This master's thesis deals with Big data processing in distributed system Apache Spark using tools, which allow remotely entry and execution of Spark tasks through web inter- face. Author describes the environment of Spark in the first part, in the next he focuses on the Apache Livy project, which offers REST API to run Spark tasks. Contemporary solutions that allow interactive data analysis are presented. Author further describes his own application design for interactive entry and launch of Spark tasks using graph repre- sentation of them. Author further describes the web part of the application as well as the server part of the application. In next section author presents the implementation of both parts and, last but not least, the demonstration of the result achieved on a typical task. The created application provides an intuitive interface for comfortable working with the Apache Spark environment, creating custom components, and also a number of other options that are standard in today's web applications.

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Den här uppsatsen undersöker de olika sätt på vilka romarna beskrivs behandla sina fiender under den tidiga Romerska republiken (509–290 f.Kr). Med avstamp i Edward Saids post-koloniala teori om framställningen av den Andre, och Erich Gruens arbete om representation under antiken, analyseras beskrivningar av de öden Roms många fiender led som står att återfinnas i Livius, Diodorus Siculus, och Dionysios från Halikarnassos historiska verk om den unga Romerska republiken. I enlighet med uppsatsens hermeneutiska metod är analysen uppdelad i två delar, vilka behandlar uppror och krig mot utländska stater, respektive. De exempel som går att återfinna i källmaterialet förstås också som delar i en helhet, och de undersöks dels i sin egna kontext och jämförs med andra exempel i det stora sammanhanget. De romerska segrarna analyseras för att se hur källorna beskriver de erövrades öden, både materiellt och rent kroppsligt, och uppsatsen undersöker hur dessa framställs, och om källmaterialet representerar olika etniska gruppers behandling på olika sätt.Undersökningen visar att källorna, varken för sig själva eller sedda som en helhet, inte framställer det som att romarna hade tydliga och konsekventa riktlinjer för hur besegrade folk behandlades, men att vissa mönster ändå kan urskönjas, särskilt när det kommer till hur folkgrupper som gjorde uppror mot om behandlades. Olika folkslags etniska härkomst framställs inte som avgörande för hur de behandlades av Rom, trots källornas stundtals nedsättande kommenterar om sådana folkslag. Undersökningen visar att latinare, efter större uppror, kunde visas viss barmhärtighet, men källorna beskriver även hur latinska städer vid tillfällen utplånades tillsammans med deras befolkning av romarna, och även hur andra folkslag kunde skonas, och det blir tydligt att källmaterialets representation inte framställer någon etnicitet, vare sig besläktad med romarna själva eller helt avlägsen, som en garant mot romersk brutalitet.

<p>This paper is concerned with the use of mutiny narratives in historical texts as a microcosm of the historians’ goal of the work as a whole. This study is built upon the recent trend in scholarship, where a particular feature of a text has been studied to provide an analysis on the author or the underlying purpose of his work. Mutinies and, more specifically, mutiny narrative patterns have not been studied to a great extent for this type of analysis. However, based upon their tradition delineation and explanation of events and their ubiquitous speeches, mutiny narratives are capable of providing a new avenue for this type of analysis. The first chapter will look at the mutiny of Scipio Africanus’ troops at Sucro in 206 B.C.E. as presented by the historians Polybius and Livy. Both attempted to organize their works upon particular moral and didactic lines, the results of which are clearly expressed in their construct of the mutiny. This intentional framework is also present in the poet Lucan’s historical epic the <em>Bellum Civile</em>, who shaped the mutiny of Caesar’s troops in 47 B.C.E. in order to express his own belief in the inherent cataclysm and paradox of civil war. Finally these same themes of chaos and contradiction are also present in my third chapter and its analysis of five mutinies found in Tacitus, two in 14 C.E. and three in 69 C.E. under Galba, Otho and Vocula. Tacitus deliberately engineered the earlier mutinies in order to create both thematic and linguistic echoes to the later seditions in order to prove that the same problems that caused the later civil war were present under the earliest emperors.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

