Este trabalho constitui um estudo acerca das estratégias de poder usadas, no decorrer da história, pela religião judaico-cristã numa visão sociopolítica, histórico-crítica e teológica, discorrendo do tribalismo bíblico ao período capitalista, momento atual, onde se percebe a necessidade de se compreender como a religião deve se comprometer com os pobres. Observa-se que a dimensão pública da vida religiosa tem se restringido à crença individual, rituais pessoais e compromissos particularizados centrados em benefícios próprios. Assim, o cristianismo tem apresentado características de fórum íntimo. Com o olhar nesse contexto visivelmente secular, examinamos como a religião deve se posicionar e quais compromissos pode assumir que contemplem os marginalizados. A proposta é conhecer as estratégias de poder usadas no decorrer da história pela religião judaico-cristã com intenção de perpetuar-se no comando; identificar historicamente a maneira oportuna como se submeteu e subjugou-se ao poder opressor para se manter; apresentar, a partir da Teologia da Libertação, os compromissos que essa religião deve assumir a partir dos pobres, com os pobres, mas para todos. / This work is a study about power strategies used throughout the history of the Judaic-Christian religion in a socio-political, critic-historical, theological vision, from the Biblical tribalism period, to the capitalistic period, the nowadays reality, in which one perceives the necessity of a religion committed to the poor. It can be observed that the public dimension of religious life has been restricted to individual beliefs, personal rituals and private activities, focused on each persons gains and benefits. As such Christianity has personal characteristics. Viewing from this context, obviously secular, we examine how religion should position itself and what activities it should assume that would favor those on the margin of society .The proposal is to know which power strategies were used historically by the Judaic-Christian religion, with the intention of remaining in power, and identify historically the opportune way to maintain the oppressor in power; present through Theology of Liberation ( Teologia da Libertação), the commitment this religion should alongside the poor and all other persons.

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / O presente trabalho expÃe o processo pelo qual passou a Igreja CatÃlica ao voltar-se para a sociedade e nela comprometer-se com os mais pobres. Sua inserÃÃo entre os segmentos populares propiciou a organizaÃÃo desses, ao mesmo tempo, que permitiu refletir sobre a aÃÃo da Igreja CatÃlica. Essa reflexÃo mudou a prÃxis polÃtica de religiosos e leigos que passaram a ver a Igreja como instrumento privilegiado de mudanÃa social e polÃtica, jà que ela à uma instituiÃÃo presente em todos os recantos conformando a populaÃÃo de modo geral. Relevo tambÃm, o papel dos segmentos populares, que nÃo apenas sofrem a aÃÃo da Igreja, mas que exercem sobre ela um papel crÃtico, capaz de contaminar setores da Igreja CatÃlica, fazendo-os rever posiÃÃes e definir aÃÃes mais pertinentes com a realidade dos segmentos populares. Nesse trabalho, analiso do percurso da igreja CatÃlica no Brasil, quando, paulatinamente, alguns segmentos de sua hierarquia vÃo se inserindo nas lutas do povo, revelando os processos de dominaÃÃo e submissÃo em vigor, forÃando uma tomada de posiÃÃo da Igreja que acaba por repercutir no Vaticano II. A partir dele abre a Igreja para sua inserÃÃo histÃrica comprometida com os pobres, à a Igreja dos pobres como bem define a Teologia da LibertaÃÃo e que se faz presente na organizaÃÃo das Comunidades Eclesiais de Base. Friso que as comunidades se colocam de forma mais expressiva e polÃtica principalmente, a partir, dos anos da ditadura militar. Essa peculiaridade faz com que alguns intelectuais acreditem que a presenÃa polÃtica das comunidades à uma consequÃncia do fechamento dos espaÃos polÃticos formais, sindicatos e partidos polÃticos. A tese que defendo, a partir da Diocese de CrateÃs, à que sÃo espaÃos de encontro, e por serem espaÃos de encontro se transformam em espaÃos de inserÃÃo social e polÃtica que a Igreja vem assumindo desde os anos de 1950. CrateÃs à uma demonstraÃÃo clara de que as comunidades sÃo espaÃo de encontro e, por isso mesmo, polÃticos, espaÃos da fala ativa e crÃtica em funÃÃo de uma Igreja que se coloca aberta à fala do povo, estimulando-o à participaÃÃo nas aÃÃes definidas nas Comunidades. SÃo as 7 CEBs, em funÃÃo disso, espaÃos de educaÃÃo polÃtica que ainda hoje repercute na aÃÃo dos segmentos populares. A metodologia utilizada foi o contato direto com os trabalhadores, que participaram de CEBs, com a Igreja, padres, religiosas, agentes de pastoral, coordenadores e sindicalistas, atravÃs de entrevistas individuais e coletivas, da anÃlise de documentos escritos e livros, da participaÃÃo em reuniÃes e visitas a algumas instituiÃÃes criadas a partir da aÃÃo dos membros das CEBs. / The present work describes the process by which the Catholic Church turns its attention to society and commits itself to the poorest. This commitment helped organize the popular segments, while at the same time, it allowed a reflection on the action of the Catholic Church itself. This reflection has changed the political praxis of religious and lay