[pt] Esta dissertação se propôs a analisar as políticas de transferência de renda implementadas no estado do Rio de Janeiro no intuito de combater a pobreza, no período 1999 a 2021 dentro dos marcos do federalismo cooperativo no século XXI. O estado do Rio de Janeiro possui características estruturais peculiares que dão o contorno à renitente pobreza no estado e que este trabalho procurou recuperar, como: ter abrigado a capital federal que foi esvaziada com a transferência da sede do governo para Brasília sem as devidas contrapartidas, depois novamente forçado a uma fusão em 1974 com o extinto estado da Guanabara sem que houvesse um planejamento posterior adequado à gestão do novo estado, além de ter concentrado forte herança escravagista e grande concentração fundiária, aspectos estruturais que favorecem o fenômeno da pobreza. O estado inaugurou um período de implementação de uma agenda de assistência social mais robusta a partir de 1999 com o governo de Anthony Garotinho, trazendo como marca principal o Cheque-Cidadão, primeiro programa de transferência condicionada de renda a operar no estado do Rio de Janeiro e que vigorou até 2007. Com o fim dos governos Garotinho, em 2006, o novo governo chefiado por Sérgio Cabral descontinuou esse programa e todos os demais subprogramas por ele abarcado. Apenas em 2011 o estado retomou esse tipo de política, com o Renda Melhor e o Renda Melhor Jovem, a partir do chamado e do incentivo trazidos pelo governo federal com a implementação do plano Brasil Sem Miséria. Novamente, em 2016, estes programas foram interrompidos, tendo sido retomado apenas o Renda Melhor Jovem em 2021. As circunstâncias políticas que deram tom à relação União e estado do Rio de Janeiro influenciaram na implementação, expansão ou eliminação desses programas. A interrupção dessas políticas e a crise econômica nacional na segunda metade da década passada fizeram prejudicar a luta contra a pobreza no estado do Rio de Janeiro apesar de alguns resultados promissores alcançados até a crise financeira que se abateu sobre o estado em 2016. É preciso compreender que é necessária a colocação de uma agenda de assistência social multissetorial, com políticas públicas eficazes que de fato possam ir além de fornecer melhoria no bem-estar da população no curto prazo, e sim romper com o ciclo intergeracional da pobreza com investimentos paralelos em saúde, educação e geração de emprego. E isso depende de ações integradas de caráter intergovernamental, que possam unir de forma duradoura União, estado e municípios sobre a mesma plataforma de dados, o CAD-Único, para fortalecer a busca ativa e agregar o máximo de necessitados possível à rede de programas assistenciais. / [en] This work is meant to analyse the social welfare programs that gave financial aid to the poorest, implemented by the State of Rio de Janeiro focused on fighting against poverty during the XXI century, from 1999 to 2021. The discussion is supposed to occur over the studies about the cooperative federalism. The State of Rio de Janeiro has peculiar structural characteristics that draw the obdurate poverty in the state of Rio and that this work tried to recover, such as: having housed the federal capital that was emptied by the government s headquaters relocation to Brasília without due counterparts, then again forced to a fusion in 1974 with the extinct State of Guanabara without a planning regarding the appropriate management afterwards, and, last but not least, having concentrated a strong heritage regarding slavery and a big landholding concentration, structural aspects that favor the poverty phenomena. The State inaugurated a period of implememtating a robust agenda of public policy for social assistance in 1999, under Governor Anthony Garotinho s mandate, and the main program was the Cheque-Cidadão one. This was the first ever social program on a State level to give financial aid to the poor and it lasted until 2007. When the Garotinhos left government, in the end of 2006, the new administration led by Governor Sérgio Cabral interrupted the Cheque-Cidadão and all the subprograms it embraced. Only in 2011 the State resumed this kind of program with the Renda Melhor and the Renda Melhor Jovem, that began with the call and incentive from the Federal Government, when this last one implemented the program Brasil Sem Miséria. Again, in 2016, these two programs were eliminated, having the Renda Melhor Jovem been resumed in 2021. The political circumstances that set the tone to the relation between the Federal Government and the State influenced on the implementation, expansion and elimination of these programs. Also, the discontinuation of the policies jeopardised the fight against poverty in the State of Rio de Janeiro, despite some progress that was made until the financial crisis that hit the State in 2016. It is crucial to understand that it is necessary the introduction of a multisectorial social assistance agenda, containing effective public policies able to go beyond providing short term welfare to the population, and actually get to break the poverty intergenerational cycle by concomitantly investing in health, education and job creation. And it is depended on integrated actions over an intergovernmental aspect, that can unite Federal Government, State and Cities on the same data platform, the CAD-Único, in order to strengthen the active search as well as to gather the maximum number of needy people to the network of assistential programs.

