Esta pesquisa é um estudo das obras Negrinha e Caçadas de Pedrinho de Monteiro Lobato analisadas sob a égide da Análise Crítica do Discurso. Procuramos elucidar problemas que dizem respeito às razões que levaram estas obras a serem consideradas racistas, bem como possibilitar o redirecionamento de leitura. Tais obras são fruto de um determinado momento histórico e são caracterizadas por ideologias quanto ao racismo no Brasil do início do século XX. Cabe, portanto, aos professores, a realização de uma análise crítica sobre o preconceito racial que existe em nossa sociedade e que infelizmente é um discurso costumeiramente não analisado de forma crítica. Esta pesquisa tem como principal aporte teórico o Modelo Tridimensional do Discurso de Fairclough (1989, 1997, 2001). O discurso é o formador constitutivo de discriminação racial nas esferas textual, na discursiva e na prática social. Esses discursos narrativos manipulam os usuários da língua para os próprios interesses. São explicados por Van Dijk (2005, 2012a, 2012b, 2012c) como modelos mentais que constituem o sistema racista e que fazem alusão à ideologia enquanto instrumento persuasivo capaz de direcionar as pessoas para objetivos próprios de poder; a cognição como modelo mental; a constituição do sistema racista de discriminação racial. Assim, o contexto é visto como um construto de discursos orais e escritos, de ideologias, de poder, de interação e de (re) produção de ações comunicativas. Finalmente, a realização desse estudo, permite-nos afirmar que as duas obras trazem indícios racistas. Sugerimos que as escolas e as bibliotecas públicas transmitam conhecimentos sobre o contexto histórico da época das obras em que foram escritas.Que sejam realizadas análises críticas por meio de um confronto com o atual contexto da sociedade contemporânea. / This research is a study of the works "Negrinha" and "Cassada de Pedrinho" Monteiro Lobato analyzed under the aegis of Critical Discourse Analysis. We tried to elucidate issues concerning the reasons for these work be considered racists, and this analysis can direct reading in Portuguese classes. Such works are the product of a particular historical moment and they are characterized by strong ideological connotations related to racism in Brazil of the early twentieth century. It is therefore up to teachers, conducting a critical analysis to attenuate the racial prejudice that exists in our society and that unfortunately isnt a speech generally analyzed in a critically way. This research is mainly theoretical support the three-dimensional model of the speech Fairclough (1989, 1997, 2001), where the speech is the constitutive trainer of racial discrimination in textual spheres, the discursive and social practice. These narrative speeches manipulate language users for their own interests. They are explained by Van Dick (2005, 2012a, 2012b, 2012c) as mental models that make up the racist system and alluding to the ideology as persuasive instrument able to direct people to own goals of power; cognition and mental models; the establishment of the racist system of racial discrimination. Thus, the context is seen as a construct of oral and written discourse, ideologies, power, and interaction and (re) production of communicative actions. Finally, the realization of this study allows us to state that the two works bring indeed strong racist connotations. In this sense, we suggest them to be studied in schools or sent to public libraries, need accurate information about the historical context in which they were written. Which are conducted critical analyzes through a confrontation with the current context of contemporary society.

