Cette thèse examine le rapport complexe entre Habermas et Derrida en s'interrogeant sur l'évolution, durant les années 1980, d'une relation conflictuelle en un lien amical et collaboratif. Elle analyse leurs œuvres afin d'évaluer la convergence et la divergence entre leurs pensées. Nous avons essayé en premier lieu de dessiner les contours de la scène culturelle en Allemagne et en France à partir de l'année 1945. Cette approche nous a permis de mieux comprendre la philosophie de chacun d'eux et d'étudier la continuité et la discontinuité, la tension et l'échange philosophique, entre les philosophies allemandes et françaises. Même si notre thèse se divise en huit parties, elle s'étend sur deux champs d'investigation: l'un théorique et l'autre pratique. Concernant le champ théorique, cette thèse se penche sur la querelle franco-allemande relative au débat modernité/post-modernité, dans laquelle ils s'engagèrent et développèrent des critiques sévères l'un à l'égard à l'autre. La question de la modernité nous invite à mettre en question certaines idées générales, notamment celle selon laquelle Habermas serait un défenseur du projet de la modernité, tandis que Derrida serait un post-moderne hostile à la modernité et aux Lumières. Au sujet de leurs philosophies pratiques nous avons effectué une approche comparative de leurs idées sur la morale, l'éthique, la théorie du droit et la philosophie politique. Cette comparaison nous a permis de comprendre les raisons pour lesquelles ils se sont réconciliés et se sont intervenus ensemble pour atteindre certains objectifs politiques, mais aussi juridiques: la réforme du droit international. / This work examines the complex relationship between Habermas and Derrida by shedding light on the shift from a less pleasant interaction in the 1980s to a rather friendly and collaborative affiliation later in an attempt to highlight comparable areas of interest as well as evaluate areas of convergence and divergence among the two great minds. Intuitively, a philosophical eye looks deep to examine to womb where thoughts are born. We lay out the scene in post WWII Germany and France, both fertile lands for such phenomena. This allows us to garner a sharper image of how the two philosophers evolved within their backgrounds and influenced one another. Two focal points, theory and practice, are covered in eight sections. We will address the Franco German quarrel of Modernity vs. Post Modernity revealing the critique so-called Modernist Habermas and supposed Post Modernist Derrida bathed one another with, and, there, we tackle the question of ideology. The later point, practice, reveals a deep assessment of the two philosophers' stances on morality, ethics, philosophy of law, and politics. We conclude with an analysis of the two's collaboration, as they share comparable fundamentals, and inspect the fruit of that effort, which achieved not only political reform but legal in the shape of a Reform of International Law.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:40:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 29 / Nenhuma / Esta tese envolve uma investigação pragmático-sistêmica sobre o conceito de serviço público. Trata-se, portanto, de uma observação específica do serviço público, ou seja, o seu conceito. O problema, portanto, é como o Direito responde à pergunta “o que é serviço público”. O problema acima será abordado a partir da matriz pragmático-sistêmica. A hipótese é investigar como o conceito de serviço público levará (ou não) à distinção serviço público/não serviço público. O conceito de serviço público será abordado a partir de suas funções, e esta é uma outra hipótese dessa tese – a de que o funcionalismo é adequado para a observação sociológica de categorias dogmáticas do Direito. O caminho, tortuoso, labiríntico e recursivo, é feito com a ajuda de sete funções atribuídas ao conceito de serviço público (e, conseqüentemente, ao próprio serviço público), a saber: função de distinguir, de oscilar, de selecionar, de estabilizar, de indicar símbolos, de acoplar e de deflagrar. A matriz teórica será a pragmáticasistêmic / This thesis involves a pragmatic-systemic research on the concept of public service. It is therefore a particular point of public service, its concept. The problem that drives this, thus, is how the legal system responds to the question "what is public service". The above problem is observed from pragmatic-systemic perspective. The hypothesis of the study is that the investigation of the concept of public service will lead to distinguish public service / non-public service. The concept of public service will be approached from his functions, and this is another hypothesis - that the functionalism is suitable for the sociological observation of dogmatic categories of the legal system. The path is winding, labyrinth and recursive, and is done with the help of seven functions assigned to the concept of public service (and, consequently, the public service itself), namely to distinguish function of differentiate, to select, to stabilize, of state symbols, and to couple outbreak. The matrix theory is the pragmatic

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2014-03-10T14:37:15Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Rosa Silva (arosa@ufpa.br) on 2014-07-08T12:04:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-08T12:04:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23898 bytes, checksum: e363e809996cf46ada20da1accfcd9c7 (MD5) Dissertacao_DireitoModernidadePerspectiva.pdf: 690617 bytes, checksum: 7809247c2b0dcf99a15ef070c0cea03a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Este trabalho tem por objetivo expor as idéias de direito e modernidade levando-se em conta a perspectiva de Jürgen Habermas, na qual se estabelece um novo modelo de razão - no caso a razão comunicativa -, como novo paradigma para a superação da crise instaurada na modernidade, reflexo da crise de legitimação do próprio direito. O referido trabalho tem um caráter bibliográfico, fundamentando-se na análise das obras de Habermas que tratam do assunto, bem como de renomados comentadores do mesmo. Partiu-se da concepção de direito desenvolvida pelos grandes teóricos sociais clássicos, procurando-se destacar o papel do diagnóstico weberiano, que toma