This dissertation is an intervention aimed primarily at the field of Canadian Political Science, but informed by engagements with Indigenous Studies, literatures on racial capitalism, and Global Histories. The overarching aim of the project is to provide a theoretical framework by which to study multi-scalar struggles taking place within and against the Canadian state from an explicitly anti-imperialist perspective. The insights of this project should also be of interest to the broad left, both in Canada and beyond. The dissertation begins with a call to situate the Canadian state, and its practice of “settler imperialism” as part of multi-scalar system of global racial capitalism. Key to understanding this is the mobilization of Stuart Hall’s concept of the “historical bloc” as a tool to grasp political mediations, and to refuse the too-easy analytical reification of structures or their practices of difference making. Part two of the dissertation interrogates the politics of solidarity “from below” by engaging “activist archives,” composed of “allyship toolkits,” zines, and pamphlets. These activist archives reveal two (at least analytically) distinct theories of change operating through the discourses of allyship and decolonization. While to differing degrees, they point to the work of politics below the state. In the case of “allyship” discourses this dissertation finds a normative individualism and an understanding of power as an object rather than something collectively exercised, leading to a charity model where solidarity is seen as an external relationship. In contrast, the decolonization literature understands how solidarity can proceed from an interested position towards building a relationship of shared concern, it substitutes a deference model for one defined by “relational autonomy” in the process of “worldmaking.” The final portion of this dissertation makes an in- depth case-study of Indigenous-led opposition to the Trans Mountain Expansion (TMX) pipeline project. Tracing out a number of strategies of hegemony, counter-hegemony, and grassroots struggles, the aim is to show a number of interrelated sites and tactics of anti-imperialist struggle grounded in a defence of both shared place and the self-determination of Indigenous nations. / Graduate / 2023-08-25

[pt] O Programa de Aprendizagem na Idade Certa (PAIC) é uma política educacional baseada no regime de colaboração entre o Ceará e seus municípios, que abrange o 2º, 5º e 9º ano do ensino fundamental. Frente aos reconhecidos resultados positivos dessa política, este estudo busca compreender quais fatores condicionaram a implementação do PAIC e ajudam a explicar seus resultados. O primeiro fator considerado é o federalismo, que orienta a organização estatal brasileira. O foco da análise se dará em dois sentidos: primeiro, como se deu o contexto de implementação à luz do modelo de ambiguidade e conflito, de Matland (1995); segundo, se essa implementação induziu nos municípios capacidades estatais, notadamente capacidade burocrática e financeira. No primeiro sentido, serão analisados os principais atos normativos definidores da política e 25 entrevistas, utilizando o método da análise de conteúdo (Bardin, 2011). No segundo, serão analisadas diferentes fontes de dados sobre características técnicas e financeiras dos municípios do Ceará, utilizando estatística descritiva. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam para uma política com alto grau de ambiguidade quanto às normas orientadoras, e diferentes graus de conflito em nível local, especialmente de caráter político-partidário, em Fortaleza; e para geração de capacidades estatais nos municípios cearenses, tanto no âmbito das secretarias municipais, quanto em relação à burocracia das escolas. / [en] The Programa Aprendizagem na Idade Certa (PAIC) is an educational policy based on the collaboration regime between Ceará and its municipalities, which covers the 2nd, 5th and 9th grade of elementary school. In view of the recognized positive results of this policy, this study seeks to understand what factors conditioned the implementation of the PAIC and help to explain its results. The first factor considered is federalism, which guides the brazilian state organization. The focus analysis will be in two senses: first, how the implementation context took place in the light of Matland s ambiguity and conflict model (1995); second, whether this implementation has induced state capacities in municipalities, notably bureaucratic and financial capacity. In the first sense, the statutes that define the policy will be analyzed, along with 25 interviews that will be analyzed using the content analysis method (Bardin, 2011). In the second, different sources of data on technical and financial characteristics of the municipalities of Ceará will be analyzed, using descriptive statistics. The results of the research point to a policy with a high degree of ambiguity regarding it guiding norms, and different degrees of conflict at the local level, especially of the political-party type, in Fortaleza; and for the generation of state capacities in the municipalities of Ceará, both within the scope of the municipal secretariats, and in relation to the bureaucracy of schools.

