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No. of bitstreams: 1 ribeiro_ln_me_prud.pdf: 5642388 bytes, checksum: 356d5a6d92a77d7a71c04c45afa66d37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / La Vía Campesina foi oficialmente criada em 1993, em Mons na Bélgica, e surgiu como resposta às políticas econômicas na agricultura que marginalizavam os camponeses. Sem uma representação oficial dos camponeses as decisões na agricultura desrespeitavam o interesse dos trabalhadores rurais. A partir disso, milhares de camponeses se reuniram e objetivaram criar um movimento mundial de camponeses. O objetivo do movimento é estabelecer uma articulação, comunicação e uma coordenação de atividades em comum na escala mundial e regional. Dessa forma, esse movimento internacional, articulador de outros movimentos camponeses, é sem dúvida, considerado como um processo novo e surpreendente nos levando a questionar as condições históricas que culminaram na organização e a forma de organização. Atualmente, La Vía Campesina é o principal movimento camponês no cenário internacional totalizando a articulação de 164 movimentos de 73 países, com um total de 200 milhões de camponeses, pequenos e médios produtores, povos sem-terras, indígenas, migrantes e trabalhadores agrícolas. Suas ações e propostas confrontam os centros de decisão política na agricultura, como a OMC (Organização Mundial do Comércio), a Organização das Nações Unidas para Alimentação e Agricultura (FAO), o Banco Mundial, as empresas transnacionais do agronegócio (como Monsanto, Syngenta, etc.) e ONGs e movimentos não camponeses, como a Federação Internacional dos Produtores Agrícolas (IFAP). Seu tema principal envolve a política hegemônica da agricultura, tornando-se interlocutor de temas e reivindicações como reforma agrária, soberania alimentar, soberania energética, gênero, biodiversidade, direitos humanos e agricultura camponesa sustentável. Em escala nacional o movimento articulador é composto pelo Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas (MMC), Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores (MPA), Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT), Federação dos Estudantes de Agronomia do Brasil (FEAB), Pastoral da Juventude Rural (PJR), Coordenação Nacional das Comunidades Quilombolas (CONAQ) e Movimento de Pescadores e Pescadoras Artesanais (MPP). O objetivo desta pesquisa é compreender a formação da Via Campesina e articulação do movimento e de suas Ações Territoriais no Brasil / La Vía Campesina was officially established in 1993 in Mons in Belgium, and came as a response to economic policies in agriculture that marginalized peasants. Without an official representation of peasants the decisions in agriculture disregarded the interests of rural workers. From this, thousands of peasants gathered and aimed to create a global movement of peasants. The aim of the movement is to establish a joint communication and joint activities of coordination in global and regional scale. Thus, this international movement, articulator of other peasant movements, is undoubtedly considered as an amazing new process leading us to question the historical conditions that led to the organization and form of organization. Currently, La Vía Campesina is the main peasant movement in the international arena totaling articulation of 164 movements from 73 countries, with a total of 200 million peasants, small and medium-sized producers, landless people, indigenous people, migrants and agricultural workers. His actions and proposals confront the political decision-making centers in agriculture, such as the WTO, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), the World Bank, transnational agribusiness companies (such as Monsanto, Syngenta, etc.) and NGOs and not peasants movements, such as the International Federation of Agricultural Producers (IFAP). His outstanding issues involving the hegemonic policy of agriculture, becoming party themes and claims as agrarian reform, food sovereignty, energy sovereignty, gender, biodiversity, human rights, sustainable peasant agriculture. On a national scale the members consists of the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST), Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas (MMC), Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores (MPA), Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT), Federação dos Estudantes de Agronomia do Brasil (FEAB), Pastoral da Juventude Rural (PJR), Coordenação Nacional das Comunidades Quilombolas (CONAQ) and the Movimento de Pescadores e Pescadoras Artesanais (MPP). The objective of this research is to understand the formation of Via Campesina in Brazil and joint movement and its territorial Shares in Brazil.