people who came to see the Church as a privileged instrument of social and political change, since it is an institution present in every corner shaping the population in general. I stress also, the role of popular segments, which not only suffer the action of the Church, but exert back on it a critical role, capable of influencing sectors of the Catholic Church, causing them to review positions and define actions more relevant to the reality of the popular segments. In this work, I analyze the trajectory of the Catholic Church in Brazil, when, gradually, some segments of its hierarchy take part in the struggles of the people, revealing the processes of domination and submission in place, forcing an official position of the Church that ultimately impacts Vatican II. Afterwards, the Church, historically, becomes committed to the poor--it is the Church of the poor, as well defines the liberation theology. This commitment leads to the organization of the Basic Ecclesial Communities (BECs). These communities become more expressive politically, primarily, from the years of military dictatorship. This peculiarity makes some scholars believe that the political presence of the CEBs is a consequence of the closure of formal political spaces such as unions and political parties. The thesis that I defend, based on studies of the Diocese of CrateÃs, is that the BECs are meeting spaces that are transformed into spaces of social and political activities that the Church has taken control of since the 1950s. CrateÃs is a clear demonstration that communities are gathering spaces and, therefore, political spaces of active and critical speech in a church that stands open to talking to the people, encouraging them to participate in the actions defined in the communities. BECs are, as a result, spaces of political education that still reverberate in the action of popular strata. The methodology used was based on direct contact with the workers who participated in BECs with the 9 Church, priests, nuns, pastoral workers, union members and coordinators, through individual and group interviews, analysis of documents and books, participation in meetings and visits to some institutions created through the action of BEC members.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-02-07T10:36:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 julianapintocarvalhal.pdf: 15527722 bytes, checksum: 96377bae1a801cd69f239d4c57e265a9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-02-07T10:47:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 julianapintocarvalhal.pdf: 15527722 bytes, checksum: 96377bae1a801cd69f239d4c57e265a9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-07T10:47:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 julianapintocarvalhal.pdf: 15527722 bytes, checksum: 96377bae1a801cd69f239d4c57e265a9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-09-18 / Como resultado de uma conjuntura particular da Igreja Romana e da proliferação dos regimes autoritários na América Latina, segmentos da Igreja Católica brasileira passaram a defender os direitos humanos, especialmente nos anos 1970. O empenho destes setores serviu como estímulo à formação de grupos leigos de direitos humanos por todo o país. Tratam-se dos Centros de Defesa dos Direitos Humanos, Comissões de Direitos Humanos e Comissões Justiça e Paz que, nos primeiros anos da década de 1980, deram origem ao Movimento Nacional de Defesa dos Direitos Humanos (MNDDH). Nesta pesquisa contemplamos o desenvolvimento do Movimento Nacional de Defesa dos Direitos Humanos durante os anos finais da ditadura militar, mais precisamente entre 1982 e 1986. A escolha deste recorte privilegia o momento que corresponde à organização do movimento até sua formalização em 1986. Através da avaliação do discurso produzido pela entidade nacional e considerando a influência dos princípios da Teologia da Libertação nos elementos constituintes da identidade desta associação, pretendemos, sobretudo, perceber como o mencionado organismo caracterizou-se como importante locus do catolicismo militante no período examinado. / As a result of a particular conjuncture of the Roman Church and also the proliferation of despotic regimes in Latin America, part of the Brazilian Catholic Church started defending Human Rights, especially in the 1970’s. The persistence of these sectors stimulated the formation of groups interested in the promotion of the Human Rights throughout the country. They were Centros de Defesa dos Direitos Humanos, Comissões de Direitos Humanos e Comissões de Justiça e Paz that, in the first years of the 1980’s, originated the Movimento Nacional de Defesa dos Direitos Humanos (MNDDH). In this research we contemplate the development of the Movimento Nacional de Defesa dos Direitos Humanos during the final years of the military dictatorship in Brazil, specifically between 1982 and 1986. This period was chosen because it corresponds to the years of the movement’s organization and until it was officialized in 1986. By evaluating of the association’s speech and considering the influence of the principles of the Liberation Theology in the elements that were part of its identity, we intend over all to understand how the mentioned organization became an important space of militant Catholics in the examined period.