In 1994 Ethiopia introduced a federal system of government as a national level approach to intra-state conflict management. Homogenisation of cultures and languages by the earlier regimes led to the emergence of ethno-national movements and civil wars that culminated in the collapse of the unitary state in 1991. For this reason, the federal system that recognises ethnic groups¿ rights is the first step in transforming the structural causes of civil wars in Ethiopia. Against this background this research examines whether the federal arrangement has created an enabling environment in managing conflicts in the country. To understand this problematic, the thesis conceptualises and analyses federalism and conflict management using a qualitative research design based on in-depth interviewing and content-based thematic analysis ¿ taking the case study of the Benishangul-Gumuz regional state. The findings of the study demonstrate that different factors hinder the federal process. First, the constitutional focus on ethnic groups¿ rights has led, in practice, to lessened attention to citizenship and minority rights protection in the regional states. Second, the federal process encourages ethnic-based elite groups to compete in controlling regional and local state powers and resources. This has greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic-based violent conflicts, hostile intergovernmental relationships and lack of law and order along the common borders of the regional states. Third, the centralised policy and decision making process of the ruling party has hindered genuine democratic participation of citizens and self-determination of the ethnic groups. This undermines the capacity of the regional states and makes the federal structure vulnerable to the dynamics of political change. The conflicts in Benishangul-Gumuz emanate from these causes, but lack of territorial land use rights of the indigenous people and lack of proportional political representation of the non-indigenous people are the principal manifestations. The research concludes by identifying the issues that determine the sustainability of the federal structure. Some of them include: making constitutional amendments which consider citizenship rights and minority rights protection; enhancing the democratic participation of citizens by developing the capacities of the regional states and correcting the organisational weakness of the multi-national political parties; encouraging co-operative intergovernmental relationships, and maintaining the territorial land use rights of the Benishangul-Gumuz indigenous people. / Addis Ababa University

In this thesis, I seek to answer the question of what constitutes a tenable form of sexual citizenship for lesbian-, bisexual- and gay citizens by deploying two models of citizenship which have permeated scholarly and public discourse: the “liberal” and the “republican” model. This is done in conjunction with critical engagement with two political philosophers, and their conceptualization of citizenship. They are (1) The capabilities approach by Martha Nussbaum and (2) cosmopolitan federalism as presented by Seyla Benhabib. This thesis uses three primary questions: (1) On what basis are members of the polity chosen? (2) On what basis are the members of the polity able to participate politically? (3) How does the conceptualized model of citizenship account for social- and civil rights pertaining to sexual difference? These questions furthermore establish the basis for the analysis of the models.  In order to assess the answers that the different model provide, this thesis utilizes two analytic variables articulated in terms of lack of rights and disenfranchisement which will throughout this thesis act as underpinnings. These variables are predicated on reflecting two mechanisms of exclusions of lesbigay citizens, the claim being that the rejoinders to them are used to assess and constitute to a tenable sexual citizenship.