Critical discourse analysis investigates the ways in which discourse is to abuse power relationships. Political debates constitute discourses that mirror certain aspects of ideologies. This study aimed to uncover the ideological intentions in the formulation and circulation of hegemonic political ideology in TV political debates that occurred in the 2011-2012 Yemen revolution, examining the question of how ideology was used as a tool of hegemony. The corpus of the study consisted of fifteen debates (73915 words) from four live debate programmes (The Opposite Direction, In Depth, Behind the News and the Revolution Talk) staged at Al Jazeera Arabic TV channel between 2011 and 2012. Al Jazeera was selected as the focus of this study because of its position as the most popular TV in the Arab world and due to its strong presence during the Arab revolutions. Two debate sides were identified: government, representing the president Ali Abdullah Saleh and his regime, and protesters, who represented the discontent populace gathering squares who demanded the abdication of the president. Data were also obtained from interviews conducted with the Al Jazeera staff who managed the debates. Analysis was conducted on the verbal discourse aspects of four debates, one debate from each programme, using critical discourse analysis: aspects from the van Leeuwen's (2008, 2009) Social Actor Network model, supplemented by additional linguistic features. The results were triangulated using computer-assisted corpus analysis for the entire corpus, the fifteen debates. AntConc (version 3.2.4w) was used to process the keyword lists, word concordances and collocations. The results of the analysis were then compared with the interviews with AJ staff. The main research finding was that although results of the critical discourse analysis correlated with those of the computer-assisted corpus analysis, they differed to a marked degree from the perceptions of Al Jazeera staff. Also, evident is that Al Jazeera and the protesters had similar ideological intentions, including glorifying the revolution and inciting protests, which was not the case with the government speakers. Overall, the findings show that Al Jazeera displayed evident bias, excluding the government from its debates in a way that runs counter to its mission statement and the tenets of objective journalism. The findings of this study illustrate the powerful role that language plays in shaping ideological media intentions and influencing the media audience.

En m'intéressant aux discours de deux groupes en opposition, les antipublicitaires et les publicitaires, j'ai tenté de construire une sociologie de leurs visions du monde et de rapprocher ces analyses des concepts d'idéologie et d'utopie. L'approche est qualitative, elle privilégie l'observation non participante auprès de collectifs militants et l'analyse de discours produits lors d'entretiens semi-directifs ou à l'occasion de publications des acteurs concernés. Ce travail sociologique s'organise autour du triptyque soi, l'autre, le monde. La vision de soi, ou encore le discours sur soi, en tant qu'individu et en tant que collectif, déploie les questions d'identification, d'efficacité, de plaisir, de vocation et d'engagement. A travers deux figures vocationnelles, celle du combattant et celle de l'artiste, l'acteur renforce son identité personnelle, dans le sens d'une définition de soi, en légitimant le rôle qu'il se donne au sein de la société. Ainsi, l'autolégitimation prend place dans la construction de la croyance collective et enclenche le processus de légitimation d'une conception du monde, qu'elle soit en accord ou en rupture avec le système existant. Le regard posé sur l'autre renvoie à une définition et une désignation de l'adversaire, mais le discours révèle aussi une certaine instrumentalisation de l'autre, l'autre pensé comme un moyen de se faire entendre et d'acquérir une légitimité aux yeux du public. Enfin, les notions qui se trouvent interrogées dans cette présentation de soi et de l'autre sont dès lors confrontées à un discours plus général, un regard sur le monde et la société. Le discours se fait constructeur d'évidences en affirmant ce qui est et ce qui doit être. La publicité devient ainsi l'élément sur lequel s'amorce une réflexion critique envers le système économique libéral. Idéologie et utopie sont ainsi analysées comme deux dynamiques à la fois opposées et complémentaires, comme si en fin de compte regarder le monde, c'était déjà mettre en œuvre une volonté de le mettre en ordre. / Interesting to me in speech two opposing groups, the activists and advertising professionals, i tried to construct a sociology of their worldviews and bring these analyzes concepts of ideology and utopia. The approach is qualitative, it favors the non-participant observation with community activists and discourse analysis products during semi-structured interviews or on the occasion of publications. This sociological work is organized around the triptych self, the other and the world. Vision itself, or the speech itself, as individuals and as a collective, deploys identification issues, efficiency, pleasure, purpose and commitment. Through vocational two figures, one of the fighter and that of the artist, actor reinforces its identity, in the sense of self-definition, legitimizing the role it gives to society. Thus, the self-legitimation takes place in the construction of collective belief and begins the process of legitimizing a view of the world, whether in agreement or break with the existing system. The gaze of the other refers to a definition and description of the opponent, but the speech also reveals some manipulation of the other, the other thought as a way to be heard and to gain legitimacy the public eye. Finally, the concepts are surveyed in the presentation of self and the other are therefore faced with a more general discourse, a view of the world and society. The speech is evidence of manufacturer stating what is and what should be. Advertising becomes the element that begins a critical towards the liberal economic system. Ideology and utopia are thus analyzed as two dynamic both opposite and complementary, as if ultimately look at the world, it was already implementing a willingness to put in order.

