This research investigates organisational capabilities and cultures of both partners as potential explanatory factors of co-operative R&D projects outcomes. Contributions to theory are (1) a justification for the existence of organisational capabilities and 'world views', (2) a parsimonious typology of 'world views' and (3) a method to measure organisational capabilities. The survey covers 514 projects in the electronics industry, in Germany, France, the United Kingdom and Finland. It obtains 120 full answers, each of which coupling responses from a matched pair of project managers having co-operated on the same R&D project. The survey refers to the organisation's capabilities, to those of the partner, to its 'world view', and to project outcomes. None of the traditional explanatory factors (geographic distance, difference in nationality, size or legal status, strategic compatibility) has any significant influence on any of the outcomes being studied (save one). The explanatory factors introduced by the research (organisational capabilities and 'world views') have a significant influence on almost all outcomes being considered of the co-operative R&D projects: attainment of concrete results, compliance with budget and schedule, creation and transfer of knowledge, learning (modification of capabilities). Cultural diversity, 'absorptive capacity', and teaching effects, selective according to the capability in question, are evidenced. Commonalities between partners are shown to be more important than distance. These results validate empirically organisational capabilities and 'world views' as descriptors of inter-organisational capabilities, and their operationalisation.

Ämnesområdet avhandlar svenskt, finskt, danskt och norskt bistånd (säkerhetsfrämjande stöd) till de baltiska länderna Estland, Lettland och Litauen under perioden 1991-2001. Undersökningen omfattar främst den säkerhetspolitiska målsättning som respektive nordiskt land har haft för sitt stöd till respektive baltiskt land under 1991-2001. Syftet är att  analysera de fyra nordiska ländernas individuella säkerhetspolitiska  målsättningar och därigenom se om de fyra nordiska aktörerna verkligen är så koordinerade i sitt stöd som de övergripande målsättningarna kan ge sken av? Uppträder de fyra nordiska länderna som den koordinerade aktör som man ibland kan få uppfattningen av? Eller är det så att de i verkligheten agerar som fyra separata aktörer? Som modell för att analysera det nordiska ländernas stöd har det vidare säkerhetsbegreppet för staten använts. / The purpose of this essay came out of a study of the Nordic Countries’ security-policy goals for their individual support programmes towards Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, between the years of 1991-2001. It is easy to believe that the four Nordic Countries are acting in a co-ordinated way in their aims to support the Baltic States. That belief arises from the fairly similar overall security-policy aims connecting their support towards the Baltic States. There are also several other areas in which the Nordic Countries are known to co-operate, for example, the Nordic Council of Ministers, where the Nordic Countries co-ordinate their policies. Therefore I felt the need to analyse if there was a possibility, that they were acting as one co-ordinated actor or if they actually were four separate actors. The reason for the chosen period of time is that it is pointless to analyse the support when the Baltic States were under Russian rule. The liberation from Russia came in 1991 for the Baltic States. And since the Russian withdrawal from the Baltic States the window was suddenly set wide open for support to the newly independent states. The end date 2001 is chosen because of the need to verify the different projects in that period and I don’t intend to study future events in this essay.  The disposition of this essay is as follows: I have extracted the necessary information from each Nordic Country’s security-policy for the support towards the Baltic States and then compared it to six different themes. The themes are connected in a model, which describes the wider security concept for the nation state. The comparison is made so as to see how the Nordic Countries differ in this concept and between the six different themes. Each chapter is connected to one theme and ends with a summary and conclusions. All these conclusions and parts of the summary are then analysed in the final chapter, where all themes are compared over the stated period of time and conclusions are drawn according to the questions posed in the essay. There were a number of conclusions made in the last chapter that show the following. For a start, I would like to comment on the specific programmes made by the Nordic Countries. They differ in length, layout and if they handle one specific Baltic State or all three together. Sweden, Denmark and Norway have gone towards individual programmes for each Baltic State, but Finland holds onto a common programme for all three Baltic States. Another thing is that Finland strongly supports mainly one Baltic State, namely Estonia. That priority is not so evident among the other Nordic Countries. On the financial side, Norway provides 1/5 of the Swedish and Danish and ½ of the Finish contributions. But the strongest proof of the discrepancy between the Nordic Countries can be seen in the analysis of the different themes. One example of many is Sweden’s recently started export of war material for three reduced brigades. No other Nordic Country has that policy and support. The Finns are reducing their support to the Baltic States and terminate this in 2005. My conclusion is that when you closely analyse the Nordic Countries’ support towards The Baltic States, it is evident that they are acting as four separate players even if they seem co-ordinated in their overall aims. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 99-01