The Staffing for Adequate Fire and Emergency Responders (SAFER) Grant Program: An Analysis of Fiscal Federalism and How Local Governments Utilize SAFER Grant Funding. Thomas J. Layou ABSTRACT This dissertation presents a comprehensive analysis of the Staffing for Adequate Fire and Emergency Responders (SAFER) grant program's impact on Virginia's local governments, emphasizing their fiscal strategies, emergency management practices, and demographic relationships. By incorporating theories of fiscal federalism and the political economy, this study explores how SAFER grants, provided by the FEMA, influence local tax policies, economic stability, and the staffing levels in fire and emergency medical service departments, against the backdrop of a critical need for enhanced public safety post the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The second chapter provides a review of the literature tracing the evolution of fiscal federalism from its roots in the political philosophies of the Federalist Papers to its contemporary interpretations and applications. The study found gaps in the literature, providing opportunities for further exploration of how the current scholarship has been built upon the different generations of fiscal federalism. This study seeks to contribute to the literature by examining the relationship that federal grants have with local governments' preparation for emergencies through their local fire and emergency medical service staffing. The dissertation constructs a novel dataset covering SAFER grant allocations, local tax rates, and fire and emergency medical service budgets across Virginia's cities and counties from 2016 to 2022. It evaluates the grants' effects on budgetary decisions and staffing levels, utilizing a methodological framework that includes regression analysis, correlation coefficients, and event series analysis. The third chapter focuses on the socio-political and economic determinants affecting the distribution of the SAFER grant funding, revealing that jurisdictions with higher median household incomes receive more funding, contrary to expectations that economically disadvantaged areas are prioritized. This chapter also highlights the disparities in resource allocation and examines the equitable distribution between volunteer and professional fire departments and the relationship of political leanings on fund allocation. The fourth chapter explores the SAFER grants within the principal-agent framework, investigating their impact on local government tax policy and economic stability. It explores whether SAFER grants lead to changes in local tax policies and how they contribute to fiscal stability, especially during crises such as the 2007-2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. The fifth chapter assesses the SAFER grants' effectiveness in increasing the number of full-time equivalent (FTE) employees and improving public safety. It scrutinizes whether these grants supplement or supplant local budgets and their broader implications for budget allocations and incident reduction, which tie closely with the federal government's national preparedness goals. This dissertation advances emergency management scholarship by offering new insights into the allocation of SAFER grants in Virginia and its impact. It provides a multifaceted understanding of how federal funding influences local emergency services, fiscal policies, and community welfare, contributing valuable knowledge for policymakers, grant administrators, and scholars interested in enhancing public safety and preparedness. / Doctor of Philosophy / The Staffing for Adequate Fire and Emergency Responders (SAFER) Grant Program: An Analysis of Fiscal Federalism and How Local Governments Utilize SAFER Grant Funding. Thomas J. Layou GENERAL AUDIENCE ABSTRACT This dissertation investigates how federal money, specifically the SAFER grants aimed at improving fire and emergency services, impacts local communities in Virginia. The SAFER grants are designed to provide a financial boost to a community's fire department in hiring more firefighters. This study goes beyond hiring to determine who receives the grant money and why. It examines if richer areas are more likely to receive funds than poorer ones. The study also considers whether a community's size or the number of emergencies they handle influences the amount of funding they receive. By analyzing the data from Virginia, this study sheds light on the process behind these grants. It finds that wealthier areas often receive more funding, supporting prior research and challenging the idea that such grants primarily benefit economically disadvantaged regions. Additionally, the study examines whether there exists a fair balance in funding between volunteer-based and professional fire departments and how politics may play a role in who receives more or less funding. Furthermore, this dissertation explores the ripple effects of the SAFER grants. It assesses whether these grants encourage local governments to adjust their spending and tax policies. The findings suggest that receiving a SAFER grant does not necessarily lead local governments to increase taxes or decreases spending in other areas. Instead, these governments appear to use these funds strategically to enhance public safety without overburdening local taxpayers. Ultimately, this dissertation not only provides valuable insights into the allocation and impact of the SAFER grants but also raises important questions about equity, fairness, efficiency, and the role of government at all levels in ensuring public safety.

