Biologiste reconnu, notamment, pour sa contribution à la fondation de la génétique des populations, J.B.S. Haldane (1892-1964) est également membre du Parti Communiste de Grande-Bretagne entre 1942 et 1950 et, à partir de 1937, il défend avec force l'opinion que le marxisme est utile au travail scientifique. Notre étude porte sur les idées marxistes de Haldane et sur la manière dont elles sont historiquement produites. Elle examine d'abord son parcours intellectuel et propose de comprendre son adoption du marxisme dans le cadre d'une dynamique de recherche d'unité entre des conceptions des sciences, de la philosophie et de la politique. L'étude porte ensuite sur la manière dont fonctionne ce qui est caractérisé comme une vision marxiste du monde, c'est-à-dire un mode de production et de circulation de concepts. En particulier, l'assertion que fait Haldane d'un usage du marxisme dans son travail scientifique est confrontée à certains de ses travaux en génétique des populations, ainsi qu'aux idées qu'il émet concernant l'eugénisme. Cette confrontation permet de confirmer et de généraliser, contre Sarkar (1992) et Shapiro (1993), le résultat proposé par Hammond (2004) d'une effectivité du marxisme de Haldane dans ses sciences, et de préciser la manière dont elle se réalise. Finalement, nous proposons une compréhension du marxisme de Haldane comme un cas particulier de processus historiques plus généraux. Nous examinons l'histoire des idées marxistes sur les sciences et le phénomène d'engagement politique de scientifiques britanniques à cette époque, et interrogeons par là les racines politiques et sociales du marxisme de Haldane. / A prominent biologist, remembered as a prominent contributor to the theoretical foundations of population genetics, JBS Haldane (1892-1964) was also a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain from 1942 to 1950. From 1937 on, he vigorously advocated the idea that Marxism was useful to scientific work.Our study focuses on Haldane's Marxist ideas and discusses the ways in which they were historically produced. We first consider the development of Haldane's intellectual positions and interpret his adoption of Marxism in the context of a dynamic search for unity between conceptions of science, philosophy and politics. Our study then focuses on the working of his Marxist thinking, which we characterize as a worldview, that is to say a mode of production and circulation of ideas. In particular, we examine the claim that Haldane made use of Marxism in his science using as evidence some of his work in population genetics and eugenics. This leads us to strengthen and generalize the case made by Hammond (2004) against Sarkar (1992) and Shapiro (1993) in favour of the impact of Haldane's Marxism on his science, and to a clarification concerning how this took place. Finally, we propose the interpretation of Haldane's Marxism as a special case of more general historical processes. We investigate the history of Marxist ideas of science and that of British scientists' political commitment at the time, and thus question the social and political roots of Haldane's Marxism.

This thesis is empirically grounded in New Zealand's restructuring of unemployment and taxation policy in the 1980s and 1990s. Theoretically it is inspired by a post-Marxist discourse analytical approach that focuses on discourses as political strategies. This approach has made it possible, through an analysis of changing citizenship discourses, to understand how the neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime proceeded via debate and struggle over unemployment and taxation policy. Debates over unemployment and taxation in New Zealand during the 1980s and 1990s reconfigured the targets of policy and re-ordered social antagonism, establishing a neoliberal citizenship regime and centring political problematic. This construction of a neoliberal citizenship regime involved re-specifying the targets of public policy as consumers and taxpayers. In exploring the hegemonic discourse strategies of the Fourth Labour Government and the subsequent National-led governments of the 1990s, this thesis traces the process of reconfiguring citizen subjectivity initially as 'social consumers' and participants in a coalition of minorities, and subsequently as universal taxpayers in antagonistic relation to unemployed beneficiaries. These changes are related back to key discursive events in New Zealand's recent social policy history as well as to shifts in the discourses of politicians that address the nature of the public interest and the targets of social policy. I argue that this neoliberalisation of New Zealand's citizenship regime was the outcome of the hegemonic articulatory discourse strategies of governing parties in the 1980s and 1990s. Struggles between government administrations and citizen-based social movement groups were articulated to the neoliberal project. I also argue that in the late 1990s, discursive struggle between the dominant parties to define themselves in difference from each other reveals both the 'de'contestation of a set of neoliberal policy prescriptions, underscoring the neoliberal political problematic, and the privileging of a contributing taxpayer identity as the source of political legitimacy. This study shows that the dynamics of discursive struggle matter and demonstrates how the outcomes of discursive struggle direct policy change. In particular, it establishes how neoliberal discourse strategies evolved from political discourses in competition with other discourses to become the hegemonic political problematic underscoring institutional practice and policy development.