This thesis aims to analyze the evolution of the security policies of Finland and Sweden within the European Union (EU) with a comparative perspective. The main argument of this thesis is that increasing European integration in the field of security and defense may lead to adaptations and modifications in the security policy formulations of two militarily non-allied EU member states, Finland and Sweden. However, the nature and extent of these adaptations will depend on each state&rsquo / s own security policy perspective and own perception of the ongoing European security integration. This thesis seeks answers to questions such as &ldquo / How does the policy of non-participation in military alliances affect these countries&rsquo / standpoints and their participation in general in the EU&rsquo / s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), and in the Common European Security and Defence Policy (CESDP)?,&rdquo / &ldquo / How do Finland and Sweden interpret and apply this policy perspective within the CFSP, and in the CESDP?&rdquo / and &ldquo / What does membership of the EU imply for the policies of the militarily non-allied countries?.&rdquo / This thesis consists of nine chapters. The second chapter gives the conceptual framework of this thesis. The third chapter focuses on the evolution of their neutrality policies until the Second World War while the fourth one presents the evolution of their security policies from the Second World War until the end of the Cold War. The fifth chapter covers the transition period from their neutrality policy to their EU membership, while the sixth chapter focuses on the evolution of their security policies especially within the CESDP. The seventh chapter draws attention to their new security policy agenda and the eighth chapter presents the comparative analysis of their security policies in the EU. The ninth, and concluding chapter, offers an overall comparative perspective about the respective security policy profiles of the two countries within the EU. This thesis has reached the conclusion that owing to their different histories, geopolitical positions and security policy concerns during the Cold War, their ways of adapting to the changes within the EU were inclined to be different too. Even though their entry to the EU in 1995 may be accepted as the starting-point for the potential future convergence of their security policies, the similarities in their security policy considerations do not outweigh the differences for the time being.

Finland is officially a bilingual country, with Finnish and Swedish as national languages. FinlandSwedes constitute about 6% of the population. This study treats Finland Swedish in relation to Swedish in Sweden, on the one hand, and, onthe other hand, to Finnish. The main question is whether Finland Swedish should be regarded asa variety on a par with regional varieties in Sweden, which presupposes a common written standard, or as a more independent standard language. A corpus of 289 school essays written by compulsory- and upper-secondary-school students inFinland has been compared with school essays written by Swedes in Sweden. The number of provincial features in the essays provide a quantitative measure of the regional and age-related variation among the students. The purpose of the study is to determine whether the two groups of students are developing inthe same direction, toward a common supra-regional standard language in which provincialismsare rare. My hypothesis has been that the Finland-Swedish essays will reflect a different standardlanguage than in Sweden, which would imply that several of the so-called provincialisms belongto an implicit Finland-Swedish written standard. The results indicate that the upper-secondary students, just as in Sweden, use fewer provincialfeatures than do compulsory school students. Students from bilingual municipalities use more Finlandisms than do their cohorts who reside in more Swedish-speaking environments. In generalthese Finlandisms are more closely related to Finnish than to dialects of Swedish, which meansthat the provincialisms of the Finland-Swedish students are in many cases different in nature fromthose of their Swedish counterparts in Sweden. A comparison between Finland-Swedish studentsand Swedish students in Sweden indicates that the students in Finland use more provincialisms, onthe one hand, and, on the other hand, continue to use them at the upper-secondary level as well,which is rare among Swedish students in Sweden. The conclusion is that in a certain sense Finland Swedish can be regarded as an independentstandard language developed out of the interplay with its own dialects and with Finnish. However,regionally varied influence from Sweden, combined with active language-preservation measuresin cooperation with Swedish language planning bodies in Sweden, ensures that Finlandisms, especially in professional expository prose, are normally few in number and can be regarded as negligible, even by Swedish readers in Sweden.