De nombreuses œuvres plastiques sont nées d'une réflexion théorique et pratique influencée par les questions politiques et sociales. Hormis des différences dans les procédés utilisés, elles sont fédérées par un esprit de rébellion et de contestation. A travers l'examen des rapports entre l'art et la culture populaire, le street art et les phénomènes socio-critiques dans la société de consommation, notre sujet est organisé sur trois axes en quatre parties. Notre intention première va montrer que les artistes modernes ont découvert la valeur artistique des graffitis et de certaines expressions anonymes inscrites sur les murs avec un caractère intellectuel. Ensuite, nous explorerons le sujet dans la perspective de la culture populaire, du regard critique sur l'époque, et de certains critères plastiques qui ont eu de l'influence sur les street artistes en France. Enfin, dans les troisième et quatrième parties, nous étudierons les querelles posées quant à la fonction sociale de l'œuvre d'art, le rôle de l'artiste, le problème éthique de l'artiste, et la valeur artistique véritable dans la culture industrielle et l'art commercial, en déroulant le panorama des activités des street artistes. C'est sur le fondement de cette hypothèse que nous nous sommes posé la question des contenus sociaux/critiques de ce street art et de ses rapports avec la sphère socio-critique qui, lui, est une représentation de l'ère contemporaine. Quant aux deux axes de « la valeur artistique » et de « l'acte rebelle », traitant de la modernité propre à l'art contemporain et des rapports qu'elle entretient avec la vision critique, ceux-ci fondent le mouvement street art, le caractère rebelle ou activiste de cet art et son approche critique du monde de l'art ou de notre société étant indispensables à sa survie en tant que tel. Les méthodologies visent à analyser et à critiquer l'influence politique et sociale de l'image de telle sorte qu'elles permettent de réfléchir sur le champ pratique et théorique de notre étude. / Many plastic works were born from a theory and practice influenced by political and social issues. Apart from differences in the methods used, they are united by a spirit of rebellion and contestation. We examined the relationship between art and popular culture, street art and socio-critical phenomenon of this period. Our hypothesis is that this relationship can be defined by the concept of street art, understood as an artistic practice whose connotations are both aesthetic and social a critique and order. It is on the basis of this hypothesis that we questioned the social content / critique of street art and its relationship with the socio-critical sphere which is a representation of the contemporary era. Our first intention was to show, through the graffiti testimony that the modern artists discovered the artistic value of graffiti and some anonymous registrant walls with intellectual expression. Then, this part concerns the prospect of popular culture, critical look at the age and plastics criteria that have had an influence on the street artists in France. Finally, the third and fourth parts deepen the street art movement that became the graffiti art in the history of contemporary art. We study the quarrels offered by the social function of works of art, the ethical problem of the artist's work social function, role, and real artistic value in the industrial culture and commercial art, unrolling a panorama of street artists activities. The two axes of “the artistic value” and “rebellious act”, dealing with contemporary art and its relationship with its critical vision of modernity, those are the foundation of the street art movement, which activist and rebel practice, as an art, and a critical approach towards the art world or our society are essential to its survival as it is. This subject will therefore give us the opportunity to question the true art in our society, a consumer society. Any image that is concerned with the meaning of the pictorial discourse is contentious and feeds on cultural and political antagonisms.

Ideology matters. The return of this insight to the study of civil war has sparked a new line of literature. Drawing on its insights, I argue that ideology can affect civilian victimisation in two ways. The first is the adoption by armed groups of exclusionary frames that justify the killing of civilians; the second is the need of armed groups for civilian approval – what I call ideological licence – from their home constituencies.Civilian victimisation is expected to peak in places where exclusionary group frames and civilian attitudes are dominant. For the empirical analysis, I turn to The Troubles, the thirty year-long armed conflict between Northern Ireland’s Catholic and Protestant communities. I construct a novel dataset using ideological attitudes, based on a pre-conflict survey among over 1200 respondents across Northern Ireland, and new, detailed casualty data on more than 2700 conflict-related fatalities. Although Catholics were the most lethal side in the conflict, I find that the Protestant community is significantly more likely to kill civilians. This finding is driven by national differences between Catholics and Protestants. Subnational differences in civilian attitudes are found to be less relevant.

