This study examined if college students supportive of social nudity would differ from students opposed to social nudity on self-acceptance, acceptance of ethnically diverse others, social development, and on secularism/liberalism. Using data from 384 participants, pro- and anti-nudity groups were formed based on students scoring in the upper (n = 59) and lower (n = 64) quartiles on a measure assessing attitudes toward social nudity. Results indicated that pro-nudity students did not significantly differ from antinudity students on self-esteem, self-acceptance, or on body image. Pro-nudity students were significantly more accepting of other religious groups and gays and lesbians compared to anti0 nudity students, although the two groups did not differ on their tolerance for ethnically dissimilar others, the disabled, or in their interest in other cultures. The two groups did not differ on independent thinking or in social development, although the pro-nudity students had modestly higher scores on a measure of psychopathic features. Finally, pro-nudity students were less religious, more open to sexuality, and more liberal in political ideology relative to anti-nudity students. Although the findings were somewhat mixed, overall these results suggest that pro-nudity college students are not vastly different from anti-nudity students.

A central tenet of liberal political philosophy is the claim that the role of the state is to remain neutral among citizens’ varying conceptions of the good life. In addition to this tenet, some liberals hold the view that we ought to define freedom as individual autonomy. Moreover, such liberals claim that the state is required to promote and protect freedom conceived of as individual autonomy. Such autonomy-based liberalism is frequently criticized for its efforts to simultaneously maintain both views—that is, a commitment both the value of autonomy and a neutrality condition. Critics often argue that since any substantive normative commitment conflicts with the demands neutrality and commitment to the value of autonomy is a substantive normative commitment, liberals cannot consistently be committed to both a neutrality condition and the value of autonomy. This thesis is concerned with providing the best interpretation of liberalism’s theoretical commitments in a way that is consistent with valuing both autonomy and neutrality. / Master of Arts

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

This study concerns the terms liberalism, the political, democracy, and liberal democracy focusing on the application of the terms in the discourse of two distinct political theorists: Carl Schmitt and Sheldon S. Wolin. I address the question of whether similarities exist between Schmitt and Wolin's theories? Specifically, are there similarities in their use of the terms listed above? Although both emphasize different aspects of the terms, I suggest they simultaneously share similar perspectives on them. In particular, I suggest that Schmitt and Wolin share in common attributes in their views on the purported problematic of liberal democracy. Furthermore, I suggest both theorists speak to the general concern that if the political cannot be realized, then democracy cannot be practice. / Master of Arts

Interest and concern about penitential labor practices has been growing among scholars recently. The relationship of these practices to the principles of American liberalism, and in particular its Lockean roots, have not been thoroughly studied. The present investigation traces contemporary practices to features of Lockean liberalism, and offers suggestions for how to respond to widely acknowledged deficiencies while remaining within the broadly accepted principles laid out by Locke. The advantages of such an approach include political stability.

The aim of this study is to examine if the Liberals interpretation of freedom affects the political party's ability to implement reforms which helps to improve the power structure between women and men. The study focus on the Liberal’s gender policy to further examine how the policy reflects liberal values to first establish the Liberal’s liberal position. Furthermore that will provide a background for the Liberals gender policy arguments which will be examined through theories of liberty, policy management and feminism. By using a qualitative idea analysis, this study aims to first distinguish the ideas behind the Liberals gender policy, and then examine if the parties gender policy actually works towards improve the power structures between women and men. The results of this study shows that there is tension between the Liberals liberal position and the general gender policy goals, which the party is allegedly working towards. The results show that the tension stems from liberal values which inhibit the Liberals to implement reforms that provides an effective protection from the power structures which systematically penalizes women.

In this essay Sweden’s relationship with NATO is explored in a theory consuming case study. The aim is to explain why Sweden is not a member of NATO but still wants to have a close cooperation and has entered a memorandum of understanding on Host Nation Support with NATO. The reason for not entering NATO is that Sweden wants to be military non- aligned. The memorandum of understanding on Host Nation Support is motivated by that Sweden wants to be interoperable with NATO in order to be able to give and receive military support. Other reasons are that it is a way for the Swedish military to develop, it increases efficiency and it makes Sweden more competitive by decreasing administrative costs. The reasons for Sweden’s decisions are analyzed and explained with two theories: realism and liberalism. Realism can explain well why Sweden does not want to enter a membership and liberalism can explain well why Sweden has entered the memorandum of understanding on Host Nation Support.