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O trabalho tem por objetivo articular uma defesa da teoria de justiça distributiva de John Rawls, considerando-se, para tal, as mudanças que o autor efetuou em sua teoria de justiça como equidade. Assim, a pesquisa tomará como base não somente o critério de justiça distributiva que se consolidou em Uma Teoria de Justiça, através do princípio da diferença, mas também avaliará de que forma este ideal continua presente nos textos posteriores do autor: O Liberalismo Político e O Direito dos Povos. Para tal, o estudo retomará as críticas cosmopolitas à proposta de internacionalização da teoria de justiça como equidade e, à luz destas, apresentará uma defesa do projeto de Rawls, evidenciando elementos do mesmo que estão alinhados ao projeto de justiça distributiva e sugerindo que sua proposta teórica é coerente com as premissas de Uma Teoria de Justiça, apesar de o princípio da diferença não estar presente entre os princípios fundamentais que devem ser estabelecidos entre os povos. Logo, trata-se também de uma proposta interpretativa que se vincula à compreensão (minoritária) de que as mudanças teóricas efetuadas por Rawls em sua teoria não a tornaram incompatível com seu projeto originário estabelecido em Uma Teoria de Justiça. / This study aims to defend John Rawlss theoretical approach to distributive justice based on the changes that he made to his theory of justice as fairness. Therefore the research considers not only Rawlss criterion of distributive justice as it was laid out on A Theory of Justice by the difference principle but also proposes to consider how the criterion can be understood in his later work, mainly The Law of Peoples. Contrary to what is commonly held by the cosmopolitan criticism of Rawlss later work, this study argues that Rawls proposes a feasible theoretical framework to deal with problems of justice on the international sphere and will justify within Rawlss theory his motivation for not employing the difference principle as one of the principles that should hold between peoples. To do so, it will be necessary to review the main changes that Rawls made to his theory as well as consider the cosmopolitan challenges that argue for a radically egalitarian criterion of distributive justice on an international sphere, such as the difference principle. Accordingly, this study will side with an understanding of Rawlss theory as a project that kept its main ideas notwithstanding the many changes Rawls made to his theory in the effort of trying to solve some of the inconsistencies that he recognized in A Theory of Justice.

In this paper I compare and critically evaluate Sreenivasan’s and Pogge’s conceptions of global justice. While Sreenivasan holds that all the currently existing theories of global justice agree that wealthy countries should transfer at least a portion of their wealth to the poor, Pogge claims that all the currently existing theories of global justice agree that wealthy countries should stop harming poor ones in the first place. In this paper I shall try to show (i) that Sreenivasan’s proposal, as presented in his articles, is broad enough to be acceptable by some international distributive justice theories, but not all of them, (ii) that Pogge’s proposal is broader than Sreenivasan, in the sense that it aims to gain support from all the different conceptions of international distributive justice, but it depends on the claim that developed countries are currently harming the global poor—a claim that I will try to defend–, and (iii) that Pogge’s and Sreenivasan’s view are compatible. In fact, if Sreenivasan added Pogge’s central claim of his argument to his own proposal, the scope of theories that he could gain support from would be much broader. / En este artículo comparo y evalúo críticamente las concepciones sobre la justicia global de Sreenivasan y Pogge. Mientras Sreenivasan sostiene que todas las teorías sobre la justicia global actualmente existentes concuerdan en que los países ricos deberían transferir al menos una porción de sus riquezas a los pobres, Pogge reclama que todas las teorías sobre la justicia global concuerdan en que los países ricos deberían dejar de dañar a los pobres en primer lugar. En este artículo, trataré de mostrar (i) que la propuesta de Sreenivasan, como es presentada en sus artículos, es lo suficientemente amplia como para ser aceptable para algunas teorías de justicia internacional distributiva, pero no para todas ellas; (ii) que la propuesta de Pogge es más amplia que la de Sreenivasan, en el sentido de que aspira a obtener sustento en todas las diversas concepciones de justicia internacional distributiva,pero depende de la afirmación de que los países desarrollados dañan actualmentea la pobreza global –una afirmación que intentaré defender–; y (iii) que la visión de Pogge y Sreenivasan son compatibles. De hecho, si Sreenivasan asumiera la afirmación central del argumento de Pogge en su propia propuesta, el alcance delas teorías desde las que él podría ganar sustento sería mucho más amplio.

