Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:33:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-08-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:47:58Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 vieira_ab_dr_prud.pdf: 2252127 bytes, checksum: c6977dd1bc8675f6be56e9fdf2900aa8 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Nesta tese partimos da hipótese de que nas cidades médias brasileiras ocorrem processos sociais excludentes perversos. O “lugar de cada um” ou a separação espacial das diferentes classes sociais nas cidades médias nos remete à discussão da banalização das desigualdades e a produção e reprodução do espaço banal. O mapeamento da exclusão social permite-nos compreender essa banalização por meio das interfaces entre o econômico e o político, pois não entendemos as cidades médias sem analisar a sua inserção na rede de cidades (geografia econômica) como não podemos compreender a exclusão social sem investigar as especificidades da produção e reprodução do espaço banal (geografia política). Uberlândia, São José do Rio Preto e Presidente Prudente foram escolhidas como recorte empírico que permitiu-nos identificar os processos que envolvem os impactos negativos das desigualdades sociais. É também o elemento que possibilita reconhecer as matrizes excludentes e como estas são reproduzidas. Partimos, assim, do princípio de que a análise e caracterização do conceito de exclusão social, bem como o mapeamento dos indicadores de exclusão constituem-se em uma chave para compreender a banalização das desigualdades sociais e espaciais nessas três cidades médias. / In this research, we discuss the social exclusion processes in the intermediate Brazilian cities. Using an empirical study across Uberlandia, Sao Jose do Rio Preto and Presidente Prudente, it was possible to identify the negative impacts and social inequalities that involve the Brazilian urban production. It is also the element that makes possible both recognise the excluding patterns and find out how they are produced. Then we assume that the analysis and characterisation of the concept of social exclusion as well as the mapping of exclusion indicators constitute the key point for understanding the vulgarisation of social and spatial inequalities in these three intermediate cities.

Social exclusion was a defining issue for the New Labour Government when it came to power in 1997. The collaboration between sport and welfare policymakers created a favourable environment for the development of new sports projects. This thesis provides an analysis of the role of selected football projects in delivering this type of sports-based programme for young people living in deprived areas. The three objectives of this research are firstly, to provide an analysis of the national policy context between 1997 to 2014, secondly, to review the literature on policy-making and policy implementation and to identify suitable frameworks and concepts to facilitate analysis and thirdly, to provide a longitudinal analysis of three selected football projects located in areas of deprivation. This study uses a mixed method approach comprising semi-structured interviews and documentary evidence. From this, three case studies were developed using a thematic approach and analysed using a combination of multiple streams and implementation theory. The study identifies the many similarities shared by all three projects at their inception, reflecting the political priorities for tackling social exclusion through sport which was reinforced by adopting a top-down approach to project implementation. However, national political priorities changed as the New Labour Government approached the end of its term in office, and two of the three projects struggled to adapt to these changes. Nevertheless, the third project, supported by its host agency, did adapt to the changes in the political stream and maintained its original commitment to using football to address social exclusion. The study concludes that the success of the third project to adapt can be attributed to the nature of the project s host agency with its own continued commitment to social exclusion, its focus on football, its ability to retain the original project staff, its strength in fostering partnerships and in securing project funding. These factors ensured that this third football project was able to deliver sports programmes to its young people living in an area of high deprivation whilst also fulfilling its social objectives.

Este trabalho tenciona apresentar uma análise da exclusão social na escola, desenvolvendo uma abordagem desde os modelos de alfabetização mais diversificados e de épocas diversas, tomando como base a alfabetização e o letramento. Desenvolve, também, a importância da Lingüística e da Sociolingüística no estudo da educação formal, o papel do professor/educador na promoção do indivíduo para o acesso à norma culta para, dessa forma, possibilitar a inclusão social através da valorização da diversidade lingüística, propondo, então, um projeto de inclusão social - o Projeto de Nivelamento Lingüístico - para alunos do Ensino Superior da Faculdade de Ciências Educacionais - FACE. / This research presents an analysis of social exclusion in school, developing an approach of diversified literacy models over the times. It develops also the importance of Linguistics and Sociolinguistics in study of formal education, the teachers/educators role in individuals development for the access to official norm, making possible the social inclusion through the valorization of linguistic diversity, by proposing a project of social inclusion - the Project of Linguistic Leveling - for students of the Faculdade de Ciências Educacionais - FACE.