Uppsatsen är en komparativ studie om försvarsbeslut 1925 och försvarsbeslut 2004. Jag testar två teorier mot dessa två försvarsbeslut, det är realismen och liberalismen. Det jag vill få fram genom uppsatsen är att se likheterna och skillnaderna i de båda besluten inom ett säkerhetspolitiskt perspektiv. / The essay is a comparative study of the defence decision 1925 and the defence decision 2004. I will test two theories of these two defence decisions, it is realism and liberalism. What I want to get through this essay is to identify the similarities and differences in the two decisions in a security policy perspective.

The liberal tradition has borne great fruits since the dawn of the modern era by emphasizing the value of equality and personal liberty, and by developing a theory of rights. Despite its incredible success, many authors have been pointing to fissures in the liberal structure, including practical and theoretical problems with state neutrality, with the state’s stance vis-à-vis different cultures, and with liberalism’s purported radical individualism. It is my belief that the gains of liberalism can be reconciled within a new theory that better answers to such critiques. Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality begins with an analysis of contemporary debate between liberalism and its critics. This leads to a discussion of the state’s relationship toward cultural identities, and to a discussion of the meaning of citizenship within a liberal-democratic state. What we need, I argue, is a civic identity that is both capable of judging cultural practices, and capacious enough for a citizenry characterized by reasonable pluralism. This common identity, moreover, provides a locus for attachment that is often found wanting in contemporary liberal theory. I draw on relevant insights from virtue theories, constitutional patriotism, and an ‘analogical’ understanding of public reason to inform a new, liberal-like conception of citizenship. In order to exemplify this conception, and to bolster the case for it, I consider how such a philosophy could play out with respect to two public policy areas that are central to citizenship, namely education and immigration. Distilled to its simplest, I argue for a theory of citizenship that admits a conception of the good, that can promote virtue while respecting autonomy, and that can provide a basis for civic unity.

Protesterna i samband med WTO mötet i Seattle, USA, 1999 är allmänt betraktade som startskottet för våld i samband med stora demonstrationer rörande globalisering. I juni 2001 stod Göteborg, Sverige, som värd för EU:s ministermöte samt George W Bush besök. I dessa samt ett flertal andra stora demonstrationer rörande globalisering kom våld att överskugga mötets såväl som demonstranternas sakfrågor. Våldet utövades både av aktivister samt av polisen som statens ordningsmakt. Denna uppsats fokuserar på våldsproblematiken från statens sida; hur polisen kan upprätthålla statens säkerhet och samtidigt fungera som medborgarnas garanti för att skydda deras rättigheter. Sverige har haft socialdemokratiskt styre under nästan hela 1900-talet och att säga att det har påverkat samhällsutvecklingen torde knappast vara en överdrift. USA å andra sidan benämns ofta som Frihetens land och liberalismens principer kan sägas vara inbäddade i det amerikanska samhället. Med anledning av detta syftar denna uppsats att undersöka om det är möjligt att i Seattle och i Göteborg förstå staternas agerande i våldsproblematiken från ett liberalt respektive socialdemokratiskt perspektiv. Uppsatsen har formen av en kvalitativ idéanalys med fallstudie som metod. Fallstudien har passat mycket bra i denna uppsats då den fokuserar på relationer och processer samt präglas av ett holistiskt synsätt. Syftet kan sägas vara besvarat då flera exempel tas upp för att visa hur man kan förstå statens agerande med hjälp av ideologierna. Exempelvis försvarades användningen av våld i Göteborg med att säkerheten ansågs bli bättre. Detta hänvisas i uppsatsen till den socialdemokratiska idén om statens funktion att se till det gemensamma goda. Även i Seattle försvarades användningen av våld, genom de undantagstillstånd som inrättades, av att säkerheten höjdes. Denna gång hänvisades istället till den liberala idén om staten som främjare av den individuella friheten. Slutsatsen är därmed att denna uppsats ej kanförklara USA:s eller Sveriges ageranden med hjälp av liberalismen eller socialdemokratin, man kan däremot förstå dem. Ideologier är idéer som man med rätt medel kan urskilja där man letar efter dem.