No description available.

Le contexte actuel de la distribution des soins de santé se caractérise par la présence d’inégalités frappantes en termes d’accès aux médicaments ou autres technologies thérapeutiques (appareils ou tests de diagnostic) à l’échelle mondiale. Cette distribution dépend de plusieurs facteurs politiques, sociaux, économiques, scientifiques et éthiques. Parmi les facteurs importants, l’innovation dans les milieux biomédical et pharmaceutique participe activement à l’établissement et à l’exacerbation des inégalités en santé mondiale. Dans cette thèse, nous présentons une étude basée sur le cas des technologies issues de la pharmacogénomique. Il est proposé que ces technologies soient susceptibles d’avoir un impact positif sur la santé publique à l’échelle mondiale en révolutionnant le modèle de développement et de distribution du médicament. Nous avons réalisé une évaluation du potentiel qu’offre l’application de ces technologies dans les domaines de la recherche biomédicale et pharmaceutique pour les populations des pays à faible et à moyen revenu. Nous démontrons que les efforts en recherche dans le domaine de la pharmacogénomique sont essentiellement dirigés vers les maladies affectant les populations des pays à revenu élevé. Par cela, le développement de la recherche dans ce domaine réplique le modèle du ratio 90/10 des inégalités en santé mondiale, où 90 % des médicaments produits accommode seulement 10 % de la population mondiale – soit celle des pays à revenu élevé. Il appert que le potentiel d’utilisation des technologies issues de la pharmacogénomique pour les populations des pays à faible et à moyen revenu nécessite alors une redéfinition des rôles et des responsabilités des acteurs en santé mondiale (les gouvernements, les organisations gouvernementales et non gouvernementales internationales et les compagnies pharmaceutiques). Nous proposons que cette redéfinition des rôles et des responsabilités des différents acteurs passe par l’adoption d’un cadre réflexif basé sur les principes éthiques de la justice, de l’équité et de la solidarité dans le développement de la recherche et l’implantation des nouvelles technologies -omiques. / Stricking inequalities characterize the current global context in drug development and distribution, raising serious concerns of justice in global health. These global health issues result from political, social, economic, scientific and ethical factors, amongst which the development of new technologies can contribute to increased inequalities across and within populations. Pharmacogenomics knowledge and technologies, which couple genomics information with pharmaceutical drug response, have been promised to revolutionize both drug development and prescription worldwide. In this way, pharmacogenomic technologies promise to increase justice in global health, by incentivizing public research laboratories and pharmaceutical companies to develop drugs for populations (e.g., in low and middle-income countries) that have been neglected by the traditional drug development model. In this thesis, we conducted an evaluation of the potential that pharmacogenomic technologies hold towards increased health for populations of low and middle-income countries (LMIC). Our results demonstrate that, although these technologies hold promising potential for the health of LMIC populations, pharmacogenomics research has focused mostly on diseases prevalent in High-income countries. Pharmacogenomics research over the last decade has thus replicated the well-known 90/10 ratio in drug development and, as such, fails to contribute to reducing global health inequalities. We suggest that, in order to fulfill the promise of increased health for populations of LMIC, the roles and responsibilities of the various actors involved in global health (e.g. local governements, international organizations, and pharmaceutical companies) must be redesigned. We argue that rethinking these roles and responsibilities requires a decision Framework based on considerations of justice, equity and solidarity.