A presente pesquisa pretende ser útil nos esclarecimentos da maneira pela qual a experiência advinda do processo de industrialização na Inglaterra, e aperfeiçoada pelos estadunidenses, denominada contrato coletivo de trabalho, poderia servir de parâmetro para o Brasil e México, em termos da contribuição que este instrumento tem dado ao bem-estar social dos trabalhadores. As relações históricas de trabalho no contexto da economia política e na contemporaneidade destes relacionamentos com blocos econômicos diversos são analisadas, bem como as implicações para as relações de trabalho, em especial para os contratos coletivos. As análises feitas visam contribuir para uma melhor compreensão histórica do conflito do capital versus trabalho para elucidar a maneira pela qual seria conveniente atentar para uma melhor compreensão do equilíbrio necessário para valorizar estas relações. Propõe analisar a situação econômica básica versus o processo político e a dinâmica do relacionamento das classes sociais trabalhadoras tendo em vista a influência da doutrina monetarista-liberal de Milton Friedman, chamada de neoliberal, incluindo-se aspectos do peso secundário que a América Latina tem no cenário estratégico dos grandes países capitalistas, por isso as análises foram realizadas tendo em vista preliminarmente uma distinção metodológica fundamental entre direito objetivo e direito não objetivado para que se compreendesse sob a luz dessa distinção as influências recíprocas da economia e da política sobre o homem no horizonte das indefinições da práxis social. Procurou-se, também, o espírito da investigação histórico-estrutural, imiscuir-se nas influências externas comuns, questionando as facetas do internacionalismo trabalhista e suas ramificações, e a maneira como se desenvolveram comparativamente. / The present study should be of interest for the understanding how the experience of labor collective bargain contract, allowed by the industrialization process in England and improved by the North Americans, should be used as parameter for Brazil and Mexico, in terms of the contribution that this instrument has been giving to the workers\' social welfare. It analyzes also the history of the political economy and its contemporariness and the relationships with several capitalist blocks and the implications for the collective bargain contracts. It seeks for a best understanding the conflicts between capital versus labor, trying to elucidate the way should be better to comprehend the necessity of equilibrium, to promote the best value to the workers. It analyzes moroever the basic economy status versus the political process and the dynamics of the relationship of the working classes, considering the influence of the monetarist-liberal doctrine of Milton Friedman, called as neoliberal, included aspects of the secondary influence that Latin America has in the great capitalists\' strategic scenery. The analyses were done in terms of the fundamental methodological distinction between the objective law and nonobjectified law as a way to comprehend, under the focus of this distinction, the reciprocal influences from economics and politics concerning the man in the indefinite horizon of social praxis. The spirit of the historical-structural investigations also attempts for a critical look of the external influences, questioning about labor internationalism faces and their ramifications that has been developed comparatively

Abstract The purpose of this study was to describe perceptions and explain background factors relating to the clinical learning environment and mentoring of culturally and linguistically diverse nursing students. The study included two phases: instrument development and a cross-sectional study. The instrument development phase consisted of a conceptualization process, which included two systematic reviews with thematic synthesis; generation of items for two new instruments, Cultural and Linguistic Diversity scale and Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Mentoring scale, and psychometric testing of these newly developed scales. The cross-sectional phase was completed by collecting data from: (a) students (n = 329) studying in English-language nursing degree programmes from eight Finnish universities of applied sciences during autumn 2015 and spring 2016; and (b) mentors (n = 323) of culturally and linguistically diverse students from five Finnish university hospitals during spring 2016. In addition to the two newly developed instruments, two commonly used instruments Clinical Learning Environment, Supervision and Nurse Teacher scale and Mentors’ Competence Instrument were used for the main data collection. The data was analyzed using descriptive statistics, a nonparametric test and a binary logistic regression analysis. The psychometric properties of the instruments had good validity and reliability. Students’ perceptions on the level of their clinical learning environment and mentoring were lower than their mentors’ perceptions of their own mentoring competence. The level of language was the most common factor relating to the outcomes of culturally and linguistically diverse students’ clinical learning environment and mentoring. Future studies on culturally and linguistically diverse nursing students in the clinical environment should have a marked emphasis on improving proficiency in the native language, which should be implemented in the organizational structure of the clinical placements. This should include providing additional education for clinical mentors to enhance their mentoring competence with culturally and linguistically diverse students. / Tiivistelmä Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli kuvata ja selittää eri kulttuureista ja kielellisistä taustoista tulevien hoitotyön opiskelijoiden kliinistä oppimisympäristöä ja ohjausta. Tutkimuksessa oli kaksi vaihetta: mittarin kehittäminen ja poikkileikkaustutkimus. Mittarin kehittämiseksi ilmiö käsitteellistettiin, mikä toteutettiin kahtena systemaattisena katsauksena. Katsausaineistot analysoitiin temaattisella synteesillä. Tämän jälkeen muodostettiin mittarit operationalisoimalla käsitteet väittämiksi. Mittareita kehitettiin kaksi: Kulttuurinen ja kielellinen monimuotoisuus- mittari sekä Kulttuurinen ja kielellinen monimuotoisuus opiskelijaohjauksessa -mittari. Mittareiden kehittämisvaiheessa niiden psykometriset ominaisuudet testattiin. Poikkileikkaustutkimus toteutettiin keräämällä kyselyaineisto (a) opiskelijoilta, jotka opiskelivat englannin kielellä opetettavissa sairaanhoidon tutkinto-ohjelmissa kahdeksassa suomalaisessa ammattikorkeakoulussa syksyn 2015 ja kevään 2016 aikana (n = 329); sekä (b) eri kulttuureista tulevien opiskelijoiden ohjaajilta viidestä suomalaisesta yliopistosairaalasta kevään 2016 aikana (n = 323). Aineistot kerättiin ensimmäisessä vaiheessa kehitetyillä mittareilla sekä kahdella yleisessä käytössä olevalla mittarilla, Terveysalan koulutukseen liittyvän harjoittelun ohjauksen laatu -mittarilla sekä Opiskelijanohjausosaaminen -mittarilla. Aineisto analysoitiin käyttämällä kuvailevaa tilastoanalyysiä, ei-parametrisiä testejä ja binääristä logistista regressioanalyysiä. Tutkimuksessa kehitettyjen mittareiden psykometriset ominaisuudet olivat hyvät. Opiskelijoiden ohjaajat arvioivat oman osaamisensa korkeammalle kuin opiskelijat. Opiskelijat arvioivat sekä heidän kliinisen oppimisympäristönsä että ohjauksensa tason ohjaajien arvioita alhaisemmaksi. Kielitaito oli yleisin tekijä, joka vaikutti opiskelijoiden näkemyksiin kliinisestä oppimisympäristöstä ja ohjauksesta. Englannin kielellä opetettavissa tutkinto-ohjelmissa tulisi painottaa opiskelijoiden riittävää paikallisen kielen kielitaitoa. Tämän lisäksi kliinisen harjoittelun ohjaajien tulisi saada koulutusta eri kulttuurillisista taustoista tulevien opiskelijoiden ohjaukseen.

This study examines some of the ways in which Second World War veterans helped shape Canadian society in the years after 1945 by using the life experience of one of their number, Major-General Daniel Charles Spry, as an interpretive model. Just over one million Canadian men and women re-entered civil life after their wartime military service. Representing approximately 35 per cent of Canada’s adult male population aged 25 to 49 in 1951, and found in nearly every facet of Canadian life, Second World War veterans possessed social importance that extended far beyond their experience of the Veterans Charter. Using Dan Spry’s documented thoughts and actions in war and peace, this study argues that a number of these individuals learned lessons regarding leadership, character, citizenship, and internationalism during their wartime military service and – finding them useful – applied such lessons to various aspects of their lives after the war’s end. In so doing, Second World War veterans helped to influence the character of postwar Canada’s institutions, workplaces, and the lives of many Canadians by providing societal leadership, moulding children’s character, developing future citizens, and trying to build a better world. Appreciating their varied contributions provides new insight into both veterans’ attitudes and the sort of place that Canada was after the guns fell silent in 1945.

The focus of this case study was a study abroad program for student-athletes at a high academically achieving, small liberal arts college in the mid-west region of the United States. The program is designed to maintain a culture of internationalism and multiculturalism by exposing as many student-athletes as possible to study abroad. I reviewed literature to extract an appropriate theoretical framework along with variables that aligned with the purpose of the study; structural and organizational characteristics of the institution, student's background and pre-college traits, interaction with agents of socialization and institutional environment, and quality of effort. I used the semi-structured interview process to interview 9 senior student-athletes (3 female, 6 male; 7 White, 1 African American/White, 1 Chilean/White) who participated in study abroad during the 2015-2016 academic school year at the researched institution and to interview 5 administrators who facilitate the athletic department at the institution. I found that certain critical elements emerged as necessary to create and maintain a study abroad program geared specifically to the needs of the student-athlete population. I also found strong implications for adaptable elements that could generate opportunities for student-athletes to study abroad at a higher rate. These elements serve as a recommended framework and set of initial guidelines for student-athletes and athletic departments nationwide.

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No description available.

L’ascension du mouvement socialiste européen sous la direction de la Deuxième Internationale au tournant du siècle et son éclatement avec le déclenchement de la guerre de 1914 constitue un problème historique persistant. La contradiction saute aux yeux. Voilà un mouvement qui se revendiquait fermement de « l’internationalisme prolétarien », mais qui, au moment venu de le mettre en œuvre, affirma la nécessité de la « défense nationale ». Les formes concrètes de cette contradiction sont éclaircies par une étude de l’impact de la montée de l’impérialisme sur l’internationalisme des socialistes français et allemands durant la période précédant la guerre, du congrès de Londres de 1896 jusqu’à la résolution de la crise d’Agadir en 1912. La Deuxième Internationale est un mouvement dont les formes organisationnelles et pratiques sont ancrées dans un cadre national, alors que ses conceptions fondamentales sont celles de l’internationalisme. L’impérialisme renforce cette contradiction, et devient à la fois la source d’une concrétisation de l’internationalisme socialiste en théorie, et de son abandon en pratique. Privilégiant l’analyse de l’internationalisme comme un phénomène politique plutôt que culturel ou sentimental, ce travail démontre l’existence d’un gouffre entre le discours théorique et la pratique du mouvement. La montée de l’impérialisme est accompagnée de la montée du réformisme au sein du mouvement socialiste, qui, avec d’autres phénomènes, renforce ses tendances nationales. Les tendances nationales du mouvement persistent lors de moments clés, notamment les crises impérialistes de Tanger (1905) et d’Agadir (1911), au point de remettre en question les fondements internationalistes du mouvement. / The rise of the European socialist movement under the leadership of the Second International at the turn of the century and its breakup with the outbreak of the 1914 war is a persistent historical problem. The contradiction is obvious. Here was a movement that firmly proclaimed "proletarian internationalism", but which, when the time came to implement it, affirmed the necessity of "national defense". The concrete forms of this contradiction are illuminated by a study of the impact of the rise of imperialism on the internationalism of French and German socialists in the period leading up to the war, from the London Congress of 1896 to the resolution of the Agadir crisis in 1912. The Second International is a movement whose organizational and practical forms are rooted in a national framework, while its fundamental conceptions are those of internationalism. Imperialism reinforces this contradiction, and becomes at the same time the source of a concretization of socialist internationalism in theory, and of its abandonment in practice. Emphasizing the analysis of internationalism as a political rather than a cultural or sentimental phenomenon, this work demonstrates the existence of a chasm between the theoretical discourse and the practice of the movement. The rise of imperialism is accompanied by the rise of reformism within the socialist movement, which, along with other phenomena, reinforces its national tendencies. The national tendencies of the movement persisted at key moments, notably the imperialist crises of Tangier (1905) and Agadir (1911), to the point of calling into question the internationalist foundations of the movement.

This dissertation examines how European and American banking institutions catering to middle- and working-class people sought to mobilize their capital to challenge the predominant model of international financial capitalism during the interwar years. Focusing on four sets of financial institutions whose identities were intimately linked with the “popular” clientele they served—savings banks, cooperative banks, trade union banks, and their communist analogues—I chart how influential actors within these institutions engaged in transnational efforts to challenge the entrenched position of private banks in international finance, though in pursuit of divergent political and commercial objectives. Drawing upon politicized attitudes towards popular capital and motivated by the opportunities and pressures of post-World War I internationalism, they attempted to build parallel institutional channels that could mobilize the modest financial assets of the masses to compete with or even displace capitalist banking. This study reconstructs formal and informal networks of debate and activism in which savings bankers, cooperators, and labor activists developed projects for international financial action based on popular ownership and participation. To uncover these networks, I draw on an eclectic range of sources including national and international archives, periodicals produced by syndical, cooperative, communist, and savings bank movements, and private correspondence of American and European leaders in these movements. I argue for a more capacious understanding of the political valence of financialization in this period. Far from being accepted as a neutral outcome of economic development, lamented as a depoliticizing penetration of capitalist logic into the social life of the masses, or turned to narrowly nationalistic ends, popular financial ownership—whether by individuals or institutions claiming to represent them—was recognized as a foundation on which to enact transnational solidarity. However, the political content of this solidarity varied considerably between these projects of international popular finance. Some of them sought to moralize capitalism within liberal or fascist political structures, while others aimed to strengthen cooperative or socialist alternatives. My dissertation presents an institutional history of projects of popular financial power and their limits which will be of interest to scholars of modern Europe and the U.S., international institutions, transnationalism, and global capitalism. I also hope to offer historical perspective on ongoing debates about the potential for collective action by workers, consumers, and investors in our own financialized era.

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No description available.