Submitted by Fabiano Vassallo (fabianovassallo2127@gmail.com) on 2017-04-13T17:55:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese Daniel Lago - Versão Final - Com Ficha Catalográfica.pdf: 2159186 bytes, checksum: ab49e6445a80d3c2cc8c46986cc1184d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Josimara Dias Brumatti (bcgdigital@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-04-17T14:52:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese Daniel Lago - Versão Final - Com Ficha Catalográfica.pdf: 2159186 bytes, checksum: ab49e6445a80d3c2cc8c46986cc1184d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-17T14:52:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese Daniel Lago - Versão Final - Com Ficha Catalográfica.pdf: 2159186 bytes, checksum: ab49e6445a80d3c2cc8c46986cc1184d (MD5) / Bola Books, São Paulo, SP / O objetivo central desta tese consiste em estudar a relação interdiscursiva que funciona como alicerce de dois grupos religiosos da Igreja Evangélica brasileira contemporânea: Teologia da Missão Integral (TMI) e o Movimento Pentecostal (MP). A análise pauta-se na investigação do etos de ambos os grupos, a partir da obra de Dominique Maingueneau. Por meio da interação entre os diferentes planos discursivos (etos, intertextualidade e polêmica), busca-se investigar como opera o intercâmbio que dá forma aos discursos da TMI e do MP. Neste sentido, a análise parte de elementos textuais em busca da compreensão do modo de funcionamento desse interdiscurso. O ponto de partida deste trabalho é a tese de doutorado de Silva (2006), em que estudou o modelo discursivo da Teologia da Libertação e da Renovação Carismática, no interior do espaço discursivo católico. O referencial teórico que norteia o presente trabalho tem como base a semântica global conforme proposta de Maingueneau (2005), para quem os diversos planos discursivos são simultaneamente restringidos e dão forma ao discurso como um todo. A pesquisa tem como corpus um leque de gêneros, que vai desde livros e documentos a entrevistas, artigos de jornais e revistas, que são vistos como elementos da prática discursiva de ambos os grupos abordados. Partindo do espaço religioso, passa-se ao político, analisando, inclusive, a interação de ambos os grupos com o cenário político, como a atuação da bancada evangélica e dos setores protestantes progressistas. A metodologia que orienta a pesquisa se baseia no arcabouço teórico da Análise de Discurso / The main objective of this thesis is to study the interdiscoursive relationship which acts as foundation of two religious groups of contemporary Brazilian Evangelical Church: Integral Mission Theology (IMT) and the Pentecostal Movement (PM). The analysis is guided in the research of the ethos of both groups, from the work of Dominique Maingueneau. Through interaction between different discursive plans (ethos, intertextuality and controversial), seeks to investigate how the exchange works forming the speeches of IMT and PM. In this sense, the analysis focuses on textual elements in the search to understand the mode of operation of this interdiscourse. The starting point of this work is the doctoral thesis from Silva (2006), who studied the discursive model of Liberation Theology and Charismatic Renewal within the Catholic discursive space. The theoretical framework that guides this work is based on the Global Semantics as proposed Maingueneau (2005), for whom the various discursive plans are both restricted and shape the discourse as a whole. The research corpus has a range of genres, ranging from books and documents to interviews, newspaper articles and magazines, which are seen as elements of discursive practice of both groups addressed. From the religious space, the work goes to the political, analyzing the interaction of both groups in the political scene, as the performance of the evangelical bench and progressive Protestant sectors. The methodology that guides the research is based on the theoretical framework of the discourse analysis

Magister Theologiae - MTh / The purpose of this investigation is to discuss the relevance of Black theology in light of the emergence of reconstruction theology. It offers a critical survey of a range of contributions on this issue, questioning whether scholars who have used Black theology as a form of self description should shift emphasis, from the paradigm of liberation to reconstruction. The significance of this study has to be understood within the context of the proposal to redirect African theological initiatives from liberation theologies to reconstruction theology. The basis for this call was the end of apartheid in South Africa, which signalled the independence of all countries on the African continent. / South Africa