Depuis les années 1980, la formation des enseignants a fait l’objet de réformes majeures dans la plupart des sociétés développées, souvent en étant directement articulée à un processus de «professionnalisation» (Tardif, Lessard & Gauthier, 1998). La professionnalisation de l’enseignement est aujourd’hui considérée comme un mouvement international (OCDE, 2005). Dans cette recherche de maîtrise, nous analysons la mise en œuvre de la professionnalisation et son articulation à l’organisation des programmes de formation des enseignants du primaire dans deux contextes : Finlande et Québec. L’intérêt d’une comparaison du Québec avec la Finlande découle des enquêtes PISA 2000, 2003, et 2006, qui ont permis de faire reconnaître le système éducatif finlandais comme l’exemple d’un système performant qui combine avec succès la qualité, l’équité et la cohésion sociale (Sahlberg, 2007). Or, parmi les nombreuses raisons présentées pour expliquer ce succès, une des plus importantes serait la formation des enseignants. En Finlande les enseignants réalisent une formation initiale de 5 ans. Mais au Québec les enseignants sont aussi hautement éduqués : ils réalisent une formation universitaire de 4 ans après deux années d’études pré-universitaires. Dans les deux contextes, les enseignants complètent 17 ans de scolarité. Quelles sont les similitudes et les différences entre les programmes de formation des enseignants du primaire en Finlande et au Québec? Comment et en quoi ce processus de professionnalisation, comme tendance internationale, a-t-il marqué les systèmes de formation d’enseignants finlandais et québécois ? Peut-on dégager, à partir de cette comparaison, des éléments d’un système de formation à l’enseignement de meilleure qualité pour le Québec? / Since the 1980s, teacher education has undergone major reforms in most developed societies, often directly connected to a process of "professionalization" (Tardif, Lessard & Gauthier, 1998). The professionalization of teaching is now considered an international movement (OECD, 2005). In this MA research thesis, we analyze the implementation of professionalization and its connection to the organization of primary school teachers training programs in two contexts: Finland and Quebec. The interest of such a comparison between Finland and Quebec comes from the PISA 2000, 2003 and 2006 results, which brought to light the recognition of the Finnish education system as an example of a well-performing system that successfully combines quality, equity and social cohesion (Sahlberg, 2007). Among the many reasons presented to explain this success, one of the most important would be highly educated teachers. In Finland, teachers complete a 5 years initial training program. But in Quebec teachers are also highly educated: they take a 4 years initial training program, after 2 years of pre-university studies. In both contexts, teachers complete 17 years of schooling. What are the similarities and differences between the primary school teachers training programs in Finland and Quebec? How and in what way has this process of professionalization, as an international trend, influenced the teacher training systems in Finland and Quebec? Can we identify, from this comparison, the elements of a teacher training system of greater quality for Quebec? / Desde los años 1980, la formación de docentes ha sido objeto de importantes reformas en la mayoría de sociedades desarrolladas, reformas a menudo directamente ligadas a un proceso de “profesionalización” (Tardif, Lessard & Gauthier, 1998). La profesionalización de la docencia es hoy en día considerada como un movimiento internacional (OCDE, 2005). En esta investigación de maestría, analizamos la implementación de la profesionalización y su relación con la organización de programas de formación de docentes de primaria en dos contextos: Finlandia y Quebec. El interés de una comparación de Quebec con Finlandia surge a partir de las encuestas PISA 2000, 2003, y 2006, cuyos resultados permitieron el reconocimiento del sistema educativo finlandés como ejemplo de un sistema de buen funcionamiento que combina exitosamente la calidad, la equidad y la cohesión social (Sahlberg, 2007). Entre las múltiples razones presentadas para explicar el éxito finlandés, una de las más importantes sería que los docentes son altamente preparados. En Finlandia, los docentes realizan una formación inicial de 5 años. Pero en Quebec los docentes también son altamente preparados: éstos realizan una formación de 4 años, luego de completar dos años de estudios pre-universitarios. En los dos contextos, los docentes completan 17 años de escolaridad. ¿Cuáles son las similitudes y diferencias entre los programas de formación de docentes de primaria en Finlandia y Quebec? ¿Cómo y en qué este proceso de profesionalización, como tendencia internacional, marcó los sistemas de formación de docentes en Finlandia y Quebec? ¿Se pueden identificar, a partir de esta comparación, los elementos de un sistema de formación docente de mejor calidad para Quebec?

