This thesis examines how food sovereignty has been conceptualized by the Indonesian peasant union, Serikat Petani Indonesia, and how this framing has been affected by the transnational food sovereignty movement and national ideology of food self-sufficiency in Indonesia. This thesis will analyze how food sovereignty is conceptualized in the document Vision for Food Sovereignty 2014-2024 released by Serikat Petani Indonesia. The analysis will be conducted through a critical discourse analysis. Critical discourse analysis will account for both the theory and method, however the theory will be synthesized through FRT. The analysis will look at the food sovereignty discourse in its larger historical context. This thesis finds that while food sovereignty has traveled transnationally through the food sovereignty movement as a counter-hegemonic concept that propagate support for peasant farmers and their control for land and resources, in the Vision for Food Sovereignty 2014-2024 document, food sovereignty is framed as food sovereignty for Indonesia, the country. This means that the ability for peasants to mobilize food sovereignty in Indonesia for the purpose of supporting the control of land and recourses is diminished. Thus, food sovereignty has been co-opted and reproduced in the hegemonic relations between farmers, corporations and the state.

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[pt] O aumento no número de aquisições internacionais de terras nas últimas duas décadas motiva pesquisas sobre os atores envolvidos neste processo e responsáveis por esta intensificação. Nesta dissertação, é analisado o papel do Estado na criação das condições de possibilidade para as aquisições internacionais de terras, a partir de um estudo de caso, o Etíope. São examinados os mecanismos e regulações criados pelo Estado, o contexto histórico e internacional para sua atuação, e as finalidades econômicas e políticas para as mesmas, a partir de um referencial teórico baseado no conceito de acumulação por espoliação elaborado por David Harvey. / [en] The increase in the number of international land acquisitions in the last two decades calls for research on the actors involved in this process and responsible for this intensification. In this dissertation, the role of the State in creating the conditions for these acquisitions is examined through a case study, Ethiopia. Mechanisms and regulations created by the State are analyzed, along with the local historical and international context for the State s policies and its political and economic aims, with the deployment of a theoretical framework based on the concept of accumulation by dispossession as developed by David Harvey.

This thesis examines the conditions under which democratically elected policymakers are more likely to provide policies that compensate individuals that lose from international trade. It develops and empirically tests a theoretical framework of compensation in open economies that accounts for differences in the degree to which governments benefit losers from trade. It first develops a theory of preference formation based on economic geography, and then argues that electoral and legislative institutions jointly condition the supply of compensation. The theoretical analysis provides three sets of observable implications evaluated using micro- and macro-level data in Europe and Latin America. First, exposure to international competition increases demand for policy that compensates for the costs of trade, but this effect is more pronounced among those individuals in economically specialised and uncompetitive contexts where reemployment in the event of a shock is difficult. Second, policymakers in proportional electoral systems face weak incentives to target trade losers in geographically concentrated and uncompetitive regions. In contrast, majoritarian institutions generate incentives to increase compensation when trade losers are geographically concentrated. Another implication is that under some conditions, the presence of a strong upper house that represents regional interests dampens the provision of compensation, and the relative effect of electoral rules. The empirical implications of the argument are tested using a multi-method research strategy that combines cross-national and case study analyses and draws on quantitative and qualitative techniques. Chapter 3 tests the micro-level implications of the model using survey data for European regions over 2002-2006. The findings indicate that regional economic specialization and regional competitiveness jointly condition the impact of trade on preferences for compensation. Chapter 4 systematically tests the extent to which the geographical concentration of trade losers conditions the effect of electoral institutions on levels of compensation. It uses panel data from 14 European countries from 1980 to 2010. The findings indicate that where trade losers are concentrated, lower district magnitude leads to more compensation. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct case studies of compensation in Spain and Argentina, both countries that underwent deep liberalisation and offer significant variation at the regional and institutional level. Chapter 5 explores preferences over compensation in selected regions in Spain and Argentina, and shows that regional specialisation and competitiveness were important in shaping levels of support for compensation. Chapter 6 examines the role of electoral institutions and legislative veto bargaining in shaping the politics of compensation in Spain and Argentina.