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Orientador: Fátima Aparecida Cabral / Banca: Pedro Jorge de Freitas / Banca: Terezinha Ferrari / Resumo: Uma das opiniões mais respeitadas no debate sobre a crise paradigmática é a de Boaventura de Sousa Santos. O sociólogo português afirma que a crise paradigmática teria sua origem no modelo de racionalidade da modernidade e que seria profunda e irreversível, não se limitando a ciência e estendendo-se por todo o conjunto de instituições da modernidade. O objetivo central desta pesquisa é avaliar a concepção de Santos sobre a crise paradigmática sociológica enquanto ideologia, isto é, enquanto ação orientada para a resolução de conflitos sociais. Isto exige uma análise que, além do aspecto gnosiológico, trate de maneira articulada os parâmetros socioeconômicos e dos principais movimentos políticos e científicos envolvidos no momento histórico de sua produção e reprodução, apurando, assim, o seu grau de compreensão da realidade. Neste sentido, caracterizando preliminarmente a teoria de Santos, é possível avaliar alguns pontos importantes. O primeiro deles é o destacado idealismo contido em suas formulações, entendendo por isso a importância que o autor atribui a certas formulações sobre o real em detrimento da própria realidade que ele pretende demonstrar. Santos propunha, desde o início, uma avaliação crítica da realidade, especialmente sobre os desdobramentos da ciência no período entre as décadas de 1960 e 1970, tentando constituir uma linha de estudos que tratasse desse campo específico sem deixar de considerar os aspectos e fatores exteriores à sua constituição... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: One of the most respected opinions on the paradigmatic crisis debate is the one of Boaventura de Sousa Santos. The Portuguese sociologist affirms which the paradigmatic crisis would have your origin in the model of modern rationality and that it would be deep and irreversible, if not limiting the science and extending for the whole group of institutions of the modernity. The central objective of this research is evaluate the conception of Santos on the paradigmatic crisis while ideology, that is, while action guided for the resolution of social conflicts. This demands analyses which, besides the gnosiologic aspect, treat in an articulate way the socioeconomic parameters and the main political and scientific movements involved in the historical moment of your production and reproduction, thickening, like this, your degree of understanding of the reality. In this sense, characterizing preliminarily Santos theory, it is possible to evaluate some important points. The first of them is the outstanding idealism contained in their formulations, understanding for that the importance which the author attributes to certain formulations on the real to the detriment of the own reality that he intends to demonstrate. Santos proposed, since the beginning, a critical evaluation of the reality, especially on the unfolding of the science in the period among the decades of 1960 and 1970, trying to constitute a line of studies to treat of that specific field without leaving of considering the aspects and external factors in your intern constitution... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

A tese propõe-se explicar as peculiaridades do conceito de ideologia na obra de Adorno, entendo-o como conceito central na filosofia adorniana. Para tanto, procura-se em primeiro lugar apresentar uma reinterpretação da articulação entre mito e Aufklärung tal como exposta no livro Dialektik der Aufklärung, a fim de se caracterizar o quadro histórico geral em que se coloca o problema para Adorno. A partir disto, são então analisados os fenômenos principais da reversão da Aufklärung em mito: o antisemitismo e a indústria cultural. Quanto ao primeiro, discutem-se os textos de Adorno produzidos no âmbito do Projeto de Pesquisa sobre o Anti-Semitismo e os Elementos do Anti-Semitismo buscando-se obter as bases psicológicas e sócio-econômicas do fenômeno e, através disto, o diagnóstico adorniano da contemporaneidade. Os resultados deste trabalho são então utilizados na análise da indústria cultural como forma por excelência da ideologia no capitalismo tardio. / The thesis proposal is to explain the peculiarities of the concept of ideology in Adorno s works, understanding it as a central concept in the Adornian philosophy. To do so, first it is presented a reinterpretation of the articulation between myth and Aufklärung as it is explained in the book Dialektik der Aufklärung, in order to define the general historical frame in which the issue presents itself to Adorno. After this, anti-semitism and culture industry, the main expressions of the reversion of Aufklärung to mythology, are then analyzed. Regarding the former, the texts written by Adorno within the Research Project on Anti-Semitism and the Elements of Anti-Semitism are discussed, in order to search for the psychological and socio-economic basis of both Fascism and anti-semitism and, through this, present the Adornian diagnosis of the contemporaneity. The results of this work are then used in the analysis of the culture industry as the main form of ideology in the late capitalism.