como eixo norteador a idéia de racionalidade instrumental, criticado por Habermas por carecer de um maior rigor conceitual na identificação das patologias da modernidade, tarefa essa que o diagnóstico habermasiano pretende realizar levando-se em conta o trabalho reconstrutivo que tal diagnóstico realiza sobre as mais importantes concepções sobre a modernidade e o direito. / This paper aims to show the law and modernity ideas under Jürgen Habermas perspective, which establishes a new model of reason as paradigm of overcome the crisis instituted at modernity, which reflects the legitimacy crisis of law itself. This is a bibliographic work, based upon Habermas publications on the matter, as well as wellknowed commenteres of this author. The start point was the law conception developed by great classic sociological thinkers, with emphasis on the diagnosis role of Max Weber, centred upon the instrumental rationality idea, criticized by Habermas for lacking greater conceptual precision at modernity pathologies identification. The Habermas diagnosis tries to accomplish that goal by a reconstructive work over modernity and law most important conceptions, considering the idea of communicative reason.

The study concerns the inter-relationship between media reform and civil society in Thailand between 1995-2000. It examines case studies of two selected television organisations - the production company Watchdog and the broadcast channel Independent Television (iTV) - and analyses their internal production decision-making processes, their public affairs programs and their urban and rural audiences. Debates about civil society and media reform between 1995-2000 influenced the government's media regulation policies to the extent that more attention was paid to media freedom as intended by Articles 39, 40 and 41 in the 1997 Constitution. Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) took an important role in monitoring government policies on media reform under the Constitution and issues about media re-regulation and ownership were canvassed, although the drawn out National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) selecting process delayed media reform. The transparency of the selection process of the NBC has been widely debated among NGOs, media scholars and media professionals. Most Thai public affairs programs in the period were shown on iTV, Channel 9 and Channel 11 and were in the minority compared with entertainment. Thai television stations normally screened entertainment programs to make profits, while they usually would not allow producers to air open debates critical of the government. Also, public affairs programs that were screened often were given inappropriate airtimes. Watchdog and iTV treated public affairs programs in different ways. Watchdog, originating from an NCO, the Creative Media Foundation, emphasized public participation in local community-oriented programs - such as Chirmsak Pinthong's Lan Ban Lan Muang - which exemplified civic journalism on television. In contrast, iTV was created in 1996 to meet the promise made in 1992 after Black May that a non-state commercial channel would be introduced. It was organised by journalists from the Nation Multimedia Company and focused on current national news issues which seldom allowed public participation. Both organisations attempted to maintain their professionalism despite political and business pressures. Chirmsak and Watchdog were accused of bias favoring the Democrat Party and often encountered program censorship. ITV staff, especially in the news department led by Suthichai Yoon and Thepchai Yong, unsuccessful fought. Shin Corps 2000-2001 takeover of the station that had been brought on by the financial problems of iTV and the Siam Commercial Bank after the economic crisis of 1997. There were three main concepts of civil society in the period 1997-2000 - Communitarianism, Self-sufficiency and Good Governance. These ideas were advanced by reformers such as Dr. Prawase Wasi and Thirayut Boonme, and were reinforced by His Majesty King Bhumibol's December 1997 Birthday Speech that endorsed the ideal of national self-sufficiency. Thai civil society debates often were involved with rural people, while the 8th National Development Plan and the Chuan government's policy on decentralisation aimed to strengthen the rural sector as an antidote to the 1997 crisis. However, the aims of civil society reformers were at times too idealistic and were viewed with skepticism by some middle class urban critics. The continuing influence of electoral corruption in rural areas also obstructed civil society ideals, while decentralisation and community development still maintained a top-down way of development and depended on government support. These difficulties in implementing pro-civil society reforms in the political process were paralleled by difficulties in developing public interest programs on Thai television. Current affairs and investigative journalism programs, such as iTV Talk, Tod Rahad and Krong Satanakarn, did not often open public discussion on the programs. Rather, the regular format of panel discussions, consisting of elites and some celebrities, tended to focus on national topics rather than local issues. The hosts of many of these public affairs programs depended on their own celebrities status and tended to invite well-known guests, whereas community-oriented programs such as Lan Ban Lan Muang and Tid Ban Tang Muang promoted civic journalism and deliberative democracy more effectively. The latter programs allowed the public to participate in the programs as the main actors and even proposed their own agendas. However, a limited study of three audience focus groups - an expert urban group, a young middle class urban group, and a rural group - found considerable scepticism about the possibility of developing public interest awareness via television programs. The expert and young middle class groups criticised both the hosts and the style of a selection of current affairs programs, which they thought were too serious and also biased. Some also considered that current affairs programs were a platform for the people in power rather than providing a space for the public. Therefore, they rarely watched them. In contrast, the rural group who