[pt] A dissertação analisa o processo de construção social do Refugiado em dois momentos históricos específicos da segunda metade do século XX: entre 1945- 1954 e no pós-Guerra Fria. O objetivo central é mostrar como as práticas discursivas relativas ao Refugiado são informadas pelas estruturas constitucionais da sociedade internacional e pelas crenças e valores fundamentais que definem os critérios de legitimidade da ação estatal. Procura evidenciar o caráter contingente e variável da definição do Refugiado em dois contextos de transformação da ordem internacional. A pesquisa parte da abordagem construtivista, assentada na proposta de Reus-Smit (1999) e de Onuf (1989), na tentativa de fornecer uma explicação mais adequada dos processos sociais de constituição do Refugiado na moderna sociedade de Estados, enfatizando o papel das organizações internacionais, em especial do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Refugiados (ACNUR). Neste sentido, ressalta a importância da territorialidade e do imaginário espacial enquanto critérios centrais para a delimitação dos fenômenos migratórios forçados, critérios esses tensionados a partir da década de noventa. / [en] The dissertation s main purpose is to analyze the process of social construction of the Refugee in two specific historical moments in the second half of the twentieth century: from 1945 to 1954 and after the end of the Cold War. The main goal is to demonstrate how discursive practices related to the refugee are informed by the constitutional structures of international society and by the fundamental values and beliefs that legitimate state action. It also aims at showing the contingent and changing nature of the refugee definition in contexts of profound transformations in international orders. The research is based on a constructivist approach, mainly in Reus-Smit (1999) and Onuf s (1989) frameworks, in an attempt to provide a more adequate understanding of the social processes constitutive of the refugee in the modern society of States, highlighting the role of international organizations, in particular the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In that sense, it gives emphasis to the primary importance attached to territoriality and the spatial imagery as fundamental criteria to establishing the limits of forced international migration, a criteria that has faced great challenges since the nineties.

Globalization has significantly increased the number of stakeholders in transnational issues in recent decades. The typical list of the new players in global affairs often includes non-state actors like non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations, and international organizations. Sub-national governments, however, have been given relatively little attention even though they, too, have a significant interest and ability to shape the increasing flow of capital, goods, services, people, and ideas that has so profoundly influenced the global political economy in recent decades. California, arguably the most significant among sub-national governments – its economy would be seventh or eighth in the world at $2.2 trillion annually, it engages in over $570 billion in merchandise trade, and has a population of nearly 40 million, out of which over 10 million are immigrants – is also one of the most active in transnational issues. The state government has opened and closed dozens trade offices abroad since the 1960s. It set up a multi-billion dollar carbon cap-and-trade system jointly with the Canadian provinces of Québec and Ontario under Assembly Bill 32, one of the most significant pieces of climate change legislation to date. California’s educational, technological, and media hubs – its public and private universities, Silicon Valley, and Hollywood – draw some of the best and brightest from around the world. California also has a long history of involvement in transnational issues. State efforts to undermine growing Chinese then Japanese “menace” immigrant populations from the mid-19th through the mid-20th centuries influenced United States foreign policy. This thesis first takes a look at the federalism and international relations issues faced by California as it plays a greater role in transnational issues. Then, it examines the main actors and institutions, and the issues at play. The states have some leeway under the Constitution and contemporary political order to use their domestic powers to influence global issues, whether through climate legislation, public pension divestment, or non-binding “Memoranda of Understanding” with foreign governments. Such behavior, while less significant than national policy, can fill gaps in national policy, promote policy change, and deepen global ties, promoting a more complex interdependence among nations. California can also exert a moral, soft power influence in leading by example. The structures promoting California’s growing role in transnational issues are poorly organized. If the Golden State is to better leverage its political, economic, and moral authority internationally, it would do well to more explicitly develop a unified vision for its role in the world.