A violência envolvendo torcedores de futebol, tanto nas arquibancadas como fora delas, não e recente. Sabemos que esse fenômeno ocorre ha décadas em diversas partes do mundo, estendendo-se aos anos anteriores a Primeira Grande Guerra. Entretanto, no Brasil, foi somente a partir do final da década de 1980 que ele passou a se notabilizar como conteúdo noticioso e, com isso, a mobilizar mais fortemente a opinião publica. Nesse período, foi alçado a condição de problema social e tornou-se objeto de preocupação publica constante. Desde então, diversos claims-makers jornalistas, dirigentes desportivos, dirigentes de torcidas organizadas, acadêmicos, autoridades publicas etc. vem debatendo o assunto. Diante da relevância e premência desse debate, objetivamos, nesta tese, discutir como ele vem sendo construído e como os sentidos mobilizados por essa construção se entrecruzam com relações de dominação. Mais especificamente, buscamos responder a seguinte indagação: se, em que medida e como os discursos desses diversos claims-makers acerca da violência envolvendo torcedores de futebol podem ser considerados uma produção ideológica, produzindo e reproduzindo relações de dominação? A fim de termos acesso a esses discursos, realizamos entrevistas semi-estruturados e coletamos artigos opinativos em jornais de grande circulação. Para analisar esses materiais, apoiamo-nos na teoria de violência de Johan Galtung, na teoria construcionista de problemas sociais e na teoria de ideologia de John B. Thompson, alem de adotarmos o referencial metodológico desenvolvido por este ultimo, a hermenêutica de profundidade. Seguindo a estrutura tradicional desse referencial, organizamos a analise dos materiais em três fases: num primeiro momento, descrevemos e analisamos o seu contexto socio-historico de produção, circulação e recepção; num segundo momento, analisamos a sua estrutura interna; e, num terceiro momento, reinterpretamos os resultados obtidos na segunda fase a luz dos obtidos na primeira. A partir dessa reinterpretação, argumentamos, entre outras coisas, que o debate em questão tem mobilizado a ideologia ao ajudar a manter os torcedores organizados, em particular, e os pobres, em geral, numa situação de dominação. Alem disso, defendemos que, ao difundir a ideia de que a irracionalidade e uma característica natural do comportamento de grupo ou de massa, alguns discursos enunciados nesse debate também tem mobilizado a ideologia na medida em que sustentam relações de dominação das autoridades publicas sobre os torcedores. Todavia, o caráter ideológico do debate e, nesse caso, confrontado pelo caráter critico de outros discursos, que contestam a ampliação do controle do Estado sobre o cidadão. Alem dessa contestação, observamos criticas ao tratamento dado ao torcedor no espetáculo futebolístico e ao comportamento das autoridades, jornalistas e dirigentes. Também percebemos uma profunda insatisfação em determinados discursos com as diferenças socioeconômicas e com as condições educacionais existentes no pais. Diante disto, não pudemos deixar de reconhecer que, ainda que em diversos momentos esteja a serviço da dominação, o debate atual em torna da violência no futebol brasileiro também tem mobilizado criticas e intervenções desafiadoras e transformadoras do status quo / The violence involving football supporters, both inside and outside the stadiums, is not recent. We know that this phenomenon has been occurring for decades in different parts of the world, since the World War I. In Brazil, however, it was only after the 1980s that it began to excel as news content and, therefore, mobilize public opinion more strongly. In this period, it became a social problem and the object of constant public apprehension. Since then, many claimsmakers journalists, club directors and torcidas organizadas (organized fan groups), scholars, public authorities etc. have debated the issue. Due to the relevance and prominence of this debate, in this dissertation, we aimed to discuss how this debate has been constructed and how the meanings mobilized by this construction relate with domination relations. More specifically, we aimed to answer the following question: if and how the discourses produced by those different claims-makers about the violence involving football supporters may be considered an ideological production? To access these discourses, we conducted semistructured interviews and collected opinion articles published in newspapers with large circulation. The analysis of these materials was based on the violence