Este estudo penetra no mundo das mulheres do sul do Maranhão e o compara com o mundo das mulheres da época pós-exílica, espelhado em textos escolhidos do livro de Cântico dos Cânticos (Ct 1, 5-6; Ct 3,1-5 e Ct 8,1-14). Através de uma hermenêutica feminista da libertação, procura entender a situação de desprezo, exclusão, discriminação e violência das mulheres dentro do sistema patriarcal, androcêntrico e hierárquico, com suas dimensões econômicas, sociais, políticas, religiosa e culturais, predominante tanto no contexto de Cântico dos Cânticos quanto na realidade sulmaranhense. Mostra-se como, em ambos os contextos, as mulheres resistem ao modelo de vida dominante e propõem outro modelo baseado em harmonia, relações fraternas, igualitárias, sem preconceito e sem dominação. Num primeiro momento, retrata-se a realidade do sul do Maranhão a partir das mulheres. A seguir, enfoca-se o modo como elas resistem a este sistema que as violenta. Num terceiro momento, apresentam-se o contexto da época de surgimento do Cântico dos Cânticos no pós-exílio e a resistência de mulheres neste período. Num quarto momento, são analisados textos específicos e representativos de Cântico dos Cânticos. No final, traça-se um paralelo entre as mulheres do sul do maranhão de hoje e as mulheres no Cântico dos Cânticos. Este estudo busca dar novo vigor às lutas e à autoestima das mulheres, sobretudo no sul do Maranhão, para que continuem resistindo a toda e qualquer opressão, gestando, assim, um novo mundo pleno de igualdade, sororidade, solidariedade, inclusão, justiça e paz. / This study enters the world of women in the South of Maranhão and compares it with the world of women in post-exilic era, as reflected in selected texts from the Song of Songs (1:5-6; 3:1-5 and 8:1-14). Through a feminist liberation hermeneutics, we try to understand the situation of contempt, exclusion, discrimination and violence of women within a patriarchal, androcentric, and hierarchical system, with its economic, social, political, religious and cultural dimensions, which prevails both in the Song Songs and in the reality in South Maranhão. It shows how, in both contexts, the women resist the dominant model of life and propose another model based on harmony, brotherly and egalitarian relations without prejudice and domination. At first, this study portrays reality of women in Southern Maranhão. Then, we focus on how they resist this system which is violent with them. Thirdly, we present the context of the time of emergence of the Song of Songs in the post-exilic period and the resistance of women in that period. Fourth, specific and representative texts of the Song are analyzed. Finally, we draw a parallel between the women of Southern Maranhão today and women in Song of Songs. This study seeks to strengthen the struggles and the self-esteem of women, especially those in Southern Maranhão, to continue to resist any oppression, gestating, thus, a new world full of equality, sisterhood, solidarity, inclusion, justice and peace.