The aim of this thesis is to gain improved understanding of the income convergence between Finland and Sweden 1950-2000 with a focus on catch-up growth, wage formation, productivity growth, migration and structural change in a setting of structural and institutional differences on the factor markets. Earlier studies of Finnish and Swedish convergence has overlooked the international perspective and therefore missed the general European – US convergence during the period. The results shows that Sweden converged to 80 percent of the US productivity level in the early 1970s and is following US productivity growth thereafter. The Finnish catch-up growth towards the US continues until the beginning of the 1990s. This corresponds well with the convergence of labour productivity between Finland and Sweden which took place around 1970 and the gap was closed in the beginning of the 1990s. The convergence between the countries can therefore be understood from the catch-up growth against the USA and if the countries growth rates are plotted against their income level 1950 one can see that the two countries are well in line with other West European countries. This means that either country is deviating in a positive or negative direction during the period. This is to some extent in contrast with the view that has been put forward in the countries national economic historical writing where Finland is often since as a growth miracle while Sweden especially since 1970s is seen as a case of falling behind.      In order to explain the convergence scenario structural and institutional differences on the countries factor markets is examined. One aspect concerns Barry Eichengreens hypothesis regarding wage moderation as cause of the Post-War European convergence. The wage setting system in Sweden has been put forward by Eichengreen as a raw model for the type of institutional setting that would promote wage moderation. One central finding in this thesis is that we can not find support for wage moderation for Sweden as the labour share of the national income rises during the phase of Swedish catch-up growth while the labour income share was constant and periodically falling in Finland. In contrast with the view of the Finnish low interest rate policy during the post- the actual real interest rate was lower in Sweden.      There has also been a significant migration flow from Finland to Sweden especially from the 1950s to mid 1970s.  In the thesis we find a positive and significant relationship between wage and productivity differences on industry level between the countries. This supports the conclusion that migration was leading towards factor price convergence between the countries.      The shift-share analysis shows that there were higher gains for the productivity growth in reallocating labour on the Finnish labour market than in Sweden. This could be explained by the higher share of the labour in the agricultural sector as predicted by Peter Temin.

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet. / Summary in German, abstract in English. Includes indexes. Includes bibliographical references (p. [531]-538).

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet. / Summary in German, abstract in English. Includes indexes. Includes bibliographical references (p. [531]-538).

Thesis (doctoral)--University of Helsinki, 1983. / Leaf with thesis statement and English abstract inserted. Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. [410]-437).

À partir des années 1990 la reconnaissance est de plus en plus souvent un mot d’ordre des mobilisations de groupes professionnels. Aujourd’hui, les sociologues du travail s’approprient de nouveau cette notion aux origines ambivalentes, après les travaux de R. Sainsaulieu et de P. Bernoux de la fin des années 1980. Les entretiens menés auprès de salariés en France montrent que les attentes de reconnaissance se déploient en quatre registres, l’activité, les relations, la récompense et la personne. Le découpage de l’activité et l’intensification du travail empêchent l’exercice de soi et le sentiment d’utilité dans l’activité, dans un contexte où la crainte de la précarité confine le plus souvent les plaintes au niveau individuel. Une comparaison entre des ingénieurs en France et en Finlande fait ressortir la mesure du temps de travail comme condition de la reconnaissance de la contribution et de la vie hors travail. Les analyses menées sur l’Enquête européenne sur les conditions de travail 2010 confirment la structure des attentes de reconnaissance pour les salariés du secteur privé en France bien que celle-ci varie dans le reste de l’Europe. Enfin, un modèle de médiation- modération souligne le rôle déterminant de la reconnaissance dans la construction de la santé au travail, notamment lorsqu’une plus grande implication est attendue des salariés. / Since the 1990’s, recognition has taken on greater importance as a watchword for mobilization by occupatio- nal groups. Nowadays, Labour sociologists have again appropriated this notion that has ambivalent origins, after R. Sainsaulieu and P. Bernoux’s works from the late 1980’s. Interviews carried out with employees from different firms in France show that recognition expectations open out into four categories, activity, relation- ships, reward and the person. The cutting up of activity and work intensification prevent the deployment of self-hood as well as the feeling of usefulness in a context where the lack of job security tends to limit complaints to the individual level. A comparison between engineers in France and in Finland emphasize working time measurement as a necessary condition for one’s contribution as well as time off work to be recognised. Factor analysis using the data of the European Working Conditions Survey 2010 confirm the structure of recognition expectations for French employees from the private sector, whereas it differs in the other European countries. Finally, the elaboration of a mediation-moderation model provides results that underline the key role of recognition in the building of health at work, notably when a greater involvement is expected from employees.