This dissertation consists of three essays in theoretical and applied microeconomics: the first essay is in cooperative game theory, and the second and third essays relate to forest economics. The first chapter studies a class of cooperative games dubbed ``r-essential games''. Cooperative game theory has proposed different notions of powerful players. For example, big-boss games (Muto et al., 1988) and clan games (Potters et al., 1989) are particular cases of veto games (Bahel, 2016). The first chapter extends these veto games by assuming that there is a given subset of powerful (or essential) players, but only a few (as opposed to all) essential players are required for a coalition to have a positive value. The resulting games, which are called r-essential games, encompass convex games (Shapley, 1971) and veto games. We show that r-essential games have a nonempty core. We give a recursive description of the core. Moreover, it is shown that the core and the bargaining set are equivalent for every r-essential game. An application to networks is provided. The second chapter employs a two-principal, one-agent model to estimate the social cost of fiscal federalism in China's northeast native forests. China's key forested region is located in the northeast and consists of state forest enterprises which manage forest harvesting and reforestation. Deforestation is a major problem there and has resulted in several central government reforms. We develop a framework for assessing the social cost of state forest enterprise deforestation. We first develop a two-principal, one-agent model that fits the federalistic organization of state forests, in that state forest managers make (potentially hidden) decisions under influence of provincial and central government policies. This model is used to quantify the social cost of these hidden actions. We then use panel data from a survey conducted by Peking University to compute social welfare losses and to formally identify the main factors in these costs. A sensitivity analysis shows that, interestingly, command and control through lower harvesting limits and a more accurate monitoring system are more important to lowering social welfare losses than conventional incentives targeting the wages of forest managers. Through regression analysis we also find that the more remote areas with a higher percentage of mature natural forests are the ones that will always have the highest social welfare losses. The third chapter studies the problem of choosing a rotation under uncertain future ecosystem values and timber prices. This problem is nearly as old as the field of forest economics itself. A forest owner faces various uncertainties caused by climate change and market shocks, due to its long-term nature of production and the joint production of interrelated timber and amenity (non-harvesting) benefit streams. The vast literature in stochastic rotation problems simply assumes a known probability distribution for whatever parameter is uncertain, but this type of assumption may lead to misspecification of a rotation decision model if a forest owner has no such information. We study a more relevant question of how to choose rotation ages when there is pure (or Knightian) uncertainty, in that the forest owner does not know distributional features of parameters and further can be averse to this type of information deficit. This chapter is the first to investigate pure uncertainty in amenity benefit streams and is also the first to analytically solve a stochastic rotation problem under pure uncertainty in either amenity streams or market prices. We use robust methods developed in macroeconomics that are particularly suited to forest capital investment problem, but with important differences owing to the nature of forest goods production. The results show that newer models suggesting rotation ages could be longer under volatile parameter distributions do not hold generally when pure uncertainty and forest owner uncertainty aversion is considered. Rather, the earlier literature showing faster or greater harvesting with increases in risk under risk neutrality may actually be a more general result than current literature supposes. In particular, we find that a landowner tends to harvest more when his degree of uncertainty aversion is higher and the model is misspecified by assumption, or when the volatility of an uncertain process is higher. These situations tend to magnify model misspecification costs, especially because the forest manager always assumes the worst case will happen when there is uncertainty. This implies the decision maker is pessimistic in the sense that he or she is always trying to maximize the utility under the worst possible state of nature (the lowest amenity benefit or the lowest timber price). Whether landowners are in fact uncertainty averse and assume the worst case in their decisions remains to be empirically investigated, but our work suggests it is an important question that must be answered. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation consists of three essays in theoretical and applied microeconomics: the first essay is in cooperative game theory, and the second and third essays relate to forest economics. The first chapter studies a class of cooperative games dubbed ``r-essential games''. Cooperative game theory has proposed different notions of powerful players. For example, veto games (Bahel, 2016) have powerful players that are named veto players. Any coalition needs to include all these powerful players to achieve a positive coalition value. The first chapter extends these veto games by assuming that there is a given subset of powerful (or essential) players, but only a few (as opposed to all) essential players are required for a coalition to have a positive value. The resulting games, which are called r-essential games, encompass two classic games, convex games (Shapley, 1971) and veto games. We show that each r-essential game has at least one solution that is an allocation guaranteeing that no coalition can do better on its own. We provide a process allowing to compute this allocation in each r-essential game. An application to networks is provided. The second chapter estimates the damage of deforestation in China's northeast forests. This region consists of state forest enterprises which manage harvesting and reforestation and have represented the most important source of wood supplies since the 1950s. Deforestation is a major problem there. We develop a framework for assessing the damage to the society because of deforestation. We develop a theoretical model to describe the forest management structure, in which state forest managers make (potentially hidden) decisions under influence of provincial and central government policies. This model is used to quantify the damage. We then use data from a survey conducted by Peking University to compute the damage and confirm the main factors in these damages in practice. We find that lower harvesting limits and a more accurate monitoring system are the keys to lowering the damage. These are more important than conventional instruments used by the governments such as the wages for managers that achieve certain targets. We also find that the remote areas with a higher percentage of mature natural forests are the ones that will always have the largest damage. These areas are the hardest to monitor, but our results show they must be a critical focus moving forward. The third chapter studies when should a forest owner harvest under uncertain future ecosystem values and timber prices. A forest owner faces various uncertainties caused by climate change and market shocks, due to its long-term nature of production and the joint production of interrelated timber and non-harvesting benefit streams (such as the recreation value, the biodiversity value and the clean air supported by forests). Previous studies assume a known probability distribution for whatever parameter is uncertain, but this type of assumption may lead to a wrong decision model if a forest owner has no such information. We study a more relevant question of how to choose when to harvest with pure uncertainty, in that the forest owner does not know distributional features of parameters and further can be averse to this type of information deficit. This chapter is the first to investigate pure uncertainty and is also the first to analytically solve a harvest decision making problem under pure uncertainty in either non-harvesting benefit streams or market prices. We use macroeconomics methods that are particularly suited to forest capital investment problem. We find that a landowner tends to harvest more when there is pure uncertainty. Because the forest manager is pessimistic and always thinks the worst case will happen when there is uncertainty.

A Revolução Federalista e o ideário parlamentarista remonta à história política do Império do Brasil. Com a proclamação da República em 15.11.1889, a vida política e social modificou-se sobremaneira. A forma de Estado deixou de ser Unitária para ser Federativa, o sistema de governo deixou de ser Parlamentarista para ser Presidencialista, a forma de governo deixou de ser Monárquica para se tornar Republicana. Tais reformas lideradas pelo Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca e por Benjamin Constant depositaram grandes expectativas no povo brasileiro. Todos os males do império projetavam-se na república. Com o tempo, o povo foi vendo, pouco a pouco, que as velhas mazelas que assombravam a vida imperial, rondavam, igualmente, a vida republicana. O sistema eleitoral e as reformas eleitorais não garantiam a plena democracia, tanto que Deodoro e os seus garantiram, artificialmente, a maioria na Constituinte de 1891. O alistamento ainda era forjado, a grande naturalização favorecia os Republicanos Históricos, sendo que a vontade da Nação distanciava-se, cada vez mais, da vontade dos proclamadores da República. A instabilidade política e social era acompanhada pelo abalo econômico. As constantes emissões, a jogatina na bolsa, o encilhamento, a substituição do trabalho servil pela mão de obra livre, a substituição dos velhos liberais e conservadores do Império pela mocidade imberbe da República, toda ela inexperiente, toda ela não versada no serviço público é