des relations informelles entre fonctionnaires et ses effets sur la coordination des politiques publiques au Canada. Pour ce faire, trois études se penchent sur diverses variables politiques et institutionnelles pour démontrer que les fonctionnaires ont une marge de manœuvre importante dans la mise en place des politiques intergouvernementales, et que, par conséquent la politisation joue un rôle minime dans le cadre des relations intergouvernementales canadiennes. La première étude porte sur l’incidence de la partisannerie politique sur la participation aux activités intergouvernementales. Elle explore le cas du Québec, où se sont succédés au pouvoir des partis nationalistes et fédéralistes. Le rôle de la partisannerie entre 1970 et 2015 est analysé à l’aide de méthodes mixtes : une analyse de contenu de communiqués intergouvernementaux, des régressions temporelles et des entretiens semi-dirigés menés auprès des fonctionnaires provinciaux. Les résultats montrent que le parti au pouvoir, qu’il soit nationaliste ou fédéraliste, a peu ou pas d’effet sur la participation de la province aux relations intergouvernementales. Plutôt, il est argumenté que les activités intergouvernementales sont principalement conduites par des fonctionnaires pour qui les relations ne sont pas politisées. Ainsi, le Québec participe systématiquement aux discussions intergouvernementales et signe beaucoup plus d’ententes que ce qui est généralement présumé. La deuxième étude vérifie si l’institutionnalisation des mécanismes intergouvernementaux a une réelle influence sur la coordination politique. Après l’analyse de 39 forums sectoriels et des régressions multiniveaux, la recherche ne trouve aucune preuve de l’effet de l’institutionnalisation. Plutôt, l’effet des institutions formelles est limité par la grande importance des réseaux informels de fonctionnaires dans la mise en œuvre des politiques intergouvernementales. De plus, il ressort que les secteurs techniques produisent généralement plus de coordination que les secteurs davantage politisés. La dernière étude examine la réactivité des gouvernements fédéraux et provinciaux aux rencontres intergouvernementales lorsqu’ils définissent leurs priorités politiques. L’analyse se base sur une comparaison longitudinale des rencontres ministérielles avec les priorités politiques mentionnées dans les discours du Trône fédéraux et provinciaux entre 1969 et 2009. Les résultats montrent que plus les ministres d’un secteur se rencontrent, plus l’attention accordée à ce secteur par les gouvernements est grande, confirmant ainsi l’importance des relations intergouvernementales au Canada. Ces résultats tiennent également compte de l’opinion publique, une variable longtemps reconnue comme influençant l’attention politique aux enjeux. / Policy interdependencies create an important challenge for federal states in that the latter must coordinate policies while mitigating possible conflicts. In many countries, this is done through intergovernmental institutions, such as councils, forums or agencies. These venues provide a means for constituent units to negotiate common priorities and harmonize policies. However, Canadian intergovernmental mechanisms are often seen as weakly institutionalized, meaning governments need to rely on informal networks of actors to achieve compromises. This dissertation examines the role of the interaction between formal institutions and informal relations between bureaucratic agents in shaping policy coordination in Canada. Through three studies that examine the effect of different political and institutional variables on coordination, it is argued that public servants exercise important discretion when implementing intergovernmental policy, thus minimizing the effect of politicization in Canadian intergovernmental relations. The first study focuses on partisanship as a relevant factor in explaining intergovernmental activity in Canada. It explores the case of Quebec, which has been governed by alternating nationalist and federalist parties. The role of partisanship in relation to the province’s intergovernmental activity from 1970 to 2015 is assessed through mixed methods: a content analysis of joint press releases, a Poisson time-series regression analysis and qualitative interviews with intergovernmental officials. The findings show that the party in power has little to no effect on the province’s participation in IGR. Instead, public servants, whose relations are not politicized, are the primary actors partaking in intergovernmental activity. As a result, Quebec systematically participates in IGR discussions and signs a larger amount of agreements than commonly thought. The second study examines whether the institutionalization of intergovernmental arrangements influences policy coordination. Through a study of 39 Canadian sectoral forums and the use of a multi-level regression analysis, it finds no empirical evidence to support this claim. Instead, it argues that informal networks of officials are where most intergovernmental activity occurs, thereby limiting the effect of formal institutions. This finding is reinforced by the fact that technical sectors typically produce more coordination than sectors that are prone to politicization. The last study investigates the responsiveness of federal and provincial governments to intergovernmental meetings when defining their policy priorities. The analysis is based on a longitudinal comparison of ministerial meetings with issue priorities mentioned in federal and provincial Speeches from the Throne over the period of 1969 to 2009. The results show that the more often ministers in a given policy domain meet, the more attention a government gives to that sector, thus confirming the importance of intergovernmental relations in Canada. These results hold even when controlling for the effect of public opinion, a known driver of policy attention to issues.