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-08-22T19:42:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabrício José Rodrigues de Lemos_.pdf: 1128559 bytes, checksum: b0f111c3f1defefc8a80daa19003f118 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-22T19:42:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabrício José Rodrigues de Lemos_.pdf: 1128559 bytes, checksum: b0f111c3f1defefc8a80daa19003f118 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-30 / Nenhuma / O filósofo norte-americano John Rawls possui o grande mérito de revitalizar as discussões sobre justiça com a publicação de sua obra A theory of justice, de 1971. Nela, lançou base à teoria de justiça como equidade, sendo que, desde então, muito se comentou acerca das responsabilidades morais das entidades e indivíduos no plano doméstico. Em um artigo publicado em 1993 e, em 1999, transformado na obra Law of peoples and the public reason revisited, Rawls ampliou o escopo de suas preocupações e dissertou acerca das responsabilidades dos povos uns para os outros. Nas últimas duas décadas, a teoria de justiça global consolidou-se como um legítimo campo de indagações filosóficas, que visa possibilitar uma melhor compreensão das relações globais e do ambiente globalizado: as profundas modificações oriundas da mudança do paradigma westfaliano em razão da interconectividade e do aumento da complexidade das relações no plano global levaram críticos como Thomas Pogge a se questionar acerca da nova dinâmica mundial. A assunção de responsabilidades, tanto estatais e corporativas quanto as individuais, fazem parte da temática. Nesse sentido, com método de pesquisa eminentemente bibliográfico e documental, partindo da teoria rawlsiana, a dissertação visa demonstrar de que maneira essa mudança de paradigma ocorreu, tendo como referenciais teóricos tanto John Rawls quanto um dos maiores expoentes da teoria de justiça global, o filósofo alemão, atualmente radicado nos Estados Unidos, Thomas Pogge. Assim, a dissertação apresentará as mais recentes formulações teoréticas acerca do que pode ser chamado de justiça global e investigará as críticas e os avanços da obra de Pogge em relação ao pensamento de Rawls. / The American philosopher John Rawls has the great merit of revitalizing justice discussions with the publication of his 1971 work A theory of justice. In it, he gave base to theory of justice as fairness, and, since then, much was said about the moral responsibilities of organizations and individuals in domestic field. In an article published in 1993 and, in 1999, transformed in the work Law of peoples and the public reason revisited, Rawls expanded the scope of his concerns and lectured about the responsibilities of peoples to each other. In the last two decades, the global justice theory has established itself as a legitimate field of philosophical inquiry, which aims to enable a better understanding of global relations and the global environment: the profound changes arising from the change of the westphalian paradigm due to the interconnectivity and the increasing complexity of relationships globally, led critics like Thomas Pogge to wonder about the new world dynamics. The intake of responsibilities, both state and corporate, as well of the individual, are all part of the theme. In this sense, with the research method of eminently bibliographic research and documental, from the starting point of Rawlsian theory, the dissertation aims to demonstrate how this paradigm shift occurred, with the theoretical references of both John Rawls as of one of the greatest exponents of the global justice theory, the German philosopher, currently living in the United States, Thomas Pogge. Thus, the dissertation will present the latest theoretical formulations on what can be called global justice and will investigate the critiques and advances of Pogge's work in relation to Rawls‟s thinking.