participated in Lan Ban Lan Muang, believed that the program was useful for development communication. The audience gained information about other communities and used the media as the means to publicise their own community. However, they rarely watched it because the airtime of the program was the same as a popular entertainment program on Channel 3. The researcher used qualitative research methods to collect data, including indepth interviews, focus groups, participant observation, program recording and document analysis. Theoretically, the study has attempted to combine the approaches of western and Thai scholars. The main approach used to explain the relationship between the media and civil society is media and public sphere theory, as introduced by Habermas, and combined with the perspectives on media re-regulation of the Thai scholar Ubonrat Siriyusak. In terms of analysing Watchdog and iTV, the researcher used political economy perspectives to understand decision-making in both organisations. In addition, an organisational culture approach was used to explore conflicts of interest that arose in both organisations due to their different sub-cultures. Civic journalism, framing theory and development communication theory were further employed to examine the television programs and their roles in promoting the public interest and development projects, while the audience groups were considered in the context of participatory communication theory and reception theory.

<p>The world is increasingly coalescing, ecologically, economically and culturally. Many problems can no longer be solved within the own state borders and the limitation of the territorial state is obvious. Jürgen Habermas means that a <i>world domestic politic</i> without a world government is what this progress need. Therefore it is important that national interests become less central and the solidarity between people is given priority in international relations. </p><p>The focus of this thesis is therefore a critical discourse analysis of the current position of the internationalisation of Swedish security and defence policy. </p><p>The discourse analysis shows that the morality and solidarity is described as important issues for the increasing Swedish international military engagement. One conclusion of the discourse is that the peace no longer is something that Sweden retains on it’s own. Instead the peace is secured in co-operation with other states. Hence, in the presence of thefuture, it’s interesting to consider Immanuel Kants thought, <i>zum ewigen Frieden</i>.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>In the beginning of 2007 the Swedish municipality Örebro decided to have a democratic</p><p>experiment, which ought to go under the name, “Dialouge for the citizens”. The</p><p>representative elected politicians in Örebro tried to find ways to involve the people in the</p><p>process of ruling. Why they choose to try this experiment on this very delicate matter, the</p><p>closure of several schools in the municipal, is one of the questions this essay is trying to</p><p>answer.</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to find out whether the process was an attempt for the politicians</p><p>of the representative democracy to implement deliberative democracy in the structure of the</p><p>local governance.</p><p>The result of this study is that the politicians didn’t manage to reach to the citizens the way</p><p>they formerly had planned.</p>

During recent years there have been noticeable shortcomings in the human encounter of people seeking some form of health care in Sweden. This is something that affects professional education within ‘the welfare state’ and implies that human expectations, societal demands and questions about knowledge, basic values and competence have become pedagogically interesting. The basic aim of the dissertation is - to contribute to a practically, relevant and theoretical in-depth understanding of the learning and teaching of ethics in professional education. By taking nursing education as an example and focussing on the human encounter of the person seeking care, the dissertation aims - by analysis of the pedagogic practice and from a critical-theoretical perspective – to provide a foundation for such an understanding. The research perspective includes a social-philosophical point of departure with a focus on Mead’s interactional view of learning and Habermas’s critical theory of social communication. Methodologically an emphasis is placed on discourse analysis. The results demonstrate how the learning and teaching of ethics in human encounters can be understood as a question of communication of both knowledge and values. In the theoretical reconstruction that follows it is shown how pedagogic actions, learning and competence can be understood as communication of and in particular contextual discourses. The six discourses are: ‘the efficiency-related discourse’, ‘the expert-related discourse’, the ‘care-related discourse’, ‘the communicative-related discourse’, ‘the egocentric discourse’ and ‘the ethnocentric discourse’, all of which are mutually related to each other. The contextual discourses focus on different values. Those that are most conducive to creating pleasant human encounters are the communicative- and the care-related discourses, which also form the foundation for the pedagogic recommendation that makes up the concluding discussion of the dissertation. The recommendation concerns a pedagogical practice that affirms, pays attention to, safeguards and challenges and thus generates creativity, as well as the legitimacy of pluralism. To engage in stimulating pedagogical discussion means being committed, taking responsibility and practicing solidarity in the profession of education. Such a ‘deliberative pedagogy’ creates possibilities for people to develop solidarity of judgement in a society that increasingly demanding that. In conclusion, the recommendation for a new and challenging human encounter-ethical-pedagogy is intended to show that ‘ideals can be realistic’. Normative recommendations do not have to be abstract visions of the future, but can be looked upon as means of focussing on alternative actions, that despite the difficulties are possible to realise – here and now.