County jurisdictions in America are increasingly exercising self-government in the provision of public community services through the context of second order federalism. In states exercising this form of contemporary governance, county governments with “reformed” policy-making structures and professional management practices, have begun to rival or surpass municipalities in the delivery of local services with regional implications such as environmental protection (Benton 2002, 2003; Marando and Reeves, 1993). The voter referendum, a form of direct democracy, is an important component of county land preservation and environmental protection governmental policies. The recent growth and success of land preservation voter referendums nationwide reflects an increase in citizen participation in government and their desire to protect vacant land and its natural environment from threats of over-development, urbanization and sprawl, loss of open space and farmland, deterioration of ecosystems, and inadequate park and recreational amenities. The study’s design employs a sequential, mixed method. First, a quantitative approach employs the Heckman two-step model. It is fitted with variables for the non-random sample of 227 voter referendum counties and all non-voter referendum counties in the U.S. from 1988 to 2009. Second, the qualitative data collected from the in-depth investigation of three South Florida county case studies with twelve public administrator interviews is transformed for integration with the quantitative findings. The purpose of the qualitative method is to complement, explain and enrich the statistical analysis of county demographic, socio-economic, terrain, regional, governance and government, political preference, environmentalism, and referendum-specific factors. The research finds that government factors are significant in terms of the success of land preservation voter referendums; more specifically, the presence of self-government authority (home rule charter), a reformed structure (county administrator/manager or elected executive), and environmental interest groups. In addition, this study concludes that successful counties are often located coastal, exhibit population and housing growth, and have older and more educated citizens who vote democratic in presidential elections. The analysis of case study documents and public administrator interviews finds that pragmatic considerations of timing, local politics and networking of regional stakeholders are also important features of success. Further research is suggested utilizing additional public participation, local government and public administration factors.

Constitutional amendments in federal political systems have to be negotiated between national and sub-national actors. While theories of negotiation usually explain the outcome by looking at these actors, their preferences and bargaining powers, the theoretical model developed in this article also includes their interaction orientation. The article determines a typical sequence of bargaining and arguing and identifies favourable conditions for cooperation based on different interaction orientations. The article states that actors can reconcile the conflicting logics of intergovernmental or party competition and joint decision-making in constitutional politics through a sequence of bargaining and arguing. However, constitutional amendments negotiated in this way run the risk of undermining the legitimacy and functionality of constitutions.

