In October 2020 Peter Wolodarski, the editor-in-chief of the Swedish newspaper Dagens Nyheter (DN), announced that he wanted to improve the news coverage of the climate crisis. The aim of this study is to investigate whether DN has changed their way of reporting on the climate crisis through text and pictures within six months, and if so what those changes are. Framing theory is central in this study as it identifies the usage of generic and theme specific frames in DN’s articles. This is done by comparing all articles in September 2020 and March 2021 that contain the topic “climate crisis” published on their online service. The usage of pictures was also studied for additional context. In order to study this the methods qualitative text analysis and semiotic image analysis were used. To provide results the data then underwent a quantitative analysis as well as qualitative analysis.The findings of the study show that DN has shifted their usage of generic frames, meaning a change in which scale the climate crisis is portrayed, and an increased and widened usage of specific frames in their articles. However, the usage of pictures has not changed notably. In conclusion, does DN in fact seem to have changed their overall reporting on the climate crisis within the studied period. The study contribution is an added understanding of papers reporting on the clime crisis online as well as media’s usage of frames and how those can change in a relatively short period of time.

This essay will look into the relationship between an organization’s external crisis communication, in this case Swedbank’s communication, and the media’s use of for example agenda setting. The chosen organization is Swedbank because they have long been a target of the Swedish media. This relates to allegations that Swedbank was involved in money laundering. Two press releases on two different topics were used in the study. The topics will be discussed further down in the abstract.  Some of the media channels used in this essay were Aftonbladet and Expressen, which have a wide spread in the Swedish society and are known for publishing scandalous content. Other media channels that were examined are Dagens industri, Affärsvärlden and Realtid, which are more of business papers than newspapers. Despite the fact that Dagens industri occasionally publishes articles that are similar to those published by Aftonbladet and Expressen. SVT nyheter and Dagens nyheter were selected to represent a more typical newsreader.  The following questions are investigated in the essay: What are the differences between the information that the organization, in this case Swedbank, sends out versus what the different media channels report in their articles? What aspects of the organization’s crisis communication will the media focus on? The analysis investigated two different topics that had been covered in various ways by the media. The first topic was about how Swedbank admits that they had a flaw in their approach to dealing with risks of money laundering. The second topic was about Swedbank’s decision not to press charges against their former CEO. Overall the analysis found that the more business oriented media channels, Affärsvärlden, Realtid and Dagens industri, published nearly indentical information about the first topic as Swedbank. Although Realtid and Dagens industri were more critical of the second topic in their articles. Because Aftonbladet and Expressen wrote a large part about Swedbank’s former CEO, it can be seen as they wrote scandalously about the first topic. Expressen did not publish an article on the second topic, but Aftonbladet did and they focused on a more scandalous angle on the topic. Both Dagens nyheter and SVT nyheter reported information that was nearly identical to Swedbank’s press release. The conclusion of this essay is that the media will use an organization’s crisis communication if it’s interesting for their readers. Otherwise, the media channel will write what they believe will be most interesting to their readers.

Crowdfunding allows entrepreneurs and start-ups to raise capital through the use of online platforms as an alternative from traditional funding. During the process of launching a campaign, entrepreneurs are faced with multiple decisions regarding the content to upload. Among these, founders must decide the message framing to use in the campaign’s video pitch, which may influence the backers’ decision to fund a project. Drawing on a dataset of 70 projects from the technology category on Kickstarter, this research offers insights into the effect that message framing has on a campaign's funding success. In particular, emotional versus rational language is explored, as well as the type of project portrayal through a prototype and venture legitimation by providing team information. The findings suggest that the use of dominantly rational language in the video pitch increases odds of funding success. However, the portrayal of the project and venture legitimation were not found to increase funding success likelihood. The results discussed in this research may benefit entrepreneurs by shedding light into the effects that different message framings have on the funding achieved and thus providing some guidance for the choices to be made regarding the video pitch in a campaign.

1 REPERTOIRE OF INTERPRETATIVE FRAMEWORKS OF HELP FOR THE VICTIMS OF DOMESTIC VIOLANCE Abstract This thesis analyzes domestic violence theoretically and supports the hypotheses through empirical data. The Framing Theory is being widely used as a theoretical starting point and it is employed mainly to study the mobilization of social movements and organizations. A list of objectives of the theory is provided, usage of micromobilization processes is explained. This part concludes with a critique of the theory. A description of the current situation and solutions of domestic violence with a focus on the Czech Republic follows. The empirical component provides semi-structured interviews with three public sector professionals and two non-profit organizations, followed by an analysis of public statements of another non- profit organization. Both sectors perceive the current system as functional. They indicate the main problem is a lack of public awareness, including victims of domestic violence, and propose solutions to the problem. The disputes over the frames are hidden, and they are probably not realized by both of the sectors. The non-profit sector define the domestic violence more broadly and more about making change on a social level, not just individual.