清潔發展機制作為京都議定書中的一種彈性機制，普遍被認為將為溫室氣體排放減量所引起的「環境保護─經濟發展」與「北─南」衝突帶來雙贏的結果。支持者認為，其為附件一締約方提供達成溫室氣體減排經濟成本較低的方法，也同時為非附件一締約方引進資金與技術。然而，本研究運用國際政治經濟學的分析，提出因為各自要素禀賦的不同，清潔發展機制實行後的利弊損益將不會公平的分配於清潔發展機制項目的投資方與東道方間，因而導致某些負面的效果：其將阻礙投資方境內減排措施的推動，與導致東道方在技術上的依賴。而透過對投資方與東道方內部排放權提供者與技術研發者間互動的分析，再輔以中國與EU-15的實證資料，可以證實本研究的假設並較為清楚地說明其背後之原因。最後，本研究將討論中國政府與EU-15各自如何以政治力介入市場機制的運作，以試圖處理這樣市場機制運作所導致的弊病。 / Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) as a Kyoto flexible mechanism was believed to provide a win-win solution to the conflicts, which result from cutting down greenhouse gas emissions, between wheather ecology & economy or North & South. The proponents believe the implementation of CDM is cost-efficient for the Annex I Parties to achieve their Kyoto commitments and can also introduce capital & technology into the non-Annex I Parties. However, by international political economic analysis, the difference in factors endowments between CDM invest parties and host parties will result in unequal distribution of gains & pays between them. This causes some negative effects: CDM will deter the implementation of domestic emissions reduction in the invest parties, and it will also make technological dependence in the host parties. Through analyzing the interactions between emission allowance providers & technology innovators in the invest & host parties and with empirical data from China & EU-15, the assumptions of this study is proved and the causation is clarified. At last, the governmental interventions, which are trying to modify the negative effects result from the operation of market mechanism, by China and EU-15 are brought into discuss perspectively.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation discusses the essence of economic theory, showing aspects related to discussions on international economic relations, especially with regard to regional blocs. The main focus of work is directly related to the analysis of monetary policies. To this end, we analyze the forms of monetary policies that facilitate the process of economic integration, a way of lowering transaction costs or even make it more efficient, following the assumptions of the theory of international trade and new issues within the international macroeconomics. For this, emphasis is on aspects of monetary policy, economic integration and coordination of macroeconomic policies. In the case of monetary policy, the highlight was the discussion of monetary orthodoxy and heterodoxy, the main starting point for evaluating the performance of the monetary authority and objectives to be achieved by the Central Bank. With regard to economic integration, it is noted as is the process of integration and the costs and benefits primarily related to monetary integration. For this demonstrates the theory of Optimum Currency Areas. The fourth and final area for consideration is the interrelationship between the first two presented. Thus, it appears that the integration of MERCOSUL, needs a monetary framework. / Este trabalho discute a essência da teoria econômica, evidenciando seus aspectos relacionados a discussões sobre as relações econômicas internacionais, principalmente no que se refere a blocos regionais. O foco principal do trabalho está relacionado diretamente à análise sobre as políticas monetárias. Para tal, analisamse as formas de condução de políticas monetárias que facilitem o processo de integração econômica, buscando diminuir os custos de transação ou até mesmo torná-la mais eficiente, seguindo as premissas da teoria do comércio internacional e os novos aspectos dentro da macroeconomia internacional. Para tanto, enfatizam-se aspectos sobre condução de política monetária, integração econômica e coordenação das políticas macroeconômicas. No caso da condução da política monetária, destaca-se a discussão entre ortodoxia e heterodoxia monetária, principal ponto de partida para avaliação sobre a atuação da autoridade monetária e objetivos a serem alcançados pelo Banco Central. No que se refere à integração econômica, aponta-se como ocorre o processo de integração e os custos e benefícios relacionados principalmente à integração monetária. Para isso demonstra-se a teoria das Áreas Monetárias Ótimas. O quarto e último ponto abordado é a inter-relação entre os dois primeiros apresentados. Dessa forma, verifica-se que na integração do MERCOSUL, carece de um receituário monetário.

In the last two decades, more than half of the countries in the world have introduced a reform process in their power industries and billions of dollars have been spent on liberalizing electricity markets around the world. This thesis presents a doctoral research concerned with the cross-country empirical analysis of the electricity market reforms. The thesis is in three-paper format; that is, we present three independent but related stand-alone papers. The first paper focuses on the impact of power market reforms on electricity price-cost margins and industrial/residential price ratios. It investigates this issue by looking at the impact of the electricity industry reforms on residential and industrial electricity price-cost margins and their effect on industrial/residential price ratios. Using panel data from 63 developed and developing countries covering the period 1982–2009, empirical models are developed and analysed. The results suggest that each individual reform step has different impact on price-cost margins and industrial/residential price ratios for each consumer and country group. That is to say, our findings imply that similar reform steps may have different impacts in different countries, which supports the idea that reform prescription for a specific country cannot easily be transferred to another one with similar success. The second paper explores whether the question of why some countries are able to implement more extensive reforms is closely related to the question of why some countries have better institutions than others. It analyses this question by using an empirical econometric model based on Poisson regression with cross-section data covering 51 states in US, 13 provinces in Canada and 51 other countries. The study concludes that both the background of the chairperson and the minister/governor and institutional endowments of a country are important determinants of how far reforms have gone in a country. Considering the fact that ideological considerations, political composition of governments and educational/professional background of leaders have played and will play a crucial role throughout the reform process; the third paper attempts to discover the impact of political economic variables on the liberalization process in electricity markets. It develops and analyses empirical models using panel data from 55 developed and developing countries covering the period 1975–2010. The results suggest that a portion of the differences in the reform experiences of reforming countries in the past three decades can be explained by differences in the political structure, in the ideology of the government and in the professional and educational backgrounds of the political leaders.

This thesis deals with political-economic globalization from the view of International Political Economy. The first chapter represents a theoretical framework and focuses, especially, on theoretical approaches towards globalization, role of nation state in a globalised environment, and global governance. The second chapter elaborately analyses the state of political-economic globalization during the Great Depression and the Great Recession at the outset of the 21st century, and examines the development of its economic and political aspects. In the end of the second chapter, these crises are compared to answer the research question, i.e. if and to what extend there has been a progress in the process of political-economic globalization since the Great Depression up to the present time.