<p>Det här är en uppsats som behandlar demokratisynen hos deltagare vid European Social Forum 2008 i Malmö. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om det finns samband mellan erfarenheter av politiska handlingar, identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen och synen på hur demokratiska beslut i allmänhet bör fattas. Individer inom den globala rättviserörelsen kan ses som handlande subjekt inom utvecklingen av demokratiska system, då rörelsen formulerar en kritik mot globalisering och odemokratiska beslutsformer och strävar efter att möjliggöra en annan form av globalisering och en annan form av demokrati. Teoretiskt tar undersökningen avstamp i tre idealtypiska demokratiformer: deltagardemokrati, deliberativ demokrati och representativ demokrati, som har tre skilda utgångspunkter när det gäller former för beslutsprocesser. Även politiskt handlande går att skilja åt teoretiskt, i form av kollektivt och individuellt politiskt handlande. Genom en statistisk analys i form av faktoranalys och regression i verktyget SPSS har jag visat att erfarenheter påverkar synen på demokrati. En deltagardemokratisk syn främjas bland annat av en stark identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen, erfarenhet av konfrontativa politiska handlingar och erfarenhet av deltagardemokratiska mötesformer. En deliberativ demokratisyn främjas bland annat av en stark identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen, erfarenhet av konfrontativa politiska handlingar och erfarenhet av deliberativt demokratiska mötesformer. En representativ demokratisyn främjas av erfarenhet av rörelse- och föreningsaktivitet på europeisk nivå och erfarenhet av representativt och informativt politiskt handlande. Resultaten visar också att individers demokratisyn är komplex och ofta innehåller element från flera olika idealtypiska demokratimodeller.</p> / <p>This is a thesis about views on democracy among participants at the European Social Forum in Malmö 2008. The aim is to study if there are any statistical connections between experience of political actions, identification with the global justice movement and the view on democracy. The theoretical frames of the thesis are twofold: theories on democracy and theories on political actions. Democracy is divided into three different systems: participatory democracy, deliberative democracy and representative democracy. Political actions are divided into collective and individual political actions. By carrying out a statistical analysis through regression and factor analysis am I able to confirm that an experience of political actions have a statistical influence on an individual view on democracy. A participatory view is influenced by a strong identification with the global justice movement, experiences of confrontation as political method and experiences of participatory ways of making political decisions. A deliberative view is influenced by a strong identification with the global justice movement, experiences of confrontation as political method and experiences of deliberative ways of making decisions. A representative view on democracy is influenced by experiences of European movement- or association activity and experiences of representative and informative political actions. The results show that individual’s view on democracy is a question of great complexity and is often containing elements from different democratic ideals.</p>

Det här är en uppsats som behandlar demokratisynen hos deltagare vid European Social Forum 2008 i Malmö. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka om det finns samband mellan erfarenheter av politiska handlingar, identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen och synen på hur demokratiska beslut i allmänhet bör fattas. Individer inom den globala rättviserörelsen kan ses som handlande subjekt inom utvecklingen av demokratiska system, då rörelsen formulerar en kritik mot globalisering och odemokratiska beslutsformer och strävar efter att möjliggöra en annan form av globalisering och en annan form av demokrati. Teoretiskt tar undersökningen avstamp i tre idealtypiska demokratiformer: deltagardemokrati, deliberativ demokrati och representativ demokrati, som har tre skilda utgångspunkter när det gäller former för beslutsprocesser. Även politiskt handlande går att skilja åt teoretiskt, i form av kollektivt och individuellt politiskt handlande. Genom en statistisk analys i form av faktoranalys och regression i verktyget SPSS har jag visat att erfarenheter påverkar synen på demokrati. En deltagardemokratisk syn främjas bland annat av en stark identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen, erfarenhet av konfrontativa politiska handlingar och erfarenhet av deltagardemokratiska mötesformer. En deliberativ demokratisyn främjas bland annat av en stark identifiering med den globala rättviserörelsen, erfarenhet av konfrontativa politiska handlingar och erfarenhet av deliberativt demokratiska mötesformer. En representativ demokratisyn främjas av erfarenhet av rörelse- och föreningsaktivitet på europeisk nivå och erfarenhet av representativt och informativt politiskt handlande. Resultaten visar också att individers demokratisyn är komplex och ofta innehåller element från flera olika idealtypiska demokratimodeller. / This is a thesis about views on democracy among participants at the European Social Forum in Malmö 2008. The aim is to study if there are any statistical connections between experience of political actions, identification with the global justice movement and the view on democracy. The theoretical frames of the thesis are twofold: theories on democracy and theories on political actions. Democracy is divided into three different systems: participatory democracy, deliberative democracy and representative democracy. Political actions are divided into collective and individual political actions. By carrying out a statistical analysis through regression and factor analysis am I able to confirm that an experience of political actions have a statistical influence on an individual view on democracy. A participatory view is influenced by a strong identification with the global justice movement, experiences of confrontation as political method and experiences of participatory ways of making political decisions. A deliberative view is influenced by a strong identification with the global justice movement, experiences of confrontation as political method and experiences of deliberative ways of making decisions. A representative view on democracy is influenced by experiences of European movement- or association activity and experiences of representative and informative political actions. The results show that individual’s view on democracy is a question of great complexity and is often containing elements from different democratic ideals.