La tesi affronta la questione delle culture civiche presenti su internet a partire dal dibattito teorico sulla rete e le sue implicazioni in relazione al discorso e alla prassi politica. Nella prima parte verranno messi in luce i presupposti delle riflessioni più recenti che tematizzano la possibilità che il web, in quanto luogo di discussione e partecipazione tendenzialmente libero e inclusivo, possa rappresentare l’incarnazione del modello idealtipico di sfera pubblica borghese, magistralmente elaborato da Habermas (1962). Grazie all’interattività, ai bassi costi di produzione e distribuzione, a una nuova struttura di comunicazione many-to-many, le nuove tecnologie digitali sembrerebbero consentire la realizzazione di una intersoggettività pura, autenticamente orientata all’intesa reciproca e non contaminata dall’agire strumentale dei sistemi politici ed economici. Tuttavia, se si analizzano le ricerche empiriche finora condotte (tra gli altri Whilelm 1999, Tsaliki 2002, Wright e Street 2007), si osserva che, accanto a contributi che evidenziano una notevole capacità deliberativa delle discussioni online, ne esistono altrettanti che, al contrario, mettono in luce un gap profondo tra l’ideale normativo e la prassi concretamente messa in atto. Attraverso un doppio binario, induttivo e deduttivo, si tenterà di provare come la contraddittorietà radicale di tali risultati empirici sia in ultima istanza riconducibile alle problematicità insite nel modello habermasiano e alla sua inadeguatezza nel cogliere la complessità dei processi della partecipazione politica che hanno luogo sulla rete. A partire da questa constatazione, si dimostrerà come la sua applicazione possa ancora essere feconda a patto che si ipotizzi di considerare l’ideale di sfera pubblica habermasiano come uno dei paradigmi che ancora informano gli immaginari sociali moderni (Taylor, 2005), piuttosto che come ideale contro-fattuale (Dryzek, 1990) rispetto al quale commisurare criticamente le imperfezioni del reale. Ne discenderà una traslazione della prospettiva analitica, sintetizzabile nel passaggio da un approccio normativo – prescrittivo, rigidamente ancorato a una determinata concezione del “dover-essere”, a un approccio culturale - diagnostico che invece indaga la contingenza del reale alla luce delle sue precondizioni sociologiche e culturali (Nieminen, 2006). Nella seconda parte, si analizzerà il caso empirico del blog curato dal comico italiano Beppe Grillo (www.beppegrillo.it) attorno al quale si è sviluppato un movimento politico altamente articolato ed eterogeneo, capace di promuovere incursioni sempre più frequenti nella politica istituzionale. L’analisi empirica scaturirà dall’applicazione di un modello analitico che attinge al paradigma delle culture civiche proposto da Dahlgren (2009) e in parte lo riformula alla luce del concetto di mediazione sviluppato da Silverstone (1999). Attraverso l’analisi del contenuto dei post del blog e di un corpus di interviste realizzate su lettori del blog e attivisti del movimento, si tenterà di dimostrare come il fenomeno sviluppatosi attorno a Beppe Grillo abbia funzionato come una “public sphericule” (Gitlin, 1998), una piccola sfera pubblica capace di maturare una propria cultura civica, contraddistinta da autonomi processi di mediazione e di valorizzazione del quadro socio-tecnologico a disposizione. / The notions of deliberation and the frame of the discourse theory of democracy (Habermas, 1996), have inspired a substantial strand of studies focused on the internet’s democratic potential (See e.g. Kellner (1999), Rheingold (1993), and Wilhelm (1999)). The central accomplishment of these various contributions lies in the assessment of the extent to which dialogical exchanges taking place in the cyberspace conform to the normative requirements of the ‘counter-factual ideal’ of public sphere (Dryzek, 1990). However, the contradictions that appear when analyzing practical research findings from a comparative global view, pose a dilemma that deals more with theoretical assumptions rather than with the empirical methods applied. The basic aim of the thesis will be the proposal of a cultural turn in the analysis of online public spheres, inspired by the model of “civil cultures” developed by Dahlgren (2009). For this purpose, two major lines of reasoning will be developed. On one hand, the theoretical roots of the concept of deliberation and the long wave of criticisms drawn out by them, will be explored in order to underscore the intrinsic shortages of the