Representations have a significant part in our everyday lives as they shape our understanding of the world and are related to the construction of knowledge and the formation of social relations between different cultural groups. Previous studies have questioned the objectivity of news media and representations and argued that representations are not as objective as they often claim to be. Conscious and unconscious choices such as what is to be emphasized, included, excluded, choices of words, examples, metaphors, the journalist's background and more are examples of what makes the neutrality and objectivity of news reporting questionable. This argument is further strengthened by emphasizing that news production and its consumption is neither isolated nor independent and is influenced by different levels of power. The production of news is therefore a complex interaction between different stakeholders that influence what is interesting and newsworthy to be published because in the end, news is a product to be sold. This study examines the geographical representation of North Korea in the news media with a frame perspective. Framing has in this study been interpreted as a way of representing and is understood as a framework that frames a news subject and sets the tone on how the news subject can be interpreted and understood by the receiver. The empirical data, collected from two Swedish and two South Korean digital newspapers from two time periods, April 2017 and April 2018, were analyzed using a combination of a frame analysis and a content analysis. The conclusion of this study is that there are to some extent differences on how the news media in Sweden and South Korea choose to frame North Korea. During the two time periods, the Swedish news medias makes generally a more negative representation of North Korea compared to the South Korean news medias. But overall are the frames used by the news media in both countries reflected by the situation in North Korea and the world.

Studies of journalism have predominantly focused on the West, neglecting large parts of the world including all parts of the Americas apart from the USA. Studying media in Mexico attempts to contribute to the de-Westernisation of media studies, since there is a clear research gap in the field. The Natural Resources Defence Council (2021) has warned that Mexico's retreat from international climate commitments is globally significant and notorious. This makes a study of journalistic representations of climate change and environmental issues relevant in an international perspective. The aim of this study is to analyze a series of articles collected in the digital newspapers Milenio and La Jornada whiting the scope of framing theory. Frames are organizing principles and they will be analyzed in the form of frequency as well as patterns of frame usage, taking as a guide some of the main modes of framing which scholars have pointed out, and by being open for framing categories that could be detected inductively in the material. The work carried in by the research attempts to shed some light on specific variables such as actors that are given voice in these digital outlets and the frames which are salient in the media coverage of climate change, as well as the events that trigger the coverage. The results of the study indicate that in Mexico, a country with its vital productive sectors deeply intertwined within North America and Latin America, the coverage on climate change relies highly on sources from abroad, especially on global news agencies.

This essay examines how responsibility and actions related to climate-related issues are framed inthe media. There is a gap between the public’s attitudes and their actions on climate issues, and this essay aims to broaden the understanding of said gap. The goal is to contribute to the understanding of the public’s reasoning and doxa regarding the responsibility for action on climate issues. The essay is comparative and analyses articles from 2018 and 2021 in four of Sweden’s biggest newspapers. The articles were published on the same day the IPCC reports were published. The IPCC reports are of critical importance to highlight the extent of the current climate crisis. Therefore, the reports contain actual news value and could both influence and contribute to the understanding of how we collectively reason around the necessary actions and responsibilities we bear in regard to the climate. The essay is based on framing theory, topostheory, and theory on doxa. The methods used are framing analysis and close textual reading. Theresults of this study give insight into the fact that the actors assigned responsibility are many and ambiguous. The ambiguous collective “we”, “Sweden” and “the rest of the world”, are the threeagents assigned most responsibility to act. The actions they are assigned are broad and mostly on a global scale, while there is a change of framing in the newspapers from 2018 to 2021. The impact of the framing on the collective doxa and the gap between attitudes and action arediscussed in the essay but more research is needed on the topic. The conclusion of this essay is that we as individuals tend to put a great deal of responsibility on others and the actions to be taken are too challenging for individuals to manage. This along with vague calls for action and a lack of connection between different agents’ actions and how they affect each other couldcontribute to an understanding of why we do not do more about climate-related issues.