que passou a gerir a vida pública nos mais diferentes estados da nossa federação. A ala jovem republicana, lotada em importantes cargos administrativos e governamentais, trocou os pés pelas mãos, angariando a raiva das forças tradicionais do Império. O Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, por exemplo, assistiu, durante o Governo Provisório, passar pelo Estado, nada menos que seis Governadores. A instabilidade política era total. A diátese revolucionária prenunciava levantes armados em poucos dias. Parafraseando D. Pedro, Deodoro abandonou o poder, momento em que assina o decreto de alforria do verdadeiro escravo do Brasil. Assume o poder o Vice-Presidente, Marechal Floriano Peixoto, o qual presta apoio político ao Governador do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, o Sr. Júlio de Castilhos. Ambos aliam-se contra o exército libertador de Gaspar Silveira Martins, que havia retornado do exílio e fundara o Partido Federalista Rio-Grandense, no Congresso de Bagé, para fazer frente ao Governo autoritário de Júlio de Castilhos. Travou-se no Rio Grande do Sul uma das mais sangrentas guerras de nossa história. A Revolução Federalista foi um guerra fratricida, que matou mais de dez mil homens. Estes revolucionários liderados intelectualmente por Gaspar Silveira Martins e militarmente pelo General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, guerrearam por três estados da federação (RS, SC e PR), fazendo a república tremer. Em certos momentos, a revolução parecia que garanharia contornos nacionais, e o Presidente Floriano temia o futuro da República. No governo de Prudente de Morais foi assinado, na cidade de Dom Pedrito, a paz farroupilha, momento em que os maragatos de Silveira Martins e os Chimangos de Júlio de Castilhos apertaram as mãos: estava consolidade, de vez, a República. / The Federalist Revolution and the ideas of Parliamentarism start from the Political History of the Brazilian´s Empire. With the Republic\'s proclamation in 11.15.1889, the political and social life changed substantially. The state form stopped being unitary to be federative, the government system stopped being parlamentarism to be presidentialism, the government form stopped being a monarchy to be a republic. Such reformations, leaded by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and by Benjamin Constant created great expectations in the Brazilian people. All the evils of the empire protruded in the republic. Over time, the people started to understand, inchmeal, that the old evils that haunted the empire, also prowled the republican life. The electoral system and the poll reformations do not assured full democracy, so that Deodoro and his cronies achieved, artificially, majority in the 1891´s constituent. The voter registration was wrought, the great naturalization favored the historic republicans, as the nation´s will distinguished increasingly from the will of the republic proclaimers. The social and political instability was accompanied by the economic debacle. The constant issuance of paper money, the gambling on the stock exchange, the encilhamento, the change from the slave work by the free work, the substitution of the old empire´s liberal and conservative politicians by the republic´s beardless youth, all of them lacking experience, without knowledge of the public service, started to manage the public life in the diferent states of the Brazilian federation. The republican´s youth wing, occupying important administrative and governmental positions, created confusion, causing rage by the traditional forces of the empire. The Rio Grande do Sul´s state, for instance, under the Brazilians Provisional government, had no less than six governors. There was a complete political instability. The revolutionary diathesis foreshadowed armed uprisings in few days. Paraphrasing D. Pedro, Deodoro abandoned the power, in the moment in which signs the emancipation decree of the true Brazi´s slave. The vice president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, assumes the power, and provides political support to the Rio Grande do Sul´s state´s governor, Mr. Júlio de Castilhos. They both allied against the Gaspar Silveira Martins´s liberator army, which had returned from the exile and founded the Rio Grande do Sul´s Federalist Party, in the Bagé´s Congress, to oppose Júlio de Castilhos ´s authoritarian govern. Then happened one of the bloodiest wars of our history. The Federalist Revolution was a fratricidal war, that killed over ten thousand men. These revolutionaries, intellectually leaded by Gaspar Silveira Martins and military commanded by General Joca Tavares, Gumercindo Saraiva e Aparício Saraiva, waged war in three states of the federation (RS, SC and PR), making the republic tremble. In certain moments, the revolution seemed to gain national contours, and the President Floriano feared for the future of the Republic. In the Prudente de Morais presidential government was signed, in the town of Dom Pedrito, the farroupilha peace, when the Silveira Martins´s maragatos and the Júlio de Castilhos´s chimangos shaked hands: the Republic was consolidated, once and for all.