A presente dissertação focaliza os fundamentos da escravidão presentes na realidade brasileira, considerando os ideais liberais do projeto político de construção do Estado Nacional e a visão de políticos e intelectuais envolvidos no processo de discussão do escravismo, tendo o 1º Império (1822-1831) como um dos seus marcos temporais. Na atualização do tema o estudo aborda a questão dos afrodescendentes no Brasil Contemporâneo (2002-2006), visando a compreensão das políticas públicas de discriminação positiva: as cotas, cujo objetivo é constituir gradativamente a inclusão de negros e pardos em diferentes instâncias sociais; entre elas, as universidades públicas. Para tal, analisam-se as antíteses das propostas, discursos e práxis políticas, a partir da fundamentação teórica sobre liberalismo e escravidão, e de temas correlatos como “estado” e “liberdade”, enquanto dimensões constitutivas da vida política no despontar da sociedade moderna. Isso é feito pela ótica da Ciência Política e de forma complementar da Filosofia e da História Social do país. Para a realização do trabalho nos baseamos no método dialético, cujo suporte é a negação de uma realidade tida como estática. Tal procedimento nos permitiu trabalhar com as contradições ou antinomias sociais, através de bibliografias, artigos e pesquisas on-line. A partir desse material investigamos questões referentes às práticas atuais de racismo que desvendam o dilema da exclusão social e da ineficácia das políticas públicas de atendimento aos pobres e, de forma mais intensa, aos afrodescendentes. Também examinamos atividades de atendimento e assistência destinadas aos alunos cotistas nas universidades públicas que já aderiram o projeto de cotas raciais. Por meio da Ciência Política analisamos e problematizamos parte das categorias mediativas do processo de exclusão do negro que remontam ao Brasil-Colônia e se mantém até atualidade enquanto fato político, uma vez que a abolição não foi acompanhada de políticas públicas constituintes de cidadania afrodescendente. Assim, encontramos marcos importantes onde a negação sistemática do racismo contrasta com a sua existência velada, pautada pelo falso conceito de democracia racial. Experiência capaz de reproduzir uma realidade perversa nivelada apenas pelo conteúdo, mas sem consistência nas relações concretas nas quais, cotidianamente, os afrodescendentes são excluídos pela cor da pele. Por conseqüência, trata-se de necessidades que revelam e fundamentam a urgência da implantação de políticas de cotas em nível nacional. / This dissertation focuses on the basis of slavery present in Brazilian reality, considering the liberal ideals of the political project of the building of the National State and the vision of politicians and intellectuals involved the process of discussing slavery, having the First Empire (1822-1831) as the temporal landmark. In the development of this theme, this study addresses the issue of afro descendants in Contemporary Brazil (2002-2006) aiming the understanding of public politics of positive discrimination: the quotas, which attempts to gradually increase the number of afro-descendants, included in different social instances, among them, public universities. Thus, the antithesis of the proposals, speeches and political praxis will be analyzed from the theoretical framework of liberalism and slavery, as well as of correlate themes like “state” and “freedom”, while constituent dimensions of political life arise for modern society. This analysis is performed from the perspective of Political Science and of the Philosophy and Social History of the country as well. This research was based on the dialectic method which is the denial of a static reality. Such a procedure allowed us to work with the social contradictions or antinomies thorough bibliography, papers and on-line researches. From this material we investigated questions referring to actual practices of racism which reveal the dilemma of social exclusion and of the inefficacy of public politics serving the poor and more specifically to afro-descendants. We also examined services and assistance designated to “students selected by quota” of public universities that have already agreed to the project of racial quotas. Using Political Science we evaluated some of the categories that mediate the process of exclusion of the afro-descendants that date from the “Brazilian-Colonial” period and continue to the present as a political issue, since the abolition of slavery has not been accompanied by the success of public politics in creating afro- descendants as citizens. Thus, we find important indications where the systematic denial of racism contrasts with its evident existence, marked by the false concept of racial democracy. Experiences capable of reproducing a perverse reality, mediated only by the theoretical content of law, but with no consistency for the concrete relations in which, daily, the afro- descendants are excluded based on the color of their skin. Consequently, there are needs that reveal and underlie the urgency for the emergence of quota politics on the national level.

Esta dissertação objetivou levantar alguns pontos para a discussão e reflexão do que entendemos como algumas estratégias sociais de resistência aos processos desterritorializantes entendidos, também como socioeconomicamente excludentes. Com aporte teórico, subsidiamos nossa pesquisa, desenvolvendo uma metodologia que envolveu, outrossim, levantamento bibliográfico, entrevistas e observações. Analisamos, especificamente, o caso da Rede Industrial de Confecção Solidária (RICS) e sua contribuição para a geração de trabalho, renda, que, neste caso, vai além de mera sobrevivência, pois se configura na participação efetiva dos envolvidos em todas as etapas do projeto, contribuindo para o desenvolvimento da qualidade de vida e fortalecendo valores como a dignidade dos indivíduos, que visam o benefício coletivo do grupo. Buscamos apreender de que forma o Estado, em suas esferas federal, estadual e municipal, favorece a criação e fomenta a reprodução das redes de solidariedade, para, posteriormente, abordar como o município de Porto Alegre comporta-se diante deste cenário. Assim, apesar de incipiente, tanto na prática e principalmente na teoria, a Economia Solidária vai trilhando o seu caminho, com o trabalho e da criatividade de quem a faz na esperança de sobreviver numa sociedade cada vez mais competitiva e excludente. / This dissertation objectified to raise some points for the quarrel and reflection of what we understand as some social strategies of resistance to the understood desterritorializantes processes, as also social and economically exculpatory. With it arrives in port theoretical, we subsidize our research, developing a methodology that involved, also, empirical survey of data. We analyze, specifically, the case of the Industrial Net of Solidary Confection (RICS) and its contribution for the work generation, income, that, in this in case that, goes beyond mere survival, therefore is configured in the participation accomplishes of involved in all the stages of the project, contributing for the development of the quality of life and fortifying values as the dignity of the individuals, that aim at the collective benefit of the group. We search to apprehend of that it forms the State, in its spheres federal, state and municipal, it favors the creation and it foments the reproduction of the solidarity nets, for, later, approaching as the city of Porto Alegre behaves ahead of this scene. Thus, although incipient, as much in the practical one and mainly in the theory, the Solidary Economy goes treading its way, with the work and of the creativity of which it makes it in the hope to survive in a society each more competitive and exculpatory time.