This thesis aims to explore the political, social and religious opposition to Liberation Theology in Latin America during the 1960s to 1990s, and the transformation of Christianity. During this period, most Latin American countries underwent social struggles and political repression in which opposition and persecution arose from dictatorial and military governments who labeled those committed to the poor as communists. Liberation Theology emerged as an ecclesial and theological trend committed to the poor, in the late 1960’s and early 1970’s in Latin America. This thesis traces the origins, development, expansion and repression of Liberation Theology. This work maintains that under the Cold War context and the National Security Doctrine, Liberation Theology became a target of political repression because its commitment with the poor placed it as subversive and communist. This research reveals how it was repressed with violence and the promotion of counteracting religious groups, leading to changes in Christianity.

The objective of this research is to examine the theological ideas and moral vision of Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and to explore how his theology (and theological hermeneutics and ethics) has influenced his politics of solidarity and social activism on behalf of the oppressed and the poor in Haiti in particular, and the wretched of the earth, in general. Through the use of the postcolonial, decolonial, and Liberation Theology paradigms as hermeneutical and theoretical methods of investigation, the project seeks to answer a threefold question: what is the relationship between theology and social activism and transformation in the thought and writings of Jean-Bertrand Aristide? What is the place and function of the community of faith, the poor, the oppressed, hope, and human liberation in the political theology of Jean-Bertrand Aristide? What is the place of (defensive) violence in Aristide’s theology? Our goal in this scholarly investigation is an attempt to provide an answer to these daunting questions above and to explore more fully and intelligently the theology of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. This present study considers Aristide’s democratic and social justice projects and theological reflections and theological intersections in the disciplines of theological anthropology, theological ethics, and political theology, as he himself engages all four simultaneously. The doctoral thesis locates Aristide’s thought and writings within Black intellectual tradition both in continental Africa and the African Diaspora. It establishes shared intellectual ideas and parallelisms, and strong ideological connections between Aristide and Black theologians and thinkers in both continental Africa and the African Diaspora. On one hand, Aristide’s intellectual ideas and political activism should be understood in the context of the struggle for democracy in Haiti; on the other hand, it is suggested the intellectual articulations and propositions of these Black and African thinkers aim at a common vision: the project to make our world new toward the common good. While we do not undermine the problem of violence in Aristide’s theology and political program in the context of Haitian history, the doctoral thesis argues that Aristide’s theological anthropology is a theology of reciprocity and mutuality, and correspondingly, his theological ethics is grounded in the theory of radical interactionality, interconnectedness, and interdependence, and the South African humanism of Ubuntu. It also contends that Aristide’s promotion of a theology of popular violence and aggression in the Haitian society should be understood as a cathartic mechanism and defensive violence aimed at defending the Haitian masses against the Duvalier regime and their oppressors. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2017. / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / PhD / Unrestricted