目前學界對於西塞羅與馬基維利兩者關係的看法有所不一，所爭論的是馬基維利是衝突或是延續著共和主義人文傳統，本文則嘗試論證西塞羅和馬基維利之間並非僅是傳統上的大相逕庭，而是兩者分別在當時所處環境中就各別看重的問題上，找到最好的解決辦法，在最終考量上皆以表現出國家利益為考量的傾向。西塞羅的關懷以高尚性意圖出發，藉由智慧明白事物真理，藉由正義保障人的生存，利用例外原則進而維持國家；馬基維利認為為了國家利益的目的，統治者應審慎明智的在必要時刻做出必要抉擇，利用具有美德樣貌的能力行事，那些能夠明白統治者難處的人，都能明白其目的的良善以寬宥其手段。然而，要注意到馬基維利的寬宥想法，有著看不到真正結果與國家利益是經常變動的兩個盲點。此外，即便兩者重視國家利益的態度可以如此相近，但西塞羅認為高尚性是國家利益的根本，而馬基維利並不如此。最後，本文整理出兩者可以從思想與時勢立場互相置換，進而指出：充分的理解尊重以達到對話的可能。進而不論是冀求理念融合或尊重其並立，行動與意圖都需要切中要義的把握合宜或時勢。或在規範之中尋找例外，或在極端之中遵循規範，權宜變通勢必成為不可忽略的方式之一。 / There are many arguments about the relation between Cicero and Machiavelli in academic circles. One of them argues that the thoughts of Machiavelli might conflict to republicanism and humanistic traditions. This article is trying to demonstrate another angle that Machiavelli is not merely different from Cicero and traditions, but similar to the purpose which is they are finding the seemliest way respectively at the specific circumstance in their time. Cicero is concerning the honourableness which is realizing the truth by wisdom, ensuring lives of men by justice, and using exceptions of principles in order to maintain the republic. Machiavelli thinks the ruler should make necessary decisions by prudence and use the abilities with virtue like at necessary time to maintain the existence of the state. And those people who know the dilemma of the ruler will know his great ends and excuse whatever means. However, the thought of excuse has two flaws. One is the real end cannot be seen, and another is the benefit of republic often changed. Yet, even though Cicero and Machiavelli are so close to each other because they are placing a high value on the benefit of republic, the former who argue the base of republican benefit is honourableness, not for the later. In the end, this article is trying to put each of them under the opposite thought and circumstances for making a conversation with sufficient respect and realization possible. No matter it is intermingling or separating both ideas, the actions and intentions must be appropriate to seemliness and circumstances. And no matter it is searching exceptions in norms or norms in extremes, the seemly ways for specific circumstances is absolutely necessary.

Mon étude a pour objet la dimension persuasive qui est présente au sein de l’historiographie ancienne et qui est au cœur de nombreuses discussions sur la nature de l’histoire dans l’Antiquité. Au travers de lectures comparées d’une série d’extraits parallèles tirés des œuvres de l’historien grec Polybe (± 208 - ± 126 avant J.-C.) et de l’historien latin Tite-Live (64 ou 59 avant J.-C. - 17 après J.-C.), en s’appuyant sur les théories anciennes et contemporaines de la rhétorique, ma recherche permet de mieux comprendre comment l’historien ancien exploite les ressources de l’argumentation pour rendre son propos crédible et vraisemblable, mais aussi pour orienter la vision du lecteur et le faire adhérer à certaines conclusions. <p> / Doctorat en Langues et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette étude explore dans une perspective comparative la présentation historique et l’interprétation philosophique de la décadence de la res publica chez Salluste et Tite Live. Dans la première partie, il est montré que Salluste et Tite-Live sont les premiers auteurs à avoir choisi comme thème central de leur récit le progrès et la décadence d’une cité. À travers un examen précis des étapes de la décadence chez les deux auteurs, nous remarquons que Tite-Live apporte constamment des corrections à la théorie de Salluste. Le schéma d’aucun des deux historiens ne se conforme à une vision cyclique ou linéaire du temps. La représentation biologique de la cité montre aussi que les hommes sont les seuls responsables pour la maladie de la décadence. Or, la reprise du progrès, selon une conception cyclique et la guérison du corps de l’État sont évoquées comme perspectives seulement par Tite-Live. La deuxième partie est consacrée aux causes de la maladie de la décadence, et la troisième à la guérison de la res publica. Trois facteurs sont examinés en détail : les facteurs « divins », le metus hostilis et la nature humaine. Tite-Live renverse l’analyse de plus en plus pessimiste de Salluste, et réintroduit l’homme en tant que facteur principal de l’histoire et comme responsable de la décadence. Dans la troisième partie, leur vision différente de l’avenir de Rome est mise en lumière, à travers l’étude de la position politique et de la fonction exemplaire de l’œuvre des deux historiens. Il en ressort que Tite-Live adopte les catégories sallustéennes d’analyse, mais conçoit sa propre présentation et interprétation de la décadence en réponse à son devancier, dont il renverse les théories. / This study explores in a comparative perspective the historical presentation and the philosophical interpretation of the decadence of the res publica in Sallust and Livy. In the first part, it is shown that Sallust and Livy are the first authors who have chosen the progress and decline of a State as the central theme of their works. Through a precise examination of the stages of decadence in both writers, we observe that Livy constantly proposes corrections to Sallust’s theory. Neither author’s pattern conforms to a cyclical or a linear vision of time. The organicist representation of the body politic also shows that men are solely responsible for the disease of decadence in both authors. However, the resumption of progress according to a cyclical conception and the healing of the body of the State are considered as potential prospects only by Livy. The second part is devoted to the causes of the disease of decadence, and the third one to the healing of the res publica. Three factors are discussed in detail: the "divine" factors, the metus hostilis and the human nature. Livy reverses the increasingly pessimistic analysis of Sallust, and reintroduces man as the most important factor in history and as responsible for the decadence. In the third part, their different view of the future of Rome is brought into focus, through the study of the political position and the exemplary function of the two historians’ works. It is concluded that Livy adopts Sallustian categories of analysis, but he conceives his own presentation and interpretation of the decadence in response to his predecessor, whose theories he challenges.