La protection des droits fondamentaux par l’Union européenne et la problématique de la qualification juridique de l’Union ne sont pas isolées. Au contraire, elles sont profondément liées. Sous l’effet de la protection des droits fondamentaux, l’Union peut être classée dans la catégorie des fédéralismes. Cette nature fédérative exerce en retour une influence sur la protection des droits fondamentaux. La protection des droits fondamentaux et la nature de l’Union forment ensemble l’identité de l’Union. Cette identité pourrait-elle se concrétiser par une Fédération de droit ? Cette hypothèse de qualification, qui s’inspire du modèle de l’État de droit et repose sur les exigences du cosmopolitisme, vise une Fédération dont l’un des objectifs fondateurs est la protection des droits fondamentaux. Cette hypothèse offre certaines clés de compréhension sur l’articulation du processus de fédéralisation et de la protection des droits fondamentaux. Cependant, à bien des égards, l’articulation entre ce processus et cette protection est conflictuelle. Les obstacles à cette qualification sont nombreux. Les États membres souhaitent en effet préserver leur souveraineté. Les impératifs du fédéralisme économique ou les attentes d’une sécurité fédérative soulèvent également de multiples inquiétudes. Ces obstacles affectent tant le processus de fédéralisation que la protection des droits fondamentaux. En conclusion, ils empêchent de qualifier pleinement l’Union de Fédération de droit. / The protection of fundamental rights by the European Union and the issue of the Union's legal nature are not isolated. On the contrary, they are deeply linked. The Union can be classified in the category of federalism under the effect of the protection of fundamental rights. In return, this federative nature has an influence on the protection of fundamental rights. The protection of fundamental rights and the nature of the Union together form the identity of the Union. This identity could be a federal rule of law (Fédération de droit)? This hypothesis, which is based on the rule of law model and the requirements of cosmopolitanism, aims at a Federation whose founding objectives include the protection of fundamental rights. This hypothesis offers some keys to understanding how the federalization process and the protection of fundamental rights are articulated. However, the relationship between this process and the protection of fundamental rights is often conflictual. There are many obstacles to this qualification. Indeed, Member States wish to preserve their sovereignty. The imperatives of economic federalism or the expectations of federal security also raise multiple concerns. These obstacles impact both the federalization process and the protection of fundamental rights. In conclusion, they prevent this qualification of european federal rule of law.

This diploma thesis aims to analyze the issue of one of the most significant congressional powers found in Article I., Section 8 of the U.S. Constitution. Congressional power to regulate interstate commerce has been instrumental to the federal government's legislative efforts in many areas of law. This constitutional provision enabled the Congress to react to the changing conditions and new problems the country has been facing, especially in the area of working conditions, civil rights, criminal justice or even environmental law and many others. The expansion of power of the federal government, however, was not always greeted with enthusiasm, especially in the first three decades of the 20th century, before the Supreme Court began to read the commerce power much more broadly, to the point that it ceased to be a factual limitation of its powers. This trend was meant to be stopped by the New Federalism movement and the five new conservative justices who issued rulings that limited the scope of the Commerce Clause. However, this group of justices proved to be very inconsistent in its own approach toward this constitutional provision and eventually fell apart, which rendered Rehnquist's attempted constitutional revolution with respect to state's rights partly a failure. As the new Court membership under...

[pt] Entre 1835 e 1852, Juan Manuel de Rosas estruturou o segundo mandato como governador de Buenos Aires através de amplos poderes, forte propaganda e censura, coerção política e violência. O objetivo era criar uma esfera de unanimidade, entendendo que esse caminho levaria as Províncias Unidas do Rio da Prata à ordem republicana, tão desejada desde a década de 1820. Se na cidade de Buenos Aires havia a presença do governo nos âmbitos público e privado, em um cenário de autonomia das províncias a relação de Rosas com os governadores encontrou formas específicas para se organizar, fazendo com que o período em que esteve como governador fosse diferente de tudo que as Províncias Unidas já haviam passado até aquele contexto. O presente trabalho pretende, então, identificar determinadas ações do governo de Rosas a partir de 1835 para com as províncias presente nas cartas aos governadores e na imprensa oficial para entender os caminhos escolhidos pelo líder em busca da consolidação de um governo conhecido como autoritário que se utilizou do discurso federal. / [en] Between 1835 and 1852, the second term of Juan Manuel de Rosas as governor of Buenos Aires was defined by his use of broad powers to control the press, as well as executing censorship, political coercion and violence. His objective was to create a sense of unity, with the promise that this path would take the Provinces of Rio da Prata closer to a Republican ideal, a political system that had been sought for since the 1820s. Although the presence of the government in the city of Buenos Aires was strong both in the public and private spheres, the provinces enjoyed more autonomy. Rosas reorganized the relationship with each region, so that the period in which he was governor was different from everything that the United Provinces had previously experienced with regards to the political relationship between local provinces and the central government. The present work intends to identify certain actions of Rosas government from 1835 in the provinces available in the letters to the governors and the official press to understand the paths chosen by the leader for the consolidation of a government that, although it used the discourse of federalism, is widely held to be authoritarian.

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