O federalismo conhece, na experiência moderna, diversas formações e conformações, segundo a ideologia que o permeia e a necessidade histórica que o explica e que o implica. Embora não seja possível falar em um modelo puro ou autêntico de federalismo, há uma característica que lhe é essencial, cuja falta negaria sua própria razão de ser: a coexistência, sob o mesmo poder soberano, de duas ou mais sociedades políticas dotadas de estatalidade. A estatalidade é informada pela existência de um poder político de inaugurar determinada ordem jurídica. No Estado dito unitário, trata-se da soberania. No Estado dito federativo, a soberania convive com o poder político dos Estados federados - a autonomia federativa. Assim como a soberania, a autonomia federativa é um poder político constituinte, mas, ao contrário daquela, é também poder político constituído (competência), limitado pelo poder soberano. A autonomia federativa implica, ainda, a competência para constituir competências políticas e governamentais. Tais limites são postos pelo poder soberano na Constituição do Estado federativo, que define o grau de autonomia federativa. Esse poder tem sofrido oscilações ao longo das Constituições republicanas brasileiras, havendo, em todas elas, considerável disparidade entre a autonomia federativa formal (que o texto revela) e a autonomia federativa real (que se pratica), causada, sobretudo, pelo antagonismo dos interesses políticos e econômicos que determinam, em última instância, a descentralização político-governamental. A presente tese propõe a conceituação e a delimitação da autonomia federativa formal no Direito Constitucional brasileiro posto pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 / Federalism has had, in the modern experience, different frames and meanings, according to the ideology embedded into it and the historical necessity that explains and implies it. Although it is not possible to advocate a pure or authentic model for federalism, there is an essential feature, whose absence would deny its own reason for being: the coexistence, under the same sovereign power, of two or more political societies with statehood. Statehood is constituted by a political power capable to create a particular legal order. In so-called unitary states, such political power is the sovereignty. In federal states, the sovereignty of nation-state coexists with the political power of federated states - the federative autonomy. Like sovereignty, federative autonomy is a constitutional-political power. However, in contrast to the former, federative autonomy is also constituted political power (competence), limited by the sovereign power. The federative autonomy also implies the competence to establish political and governmental powers. These limits are set by the sovereign power in the Constitution of the federal state, which defines the degree of federative autonomy. Such power has oscillated along the Brazilian republican constitutions. All of them revealed considerable disparity between the formal federative autonomy (which the legal text provides) and the real federative autonomy (which is practiced), which was caused, mainly, by the antagonism between political and economic interests. Such interests ultimately determine political and governmental decentralization. This dissertation advocates the conceptualization and delimitation of formal federative autonomy in the Brazilian Constitutional Law set forth by the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil.

O federalismo conhece, na experiência moderna, diversas formações e conformações, segundo a ideologia que o permeia e a necessidade histórica que o explica e que o implica. Embora não seja possível falar em um modelo puro ou autêntico de federalismo, há uma característica que lhe é essencial, cuja falta negaria sua própria razão de ser: a coexistência, sob o mesmo poder soberano, de duas ou mais sociedades políticas dotadas de estatalidade. A estatalidade é informada pela existência de um poder político de inaugurar determinada ordem jurídica. No Estado dito unitário, trata-se da soberania. No Estado dito federativo, a soberania convive com o poder político dos Estados federados - a autonomia federativa. Assim como a soberania, a autonomia federativa é um poder político constituinte, mas, ao contrário daquela, é também poder político constituído (competência), limitado pelo poder soberano. A autonomia federativa implica, ainda, a competência para constituir competências políticas e governamentais. Tais limites são postos pelo poder soberano na Constituição do Estado federativo, que define o grau de autonomia federativa. Esse poder tem sofrido oscilações ao longo das Constituições republicanas brasileiras, havendo, em todas elas, considerável disparidade entre a autonomia federativa formal (que o texto revela) e a autonomia federativa real (que se pratica), causada, sobretudo, pelo antagonismo dos interesses políticos e econômicos que determinam, em última instância, a descentralização político-governamental. A presente tese propõe a conceituação e a delimitação da autonomia federativa formal no Direito Constitucional brasileiro posto pela Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 / Federalism has had, in the modern experience, different frames and meanings, according to the ideology embedded into it and the historical necessity that explains and implies it. Although it is not possible to advocate a pure or authentic model for federalism, there is an essential feature, whose absence would deny its own reason for being: the coexistence, under the same sovereign power, of two or more political societies with statehood. Statehood is constituted by a political power capable to create a particular legal order. In so-called unitary states, such political power is the sovereignty. In federal states, the sovereignty of nation-state coexists with the political power of federated states - the federative autonomy. Like sovereignty, federative autonomy is a constitutional-political power. However, in contrast to the former, federative autonomy is also constituted political power (competence), limited by the sovereign power. The federative autonomy also implies the competence to establish political and governmental powers. These limits are set by the sovereign power in the Constitution of the federal state, which defines the degree of federative autonomy. Such power has oscillated along the Brazilian republican constitutions. All of them revealed considerable disparity between the formal federative autonomy (which the legal text provides) and the real federative autonomy (which is practiced), which was caused, mainly, by the antagonism between political and economic interests. Such interests ultimately determine political and governmental decentralization. This dissertation advocates the conceptualization and delimitation of formal federative autonomy in the Brazilian Constitutional Law set forth by the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil.