Efter andra världskriget så har ett av de mer övergripande särdragen i det internationella systemetutgjorts utav framväxten av regionala - och internationella mellanstatliga integrationer. En avhuvudfrågorna inom det integrationsteoretiska forskningsområdet har handlat om att förklara vilkakrafter som får stater att sammansluta sig i politisk-ekonomiska konstellationer i likhet medEuropeiska Unionen. I början på 1990-talet kom en ny våg av integration att ta fart i Sydamerika,där Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur) utgör en av de mer framgångsrika sammanslutningarna.Denna uppsats har ansatsen att klarlägga vad som driver stater i Sydamerika till att samarbeta ochingå avtal inom ramen för dessa politisk-ekonomiska organisationer. Där jag utifrån enhegemonisk stabilitetsteori undersöker vilka motiv som ligger till grund för bildandet avMercosur. Analysen omfattar tre olika aspekter som står i direkt koppling med det teoretiskaramverket. Dessa aspekter utgörs av: regional politisk struktur, politisk vilja till frihandel ochregionalt allmänintresse. Analysen visar att tre olika begrepp förefaller att utgöra de främstamotiven till integrationen. Dessa begrepp utgörs av makt, legitimitet och allmänintresse. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 03-05

<p>The vulnerable social situation of the indigenous women in Bolivia is often on the agenda</p><p>of many organisations (CSOs and NGOs). Especially, the deep rooted socio-political</p><p>discrimination of this group has been addressed in several researches and during various</p><p>international development forums. However, few of these investigations have tried to</p><p>understand in what ways the Aymara women themselves want to be supported by</p><p>organisations in order to become socially empowered. In regard to this, the contemplation</p><p>of this Master Thesis has been to, in an inductive manner, increase the understanding of</p><p>the concept of social empowerment from the perspectives of Aymara women and</p><p>NGOs/CSOs. To do so a qualitative field based study, aimed at letting Aymara women</p><p>themselves explain the social situation, was conducted in Bolivia during the spring 2007.</p><p>The outcome of this research has also served as a foundation to a discussion, with special</p><p>references to the Swedish aid-agency Svalorna Latinamerika, concerning what NGOs and</p><p>CSOs ought to consider when working with social empowerment of Aymara women.</p><p>The overarching methodological approach of the study has been that of a bottom-up</p><p>implementation analysis. In order to retrieve information from the field techniques such as</p><p>socio-anthropological studies, observations, interactions and interviews have been applied.</p><p>Several interesting insights and conclusions have been retrieved from the investigation. The</p><p>primarily conclusion drawn is that empowerment can neither be received nor given as it has</p><p>the features of a learning process. Accordingly, in regard to this organisations must adopt</p><p>the role of 'supporters' rather than 'suppliers'. Secondly, it has been reasoned that any</p><p>undertaking aimed at supporting social empowerment for and of Aymara women must be</p><p>synchronised with the progression of the women's learning processes. This specifically</p><p>suggests that organisations must adopt long-run as well as holistic programmes rather than</p><p>ad hoc activities. The overall conclusion drawn is that if the social empowerment for and of</p><p>Aymara women is to benefit from the undertakings of organisations the planning,</p><p>implementation and evaluation of the activities must primarily be based on terms given by</p><p>the women.</p><p>4</p>

The primary aim of this thesis is to let Svante Grände’s letters from his time in Latin-American act as keyhole from which the political situation in Chile and Argentina is viewed. By grounding Grände as part of the left-wing radicalization process that was prominent in Sweden, in the third world, but also in large parts of the industrialized Western World, during the 1960’s and early 1970’s, an agent and structure model is used to examine how an aid worker, the son of a Swedish priest, ended up as a guerilla fighter in Northern Argentina, who was killed in battle in 1975. The main finding of the thesis is that Grände brought with him a radical set of values and norms, which were not deterred, but rather enhanced, by the political challenges of Salvador Allende’s struggle to bring forth a socialist society through democratic means. At the time of Augusto Pinochet’s coup d’état, Grände had already been in close contact with the revolutionary left and chose to stay with those he associated most with.

Bakgrund: Idag är det inte enbart stora och internationellt etablerade företag som verkar globalt. Fler och fler små och medelstora företag internationaliseras och är numera av stor betydelse för tillväxten i många länder. Dessa företag har visat förmåga att etablera sig internationellt, trots att tillgången till framförallt finansiella resurser kan tyckas begränsa deras internationaliseringsprocess. Snabbväxande företag finns inom alla sektorer, men givetvis finns en förhållandevis större andel tillväxtföretag i branscher och sektorer där marknaden och efterfrågan växer snabbt. Roxtec AB är ett snabbväxande industriföretag som vänder sig till industriella köpare inom tre stora sektorer, telekom, marin &amp; offshore och industri. Företagets produkt bygger på en ny idé om tätningar som används där extrem täthet behövs. Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att beskriva etableringsprocessen och förklara de strategiska beslut som ligger bakom, då ett snabbväxande tillverkningsföretag ska etablera sig på en ny marknad. Genomförande: Data till den här uppsatsen samlades in genom intervjuer med fyra personer. De intervjuade var nyckelpersoner inblandade inom internationaliseringsprocessen, framförallt när det gäller strategifrågor och själva etableringsprocessen, speciellt i Latinamerika men även i Spanien och Portugal. Resultat: Det visade sig att ett litet, teknikbaserat företags inställning till internationalisering inte påverkades av dess litenhet och begränsade ekonomiska resurser. Företagets storlek påverkar inte snabbheten i internationaliseringsprocessen. Snabbheten berodde främst på företagets interna resurser i form av humankapital och organisatoriska resurser samt ledningens entreprenörskap. Liten hemmamarknad, starkt nischad och standard produkt samt viljan att etablera sig över hela världen var några av orsakerna till denna typ av företags internationalisering. Ett litet industriföretag kan uppnå en snabb internationaliseringsprocess om ledningen har bred erfarenhet i internationell marknadsföring. Roxtecs ledning hade erfarenhet när det gällde marknader som var psykiskt avlägsna, dessa utvecklades med hjälp av personer som kunde språk, affärskultur, samt hade marknadskännedom och kontakter.I Spanien, Portugal och Latinamerika använde Roxtec flera marknadskanaler samtidigt för att få en större marknadstäckning. Ett litet tillverkningsföretag med begränsade finansiella resurser behöver få lönsamhet så snabbt som möjligt för att kunna finansiera sin internationaliseringsprocess.

<p>Hugo Chavez came to power in Venezuela 1999 and has since then worked for a socialistic revolution in the country. He and his political process have attracted a lot of attention internationally and the views have been as divided as the political climate is in Venezuela today. There is a polarized situation with mainly two parts; the people who supports Chavez’ process and the opposition who contains mainly people from the upper middle class and works for a politic to the right. The government as well as the opposition has been accused to drive up the sensitive climate which consequences are a situation where most political discussions ends up in a discussion for or against Chavez.</p><p>Venezuela is not the only Latin American country where social and political revolutions take place and it’s therefore highly relevant to question whether such a polarized climate is an unavoidable consequence of such processes. How is it possible to work politically in this situation and is it possible to work without necessarily take a stand for or against Chavez, but to create a discourse outside this black and white spectrum?</p><p>In this study, the focus is social movements and how they experience and analyze the political situation in Venezuela and the possibilities to work politically here. The study is based on interviews with people involved in social movements in Venezuela, from a field study made within the SIDA financed program Minor Field Studies. The informants come from the Chavez movement which is a big popular movement but also from an anarchist group who works free-standing from the government as well as the opposition. On the basis of a discourse analysis approach, focus has been on how they construct and create different pictures of the process and how they through that position themselves and their group and which consequences this get.</p>

Zapatiströrelsen är en social/politisk/revolutionär rörelse i delstaten Chiapas, Mexiko. De genomförde sin första och enda väpnade attack den 1 januari 1994 efter årtionden av organisering i Laconadadjungeln i Chiapas. Zapatiströrelsens organisering grundar sig i århundraden av förtryck av ursprungsbefolkningarna och i den sedan länge pågående konflikten om land. I och med upproret krävde de demokrati, frihet och rättvisa, politisk och territoriell självbestämmanderätt samt rättigheter för ursprungsbefolkningarna i Mexiko. Samtidigt höjde kvinnorna rösten och krävde ett mer jämlikt och rättvist samhälle och de lade fram den revolutionära kvinnolagen vilket blev startskottet för en växande kvinnorörelse som kom att sträcka sig långt utanför Chiapas gränser. Uppsatsens syfte är att belysa zapatistkvinnornas organisering och kamp samt hur Zapatiströrelsens framväxt bidragit till förändring av könsroller och maktstrukturer. Uppsatsen bygger främst på antropologisk litteratur och artiklar och genomsyras av postkoloniala feministiska teorier.