L’état actuel des travaux ne rend pas compte de l’ampleur des questions philosophiques et des enjeux moraux suscités par l’apparition sur la scène internationale des réfugiés climatiques. Il est pourtant urgent de leur accorder une protection à travers des accords internationaux. Les philosophes qui se sont penchés sur le sujet ont été induits en erreur tant par la multiplicité des termes employés que leur absence de définitions. Ce travail critique la tendance actuelle des militants écologistes à vouloir englober des populations aux problèmes divers sous le terme de réfugié. Banaliser l’emploi du terme de réfugié n’est pas seulement fallacieux mais également dangereux. A terme, les militants se tourneront vers la Convention de Genève pour revendiquer que les populations déplacées soient considérées comme des réfugiés. Or la Convention de Genève n’est pas un outil adéquat pour remédier au sort de ces populations. De plus, on ne peut élargir le statut de réfugié pour inclure ces populations sans risquer de perdre sa crédibilité et son efficience. Suivre la pente qu’emprunte les militants nous mènerait à accorder le même traitement aux réfugiés climatiques et aux réfugiés politiques, ce qui est une erreur. Notre hypothèse est que les habitants des petits pays insulaires à l’inverse des autres populations ont besoin d’un élargissement de la Convention de Genève. Nous arguerons que nous avons des devoirs et des responsabilités envers eux que nous n’avons pas envers les réfugiés politiques. Pour défendre ce point de vue, il faut définir clairement ce qu’est un réfugié climatique et justifier cette appellation. Nous devrons donc confronter la notion de réfugié climatique à d’autres notions concurrentes. Une fois les termes définis, nous envisagerons les enjeux éthiques à travers le prisme des questions de justice globale. Nous verrons que pour déterminer qui devrait remédier au sort des réfugiés climatique, il ne suffit pas de se référer à la responsabilité causale. Cela nous mènera à arguer que bien que séduisant, le principe pollueur-payeur n’est pas un outil adéquat pour guider la réflexion. Nous serons également amenés à nous interroger sur la pertinence d’une institution environnementale globale. / Current works on the forced migration area does not reveal the magnitude of the philosophical and moral issues raised by the appearance of climate refugees on the international scene . Yet it is urgent to provide protection to them through international agreements. Philosophers who have studied the subject have been misled by both the multiplicity of terms and the lack of definitions. This work criticizes the current trend set by environmental activists who want to include people with various issues under the term of refugee. Trivializing the term of refugee is not only misleading but also dangerous. Eventually, the activists will turn to the Geneva Convention to demand that displaced populations be treated as refugees. But the Geneva Convention is not an appropriate tool to address the plight of these people. Moreover, we can not extend the status of refugees to include those people without losing the credibility and efficiency. Following the path taken by activists would lead us to give equal treatment to climate refugees and political refugees, which is a mistake. Our hypothesis is that the inhabitants of small island countries, in contrast to other populations require a broadening of the Geneva Convention. We shall argue that we have duties and responsibilities to them that we do not have to political refugees. To defend this view, we must clearly define what a climate refugee is and justify this term. We must therefore confront the notion of climate refugee to other competing concepts. Once the terms are defined, we will consider the ethical issues through the prism of global justice issues. We will see that it is not enough to refer to causal responsibility to determine the members who should address the plight of climate refugees. This will lead us to argue that although attractive, the polluter pays principle is not an appropriate tool to guide our reflection. We will also be led to question the relevance of a global environmental institution.

I argue that existing views in the political equality debate are inadequate. I propose an alternative approach to equality and argue its superiority to the competing approaches. I apply the approach to some issues in global justice relating to global poverty and to the inability of some countries to develop as they would like. In this connection I discuss institutions of international trade, sovereign debt and global reserves and I focus particularly on the WTO, IMF and World Bank.