notion. It will be argued that the model of “civic cultures” seems to offer a more adequate analytical frame in order to make sense of the pluralized and fragmented online environment. In fact, its original assumptions offer a real antidote to technological determinism. If it is true that technology only makes sense within a social context from which it receives symbolic and pragmatic meanings (Lievrouw, 2002), we can think of civic cultures as a ‘community of practices’ (Wenger, 1998) within which specific ways of using and interpreting technologies are carried out in order to achieve political and civic purposes. On the other hand, the theoretical path will be supported by the references to an empirical case study that will show how the model can be conveniently used to study what is concretely happening in the living public spheres of the internet. The case study will be focused on Beppegrillo.it, an Italian weblog acting as a communicative platform for the development of a civic and political movement which is lead by Beppe Grillo, a well-known comedian.

This paper deals with online political discussion on social networking sites. Drawing from Habermas’ concept of the public sphere and former adaptations of public sphere theory to Internet research, the study examines to what extent political discussion on social networking sites displays public issue focus as well as deliberative, liberal and communitarian characteristics. The empirical analysis is a case study that scrutinizes two opposing Facebook pages created in the context of the topic ‘Stuttgart 21’ – a construction project that evoked a local civic protest movement in the city of Stuttgart in the south of Germany. Using an ethnographic approach, the study takes into account the architecture, culture and discussion style on the two pages and aims at describing the pages in terms of their degree of reciprocity, contestation, ideological homogeneity, rationality and contextualisation with the offline protest movement. The results show two polarized pages that lack deliberation and dialogue, but feature ideological homophily and identification. The results back the fragmentation theory of Internet audiences, while not maintaining the fear of losing the common ground in society. On the contrary, the study suggests that civic political engagement on social networking sites should be discussed in the context of radical democratic processes. It concludes that the utilization of social networks in order to politically inform, stimulate and mobilise scalable publics is desirable.

In Lübeck fand 2010 eine Bürgerkonferenz zum Thema Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen statt. 20 Bürger unterschiedlichen Alters und mit heterogenen Bildungshintergründen informierten sich über das Thema Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen, diskutierten ihre Überzeugungen und Erfahrungen und verfassten am Ende ein gemeinsames Votum. Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen war bei den Bürgern definiert als ein Gedankenkonstrukt darüber, welche Werte und Kriterien in der medizinischen Versorgung als wirklich wichtig empfunden werden, und welche weniger wichtig erscheinen. Aus diesen Überlegungen können Rangfolgen medizinischer Interventionen und Therapien erarbeitet werden. Diese Konferenz betreffend beantwortet diese Arbeit die Forschungsfragen, ob Bürger in der Lage sind ein solch komplexes Thema wie Priorisierung im Gesundheitswesen sinnvoll und weiterführend zu diskutieren, zu welchen inhaltlichen Ergebnissen sie dabei kommen und welche Bedeutung diese Ergebnisse für die Gesamtdebatte haben können. Die Lübecker Bürger haben einen gelungenen Diskurs geführt, was in dieser Arbeit anhand von Kriterien des Diskursethikers Jürgen Habermas herausgearbeitet wird. Mit dieser Methode eine Bürgerkonferenz zu analysieren wurde dabei innerhalb dieser Arbeit ein neuer Weg beschritten. Außerdem wird bezüglich der inhaltlichen Diskussion gezeigt, welche wichtige Bedeutung der Bürgerdiskurs für die Gesamtdebatte hat. Die Bürger haben einzelne neue Aspekte angesprochen, aber vor allem zeigt sich in der Analyse, dass die Lübecker Bürger einen Schwerpunkt bei Werten und Kriterien setzen, die das einzelne Individuum betreffen. Der Vergleich der inhaltlichen Ergebnisse der Lübecker Bürgerkonferenz mit den inhaltlichen Ergebnissen einer kanadischen citizens jury zu diesem Themenkomplex zeigt viele Parallelen und gibt damit den Hinweis darauf, dass ein länderübergreifender gemeinsamer Bürgerwille besteht.