As ações afirmativas são medidas especiais, temporárias ou não, implementadas pelo Estado e por setores da sociedade civil, que visam corrigir desigualdades acumuladas ao longo de muitos anos, sejam elas raciais, de gênero, religiosas, étnicas, entre outras, e garantir a igualdade de oportunidades e de tratamento. Historicamente, o ensino superior brasileiro não tem registro em seu quadro de discentes e docentes de um percentual de negros condizente com a população existente no país. Este quadro é majoritariamente composto por brancos, o que demanda a geração de políticas públicas que possam reverter este cenário. A implementação de cotas raciais no ensino público superior teve início em 2003 na Universidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro, sendo seguida por outras instituições; em 2010, compreendia 39 universidades, sendo 16 estaduais e 23 federais, além de outras instituições públicas de ensino superior que também adotaram este sistema, como centros universitários, fundações e institutos. Sendo um processo recente e ainda em avaliação, as cotas raciais têm sido objeto de reflexão em função de sua justificativa social, que consiste em dar mais oportunidades aos negros, dando incentivo para acessarem o ensino superior, oportunizando que possam futuramente ter as mesmas condições de inserção profissional que tem o restante da população. Com objetivo de analisar como essa experiência está ocorrendo, especialmente em sua efetividade enquanto ação inclusiva, realizou-se uma pesquisa qualitativa na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul. A investigação, de cunho exploratório e descritivo, buscou, em fontes documentais, em entrevistas com servidores e discentes e na participação em diversas atividades institucionais, os elementos que poderiam elucidar o problema de pesquisa. Para analisar as diversas fontes de dados, foi utilizada a triangulação, que possibilita ao pesquisador entrelaçar e interpretar os dados coletados e devidamente organizados. Os resultados apontam que a inclusão desses alunos através das ações afirmativas de cotas efetiva-se gradativamente em aspectos como inserção no trabalho, mudança em relação ao sentimento de autoconfiança e na descoberta de novos horizontes, como a pesquisa, o ensino e a extensão, dimensões da vida acadêmica. A universidade tem desenvolvido ações para que essa inclusão seja efetiva, promovendo atividades e disponibilizando benefícios que dêem suporte financeiro e acadêmico para a permanência e a conclusão do curso, o que tem sido importante para os alunos cotistas quanto ao apoio básico necessário para que continuem essa caminhada acadêmica. Entre os aspectos que merecem maior atenção, estão a visibilidade dada aos cotistas e a efetiva integração destes junto à instituição em todos os segmentos. / Affirmative actions are special measures, temporary or not, implemented by the State or by private initiatives, aiming at correcting inequalities accumulated over many year, be they social, gender-related, religious, ethnic, among others, and at ensuring equality of opportunities and of treatment. Historically, the Brazilian higher education body of professors and students has no record of a percentage of blacks in keeping with the current country's population. This body is mostly composed of whites, which requires the creation of public policies that may reverse this scenario. The implementation of racial quotas in public higher education began in 2003 at the Rio de Janeiro State University, which was followed by other institutions; in 2010, these comprised 39 universities, 16 state universities and 23 federal universities, as well as other public institutions of higher education, including universities, foundations and institutes. As a recent process still under evaluation, racial quotas have been the object of reflection because of its social justification, which is based on giving more opportunities to black people, encouraging them to enter higher education, thus providing them with the opportunity of eventually having the same conditions of employability that the rest of the population has. Aiming to analyze how this experience has been realized, particularly in its success as an inclusive action, a qualitative research was carried out at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul. This investigation, of an exploratory and descriptive character, sought the elements that could elucidate the research problem in documentary sources, in interviews with the staff and the students and in the attendance to many institutional activities. In order to analyze the diverse sources of data, we used triangulation, which allows the researcher to cross and interpret data that was collected and properly organized. The results indicate that the inclusion of these students through affirmative action quotas is gradually actualized in aspects such as occupational integration, changes in the feeling of self-confidence and in the discovery of new horizons, such as research, teaching and public outreach, all dimensions of academic life. The university has promoted actions to ensure that this inclusion is effective, fostering activities and providing benefits that give financial and academic support for the students to stay in the course and finish the course. This has been important for the students who benefited from racial quotas in providing the basic support they need to continue their academic journeys. Among the aspects that deserve greater attention are the visibility given to these students and their effective integration into the institution in all its segments.