This essay sheds light on three Pentecostal theologians – Frank D. Macchia, Darío López Rodríguez and Opoku Onyinah by analysing one of their theological publications each. The goal of the essay is to find out how their view of Jesus, Christology, compares to the Fivefold gospel of the Classical Pentecostal Movement, namely: 1) Jesus as Saviour, 2) Jesus as Sanctifier, 3) Jesus as Spirit Baptizer, 4) Jesus as Healer and 5) Jesus as Coming King. By a comparative textual analysis of the works of the three theologians, this essay also examines the three theologians’ Christologies as they relate to another, searching for both similarities and differences.  Another aspect of the essay is to answer whether the differences in Christologies is a result of the theologians’ cultural backgrounds. With Macchia based in the USA, López Rodríguez in Peru and Onyinah in Ghana they represent vastly different kinds of the global Pentecostal Movement, and whether that fact leads to a contextualization of their Christologies is the matter at hand of the second research question. By also looking at surrounding contextual theologies; the doctrine of Spirit Baptism developed in Classical Pentecostalism in USA, Liberation Theology in Latin America and Spiritual Warfare in Africa, this essay examines how each of these theological frameworks relates to the Pentecostal theologian based in that region. The answer to each of these questions in the conclusion of the essay is two-fold as well. Firstly, the analysis finds that all three theologians closely relate to at least three of the five doctrines; Saviour, Spirit Baptizer and Healer, with the caveat that speaking in tongues is not as present. For the other two, the differences are greater towards Classical Pentecostalism. Secondly, the essay concludes that the theologians are influenced by their contextual background in terms of how they present their Christologies. / Uppsatsen analyserar kristologin hos tre pentekostala teologer – Frank D. Macchia, Darío López Rodríguez och Opoku Onyinah – genom att undersöka en teologisk publikation från vardera författare. Syftet är att jämföra deras nutida kristologi med hur den framkom i den klassiska pingströrelsens femfaldiga evangelium; 1) Jesus som frälsare, 2) Jesus som helgelsebringare, 3) Jesus som andedöpare, 4) Jesus som helare och 5) Jesus som kommande kung av Guds rike. Med hjälp av en komparativ innehållslig idéanalys analyseras verken av de tre teologerna, för att se hur deras kristologier relaterar både till varandra och de femfaldiga evangeliet. Ytterligare en aspekt av uppsatsen är att besvara frågan om skillnaderna i deras kristologier beror på författarens kulturella bakgrund eller kontext. Macchia från USA, López Rodríguez från Peru och Onyinah från Ghana representerar vitt skilda delar av den globala pentekostala rörelsen, och om det innebär att en kontextualiserad kristologi framkommer i deras verk är föremål för diskussionen i uppsatsen. Där relateras även författarnas kristologier till omgivande teologiska ramverk i deras respektive världsdelar som exempelvis latinamerikansk befrielseteologi eller betoning av andlig krigföring i Afrika. Resultatet av forskningen i uppsatsen blir därmed tvådelat. För det första relaterar de tre teologerna i stor grad till tre av de fem doktrinerna i det femfaldiga evangeliet; om Jesus som frälsare, andedöpare och helare, med undantaget att tungotalet inte har en lika framträdande plats som hos den klassika pentekostalismen. För det andra dras slutsatsen att samtliga författare är influerade av sin kontextuella bakgrund vid författandet av sina teologiska verk och hur de presenterar sina respektive kristologier.

This paper is intended to analyze the contributions of Contextual Theology and Contextual theologians to dismantling the South African apartheid system. It is intended to demonstrate that the South African churches failed to effectively politicize and radicalize to confront the government until the advent of Contextual Theology in South Africa. Contextual Theology provided the Christian clergy the theological justification to unite with anti-apartheid organizations. Its very concept of working with the poor and oppressed helped the churches gain favor with the black masses that were mostly Christian. Its borrowing from Marxist philosophy appealed to anti-apartheid organizations. Additionally, Contextual theologians, who were primarily black, began filling prominent leadership roles in their churches and within the ecumenical organizations. They were mainly responsible for radicalizing the churches and the ecumenical organizations. They also filled an important anti-apartheid political leadership vacuum when most political leaders were banned, jailed, or killed.

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