Campaigns against risk factors for non-communicable diseases (NCDs) caused by smoking and obesity have become increasingly common on multiple levels of government, from the local to the international. Non-governmental actors have cooperated with government bodies to make policies. By analysing the policies of the World Trade Organization, the World Health Organization, the European Union, and the United Kingdom and United States governments, we identify how the struggles between public health advocates and commercial interests reached the global level, and how the relatively successful fight to ‘denormalize’ tobacco consumption has become a model for anti-obesity advocates. It highlights three factors important in policy change: framing the policy problem, the policymaking environment and ‘windows of opportunity’—to analyse the struggle between ‘harm regulation’ and ‘neoprohibition’ approaches to an international obesity prevention regime.

The purpose of this study is to examine right-wing alternative media's framing of politics. This is examined by applying a method based on the framing theory, called Issue, game and scandal. The material consists of political news articles from these media during the 2018 election campaign in Sweden (13 August to 9 September), which in turn are either classified as issue news, game news or scandal news. The study uses the following five sites: Samhällsnytt, Nya Tider, Samtiden, Nya Dagbladet and Nyhetsbyrån. The study shows that alternative right-wing media frame politics as a scandal most times, followed by game and then issue. The results from the study are then compared with traditional media's framing of politics during the same period of time, where it shows that alternative right-wing media frame politics as scandal to a much greater degree than traditional media do, and that issue and game framings occur significantly less often on alternative right-wing media. The study also tries to explain how the differences between alternative right-wing media and traditional media can be understood, where press ethics and populism seem to be the key attributes. / Syftet med denna uppsatsen är att undersöka alternativa högermediers gestaltning av politik. Detta undersöks genom att applicera en metod som baseras på gestaltningsteorin - Sak, spel och skandal. Materialet består av politiska nyhetsartiklar från dessa medier under den svenska valrörelsen 2018 (13 augusti till 9 september), som i sin tur antingen klassificeras som saknyhet, spelnyhet eller skandalnyhet. I undersökningen används följande fem sajter: Samhällsnytt, Nya Tider, Samtiden, Nya Dagbladet och Nyhetsbyrån. Undersökningen visar att alternativa högermedier gestaltar politik som skandal flest gånger, följt av spel och sen sak. Resultatet från undersökningen jämförs sedan med traditionella mediers gestaltning av politik under samma tidsperiod, där det framgår att alternativa högermedier gestaltar politik som skandal i betydligt högre grad än vad traditionella medier gör, samt att sak- och spelgestaltningar förekommer betydligt färre gånger på alternativa högermedier. Dessutom redogörs det för hur skillnaderna mellan alternativa högermedier och traditionella medier kan förstås, där pressetik och populism bidrar med förklaringen.

As the 2016 Brexit referendum was an election largely decided by the use of language, there was merit in examining how the Leave campaign had managed to be successful. Therefore, this study asks how one of the leave campaign's main figure heads, Boris Johnson, used metaphors to frame the relationship between Britain and the EU. In addition, the ascribed conceptual role of each party was investigated. To determine this, the metaphorical framing in a pivotal speech was examined by using conceptual metaphor theory. Firstly, several linguistic metaphors were identified by using an established metaphor identification process. After careful analysis, two separate patterns in these metaphors were found and subsequently, suitable conceptual metaphors were suggested. The one relating to the relationship between Britain and the EU was proposed as AUTONOMY IS FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT. In other words, there were several linguistic metaphors exhibiting the conceptual pattern that the EU restricted Britain's freedom of movement and that this described the more abstract notion of Britain's lack of autonomy. Thus, in his speech, Boris Johnson conveyed the idea that there was an imbalance of power weighted in favour of the EU. The second conceptual metaphor, which denotes the role of the EU, was proposed as THE EU IS A MACHINE. This implies that the EU is an emotionless, non-sentient and thoughtless operation that does not inspire warmth or a sense of belonging. This pattern was not as solid as the restriction of movement pattern but other, corroborating, evidence was found. Finally, the role of Britain in the speech was not referred to using metaphors but by personal pronouns, first-person plural. This achieves the opposite effect to the conceptual metaphor THE EU IS A MACHINE. Hence, by repeatedly using we and us when referencing Britain, Boris Johnson humanises the country as he tries to foster a group feeling, a sense of togetherness. These findings highlight how politicians use the tools of linguistics to influence the electorate. Britain's unexpected exit out of the European Union had a huge impact on millions of people so it is crucial to understand how the Leave campaign had managed to swing the vote in their favour. This study shines a light on some of the techniques used to win the referendum.