theory proposed by Johan Galtung, on the constructivist social problems theory and on John B. Thompson´s ideology theory we also used the methodology developed by the latter author, depth hermeneutics. Following the traditional structure proposed by this methodology, we divided the analysis into three phases: first, we described and analyzed the socio-historical context of its production, circulation and reception; second, we analyzed its internal structure and, finally, we reinterpreted the second phase´s outcomes using the data produced in the first stage. After this reinterpretation, we argued, among other things, that the debate discussed here has mobilized the ideology since it helps to keep the torcedores organizados, in particular, and the common supporters, in general, in a domination situation. We also defended that some of these discourses propagate the idea that group or mass behavior is naturally irrational and that, in doing so, they sustain the domination relation between public authorities and supporters. However, the ideological aspect of the debate is, in this case, confronted by the critical aspect of the discourses that contest the amplification of the State control. We also observed that they criticize the treatment the supporters receive during the football event and the behavior of authorities, journalists and sports directors. We also noticed, in some discourses, a deep dissatisfaction with the socio-economical differences and the educational conditions of the country. Therefore, we can say that, although the current debate about violence in Brazilian football often contributes to domination, it also has mobilized some criticism, challenging interventions and the transformation of the status quo

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Under the theoretical perspective of Discourse Analysis from French source, we accomplished an analysis of the World Social Forum slogan: Another World is Possible, and the lyrics of Tom Zé s song: Unimultiplicidade (Unimultiplicity). The World Social Forum is an event which searches the mobilization and articulation of many social movements, NGO, activists and civil entities through conversation and debate. The event proposal is to construct in group a viable alternative to neoliberal capitalism. The question we propose is to know the way this happening inscribes itself in the political memory of nowadays upon the aspect of political occurrences from 1989 to 2001. Is the polemic between the Right Wing and the Opposition updated by the declaration of another possible world? What Opposition is that mobilized by WSF slogan? Does the heterogeneity of the early Oppositions not appear as a question in the neologism Unimultiplicidade (Unimultiplicity) title of the song Tom Zé made especially for the event of WSF? In addiction, is Althusser s assertion that the fusion of both historical materialism with worker movement the biggest occurrence of Modern History a still valid matter in relation to social movements in the 21st century? What is being a Marxist today? What is the function of an analyst before the social movements of nowadays? These are the main questions we are going to approach in the present study. / Dentro da perspectiva teórica da Análise do Discurso de vertente francesa, realizamos um trabalho de análise do slogan do Fórum Social Mundial: Um outro Mundo é Possível, e da letra da música de Tom Zé: Unimultiplicidade. O Fórum Social Mundial é um evento que busca mobilizar e articular variados movimentos sociais, ONGs, ativistas e entidades civis por meio do diálogo e do debate. A proposta do evento é construir em conjunto uma alternativa viável ao capitalismo neoliberal. A questão que colocamos é saber como se inscreve este acontecimento na memória política de nossa época, sob o prisma dos acontecimentos políticos de 1989-2001. A polêmica entre a esquerda e a direita é atualizada pela afirmação de outro mundo possível? Que esquerda é esta que é mobilizada pelo slogan do FSM? A heterogeneidade das esquerdas atuais não aparece como questão no neologismo Unimultiplicidade, título da música que Tom Zé fez especialmente para o evento do FSM? E a asserção de Althusser, de que a fusão do materialismo histórico com o movimento operário é o maior acontecimento da História Moderna, ainda é válida em relação aos movimentos sociais do século XXI? O que é ser marxista hoje? Qual é a função do analista frente aos movimentos sociais de hoje? Estas são as questões centrais que abordaremos na presente dissertação.