Abstract Essay in Political Science, autumn 2010. ”ALBA – A regional integration project with good conditions?” Autor: Anna Sjögren. Course: Political Science, C-level, Tutor: Sten Berglund   An essential part of the political science research on regional integration has been about why states join economic unions and what forces drive the process of integration. This essay is a case study on the Latin American regional integration project called ALBA. The purpose is to, from the ideas of the swiss political scientist Walter Mattli, investigate if ALBA has the conditions to be a successful integration group. To reach the purpose two questions have been asked: 1) What does the demand for regional integration in Latin America looks like? 2) What does the supply of regional integration in Latin America looks like? My methodological approach has been to read scientific articles and news articles that deal with ALBA and to see what they say about the conditions that are crucial according to Mattli. The result shows that the market in the region is not so diversified but that the member states have been doing some trading with each other. A lot of the trade has involved oil and that has effected the cooperation. The global financial crisis has implyed challenges to ALBA, as the oil price has fallen. But it has also given the alliance more legitimacy when the economic system that ALBA criticize has showed its deficiencies. To become a long-term project ALBA should end its dependence on oil. In Hugo Chávez ALBA has a rather undisputed leader. That Cuba, since the start of ALBA, has changed its political leader can have a significance. Due to the political orientation of ALBA the deveopment in the member states is crucial for the future of the union. That Brazil has chosen not to be a member of ALBA has both advantages and disadvantages for the alliance. Chávez has avoided a putative struggle of power but ALBA would probably be stronger if the region's economic, demographic, and territorial giant was participating.

<p>This study focused on the level of success Unicef in Paraguay had in communicating its message concerning child street-workers to the press in Asunción. We also examined how the communication works between Unicef and the journalists, and how child street-workers appear in the press according to our sources. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of media logic and planned communication. These theories were useful to explain the possibilities and obstacles Unicef faces in its communication with the press. Our study builds on qualitative research interviews with journalists, communication staff at Unicef and the coordinator of the Global Agency of News, an organization that monitors how children appear in the Paraguayan press.</p><p> </p><p>We found that the communication between Unicef and the journalists is very important and highly valued by both Unicef and the Paraguayan newspapers. The relationship builds on constant trade, where both parts depend on each other. Unicef needs attention from the press in order to spread its message to the general public. The journalists need Unicef because the organization works as a trustable information source to back-up their articles regarding childhood.</p><p> </p><p>No one in our study was satisfied with the way child street-workers appear in the press. The children are often showed as victims or criminals and children’s rights are not always considered. A central problem is that awareness about children’s rights is low, both in the Paraguayan society and among many journalists. Unicef succeeds quite well in their communication with the journalists that are already aware of children’s rights. But the organization does not succeed in communicating with a big part of the press, as a lot of articles are still discriminative towards child street-workers.</p>

This study focused on the level of success Unicef in Paraguay had in communicating its message concerning child street-workers to the press in Asunción. We also examined how the communication works between Unicef and the journalists, and how child street-workers appear in the press according to our sources. We based our study on the theoretical understanding of media logic and planned communication. These theories were useful to explain the possibilities and obstacles Unicef faces in its communication with the press. Our study builds on qualitative research interviews with journalists, communication staff at Unicef and the coordinator of the Global Agency of News, an organization that monitors how children appear in the Paraguayan press.   We found that the communication between Unicef and the journalists is very important and highly valued by both Unicef and the Paraguayan newspapers. The relationship builds on constant trade, where both parts depend on each other. Unicef needs attention from the press in order to spread its message to the general public. The journalists need Unicef because the organization works as a trustable information source to back-up their articles regarding childhood.   No one in our study was satisfied with the way child street-workers appear in the press. The children are often showed as victims or criminals and children’s rights are not always considered. A central problem is that awareness about children’s rights is low, both in the Paraguayan society and among many journalists. Unicef succeeds quite well in their communication with the journalists that are already aware of children’s rights. But the organization does not succeed in communicating with a big part of the press, as a lot of articles are still discriminative towards child street-workers.

Hugo Chavez came to power in Venezuela 1999 and has since then worked for a socialistic revolution in the country. He and his political process have attracted a lot of attention internationally and the views have been as divided as the political climate is in Venezuela today. There is a polarized situation with mainly two parts; the people who supports Chavez’ process and the opposition who contains mainly people from the upper middle class and works for a politic to the right. The government as well as the opposition has been accused to drive up the sensitive climate which consequences are a situation where most political discussions ends up in a discussion for or against Chavez. Venezuela is not the only Latin American country where social and political revolutions take place and it’s therefore highly relevant to question whether such a polarized climate is an unavoidable consequence of such processes. How is it possible to work politically in this situation and is it possible to work without necessarily take a stand for or against Chavez, but to create a discourse outside this black and white spectrum? In this study, the focus is social movements and how they experience and analyze the political situation in Venezuela and the possibilities to work politically here. The study is based on interviews with people involved in social movements in Venezuela, from a field study made within the SIDA financed program Minor Field Studies. The informants come from the Chavez movement which is a big popular movement but also from an anarchist group who works free-standing from the government as well as the opposition. On the basis of a discourse analysis approach, focus has been on how they construct and create different pictures of the process and how they through that position themselves and their group and which consequences this get.