L’œuvre de Tite-Live propose une histoire de la Res publica romaine depuis sa naissance jusqu’au tournant du premier siècle av. J.-C. où, selon les termes de l’auteur, « l’État se détruit sous l’effet de ses propres forces ». Au sortir d’une période de guerres civiles qui bouleversa en profondeur les repères politiques et sociaux, il s’agit pour l’historien de redéfinir l’identité politique de Rome en puisant dans les grands exemples du passé, à une époque où Auguste, en ramenant la paix, propose aussi, avec le Principat, un nouveau modèle d’exercice du pouvoir. Cette étude propose de relire l’Ab Vrbe condita comme une réflexion sur le pouvoir, un « discours », à une époque de profondes mutations. Retraçant le passé de la ville, l’historien exprime une pensée politique cohérente à travers ses commentaires, ses choix narratifs, et les discours qu’il attribue à différents personnages historiques. Celle-ci est le plus souvent proche de celle de Cicéron qui, du De Republica au De Officiis, offrait un cadre philosophique à la réflexion sur les institutions et les devoirs de l’homme d’État. Mais Tite-Live se la réapproprie en l’enrichissant des préoccupations politiques de son époque. Son récit de l’histoire de Rome s’inscrit principalement dans une défense de la libertas du peuple romain menacée par l’émergence d’un pouvoir personnel. Dans chaque situation, l’historien insiste sur les rapports complexes du dirigeant avec les institutions de la cité et le peuple de Rome. Par la mise en relation des exempla et des discours, Tite-Live propose un modèle de gouvernement unifié et cohérent fondé sur les vertus des dirigeants du passé et les valeurs collectives du peuple romain. / Livy’s body of work presents a history of the Roman Res publica from its beginnings to the turn of the first century. Civil wars had then deeply shaken the political and socials benchmarks and, while Augustus, after bringing peace back, was trying to impose a new political model with the Principate, it was the historian’s role to redefine Rome’s political identity through the use of well-known examples from the past. Livy’s From the Founding of the City may thus be read as a discourse about Roman power in a period of deep political change. The historian, as he tells the story of the city’s past, makes comments, narrative choices, and inserts into the historical figures’ speeches general remarks which help in many ways to grasp his political thinking. Most of the time, this thoughts are close to what can be read in Cicero’s political treatises. Cicero’s De Republica and De Officiis actually offered a philosophical frame of reference to political thinking, concerning the state institutions and the duties of state leaders. However, Livy develops his own theory and adds to Cicero’s political thought considerations on issues specific to his own time. Livy mainly defends the libertas of the Roman people against the emergence of personal power. In each and every situation, Livy sheds light on the complex relationships between the leaders and the state institutions and between the leaders and the Roman people. Linking exempla and speeches, Livy suggests a stable and coherent leadership model based upon the virtues of past political leaders and the collective principles of the Roman people.

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