abstract: In recent decades, marine ecologists have conducted extensive field work and experiments to understand the interactions between bacteria and bacteriophage (phage) in marine environments. This dissertation provides a detailed rigorous framework for gaining deeper insight into these interactions. Specific features of the dissertation include the design of a new deterministic Lotka-Volterra model with n + 1 bacteria, n/n + 1 phage, with explicit nutrient, where the jth phage strain infects the first j bacterial strains, a perfectly nested infection network (NIN). This system is subject to trade-off conditions on the life-history traits of both bacteria and phage given in an earlier study Jover et al. (2013). Sufficient conditions are provided to show that a bacteria-phage community of arbitrary size with NIN can arise through the succession of permanent subcommunities, by the successive addition of one new population. Using uniform persistence theory, this entire community is shown to be permanent (uniformly persistent), meaning that all populations ultimately survive. It is shown that a modified version of the original NIN Lotka-Volterra model with implicit nutrient considered by Jover et al. (2013) is permanent. A new one-to-one infection network (OIN) is also considered where each bacterium is infected by only one phage, and that phage infects only that bacterium. This model does not use the trade-offs on phage infection range, and bacterium resistance to phage. The OIN model is shown to be permanent, and using Lyapunov function theory, coupled with LaSalle’s Invariance Principle, the unique coexistence equilibrium associated with the NIN is globally asymptotically stable provided that the inter- and intra-specific bacterial competition coefficients are equal across all bacteria. Finally, the OIN model is extended to a “Kill the Winner” (KtW) Lotka-Volterra model of marine communities consisting of bacteria, phage, and zooplankton. The zooplankton acts as a super bacteriophage, which infects all bacteria. This model is shown to be permanent. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Applied Mathematics 2016

abstract: Russellian monism is a promising theory of consciousness that attempts to capture the strengths of both physicalism and dualism while avoiding their weaknesses. I begin by showing that the Russellian monist’s chief anti-physicalist rival, emergentism, is unable to give an adequate solution to the exclusion problem. Specifically, they fall prey to what I call “the opacity problem.” That is, because the emergentist is committed to there being both a sufficient physical cause and a sufficient mental cause for our actions, it is unclear what difference the mental cause is making in bringing about the effect. This is because, for the physical cause to truly be a sufficient cause, it must be sufficient to bring about the effect as it occurred. This distinguishes mental overdetermination from non-problematic kinds of overdetermination (like double rock throwing cases). I then show how the constitutive Russellian monist is able to avoid the exclusion problem, while the emergent Russellian monist faces similar opacity problems to emergentism. Finally, I give an account of how the constitutive Russellian monist can give a response to the strongest objection against—the subject-summing problem. I argue that we only have translucent access to our conscious states—that is, only part of the essential nature of the state is revealed to us through introspection. I then argue that we have reason to think that part of the essential nature of the conscious state not revealed to us is involved in subject-summing. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Philosophy 2018

Critical discourse analysis investigates the ways in which discourse is to abuse power relationships. Political debates constitute discourses that mirror certain aspects of ideologies. This study aimed to uncover the ideological intentions in the formulation and circulation of hegemonic political ideology in TV political debates that occurred in the 2011-2012 Yemen revolution, examining the question of how ideology was used as a tool of hegemony. The corpus of the study consisted of fifteen debates (73915 words) from four live debate programmes (The Opposite Direction, In Depth, Behind the News and the Revolution Talk) staged at Al Jazeera Arabic TV channel between 2011 and 2012. Al Jazeera was selected as the focus of this study because of its position as the most popular TV in the Arab world and due to its strong presence during the Arab revolutions. Two debate sides were identified: government, representing the president Ali Abdullah Saleh and his regime, and protesters, who represented the discontent populace gathering squares who demanded the abdication of the president. Data were also obtained from interviews conducted with the Al Jazeera staff who managed the debates. Analysis was conducted on the verbal discourse aspects of four debates, one debate from each programme, using critical discourse analysis: aspects from the van Leeuwen's (2008, 2009) Social Actor Network model, supplemented by additional linguistic features. The results were triangulated using computer-assisted corpus analysis for the entire corpus, the fifteen debates. AntConc (version 3.2.4w) was used to process the keyword lists, word concordances and collocations. The results of the analysis were then compared with the interviews with AJ staff. The main research finding was that although results of the critical discourse analysis correlated with those of the computer-assisted corpus analysis, they differed to a marked degree from the perceptions of Al Jazeera staff. Also, evident is that Al Jazeera and the protesters had similar ideological intentions, including glorifying the revolution and inciting protests, which was not the case with the government speakers. Overall, the findings show that Al Jazeera displayed evident bias, excluding the government from its debates in a way that runs counter to its mission statement and the tenets of objective journalism. The findings of this study illustrate the powerful role that language plays in shaping ideological media intentions and influencing the media audience.