This thesis tells the story of an historical tradition of radical literacy and literature that is defined as the British radical literary tradition. It takes the meaning of literature at its broadest understanding and identifies the literary and educational relations of what E.P. Thompson terms 'the making of the English working class' through its struggle for literacy and freedom. The study traces the developing dialectic of literary radicalism and the emergent hegemony of capitalism through the dissemination of radical ideas in literature and a groundswell of public literacy. The proposed radical tradition is defined by the oppositional stance of its participants, from the radical intellectual's critical texts to the striving for literacy and access to literature by working class people. This oppositional discourse emerged in the fourteenth century concomitant with nascent capitalism and has its literary origins in utopian vision. This nascent utopian imagination conceived a democratic socialism that underpinned the character of much of the following oppositional discourse. The thesis establishes the nexus of the oppositional discourse as a radical literary tradition and the earliest instances of adult education in autodidacticism and informal adult education. The ascent of middle class power through the industrial revolution is shadowed by the corresponding descent of the working class into poverty. Concomitant with this social polarisation is the phenomena of working class literary agency as the means to political and economic agency. While Protestant dissenting groups such as the Diggers and Levellers were revolutionary activists, it was Methodism that formed a bulwark against revolution. Yet it was their emphasis on self-improvement that contributed to an increasingly literate populace. Radical texts produced and disseminated by individuals and organisations and read by autodidactics and informal reading groups are seminal in the formation of a working class identity. Spearheaded by the Chartist movement, education became a central ethic of working class politics and the civil struggle for economic and political justice throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth centuries. The avant garde movements of the early twentieth century are analysed as a strand of this tradition. The narrative of the thesis then moves to the penal colony of Australia and explores the radical literary tradition's development there. Early colonial culture is seen as having a strong impetus towards a developing a native literary expression of the new land. Where conservative colonial literature struggled to differentiate itself from formal British literary models, the radical heritage and its utopian vision of a working man's paradise gave definitive expression to the Australian experience. This expression was strongly influenced by Chartist ideals. The British radical literary tradition is thus seen to have had a dominant influence in the development of a native radical literary tradition that strove to identify the national character. Socialist thought developed in Australia in concert with that in the parent culture, and anarchist and libertarian trends found a ready home amongst independent minded colonials. Yet, in preventing the formation of a native aristocracy the small radical population made a compromise with liberalism that saw a decidedly conservative streak develop in the early labour movement. There were little in the way of sophisticated radical literary offerings at first, but from the mid-nineteenth century a vanguard of radicals produced a thriving native press and other fugitive text forms. At the turn of the century the native radical literary tradition was vibrantly diverse, with a definitive style that claimed literary ownership of the Australian character. However, exhausted by the battles over WWI conscription and isolated by censorship, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was able to subsume the vanguard position from the socialists. The Party laid claim to the Australian radical literary tradition, at once both strengthening it with the discipline of a Marxist ideology and diminishing its independence and diversity. Party literary theory centred upon the issue of class, developing a doctrine of socialist realism that communist writers were expected to practice. How well a writer adhered to socialist realist principles became a measure of their class position and loyalty. Drawing more from primary sources, the thesis develops an analysis of the intellectual development of the Australian post-WWII writer Eric Lambert through his experience of class instability during Depression and war. The study examines Lambert's decision to join the Party and his literary response to his experiences of war, the Party, the turmoil of 1956 and life after the Party. Lambert's body of work is then analysed as the unintentional memoir of a writer working as an adult educator in the radical literary tradition. Lambert's struggles, for artistic independence within the narrow precepts of Party dogma and with class tensions, were common amongst intellectuals committed to the communist cause. Like many of his peers, Lambert resigned from the Party at the end of 1956 and suffered a period of ideological vacuum. However, he continued to write as a Marxian educator, seeking to reveal that which makes us human in the humanity of ordinary people. It is concluded that, while the Party did much to foster disciplined cohesion, the mutual distrust it generated amongst its intellectuals suppressed the independent thought that had kept the radical literary tradition alive. Although the Party developed an ideological strength within the radical literary tradition, its dominance over thirty years and subsequent fall from grace acted to fragment and discredit that centuries-old tradition which it subsumed. An argument is made for a reinvestment of the centrality of the radical literary tradition in the education of adults for the maintenance of social justice and the democratic project.

This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action. ¶ It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured “coloured labour”. Chinese people were seen as a strategic threat to Anglo-Australian control of the continent, and this fear was sharpened in the mid-1880s when China was seen as a rising military power, and a necessary ally for Britain in its global rivalry with Russia. The second ruling class agenda was the building of a modern industrial economy, which might be threatened by industries resting on indentured labour in the north. The third agenda was the desire to construct an homogenous people, which was seen as necessary for containing social discontent and allowing “free institutions”, such as parliamentary democracy. ¶ These agendas, and the ruling class interests behind them, challenged other major ruling class interests and ideologies. The result was a series of dilemmas and conflicts within the ruling class, and the resolution of these moved the colonial governments towards the White Australia policy of 1901. The thesis therefore describes the conflict over the use of Pacific Islanders by pastoralists in Queensland, the campaign for indentured Indian labour by sugar planters and the radical strategy of submerging this into a campaign for North Queensland separation, and the strike and anti-Chinese campaign in opposition to the use of Chinese workers by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company in 1878. The first White Australia policy of 1888 was the outcome of three separate struggles by the majority of the Anglo-Australian ruling class—to narrowly restrict the use of indentured labour in Queensland, to assert the right of the colonies to decide their collective immigration policies independently of Britain, and to force South Australia to accept the end of Chinese immigration into its Northern Territory. The dominant elements in the ruling class had already agreed that any serious move towards federation was to be conditional on the building of a white, predominantly British, population across the whole continent, and in 1888 they imposed that policy on their own societies and the British government.

本文欲探討，政商關係的建立是否必然會導致企業的獲利？之前對於此一相關主題的研究雖然驗證了政商關係的存在及其影響力，但按著這樣的思維，我們容易把政商關係視為只是單一面向的互動，忽略了國家的角色。我們將從台灣資本主義國家的政權特性開始，探討以此開展出來的政商關係型態。本文嘗試在理論上結合「社會中心」與「國家中心」的論述，建立一個政商關係多樣型態的分析架構，再以此觀察具有政商關係的企業，在不同型態的政商關係□的獲利情形。 目 錄 第一章 緒 論1 第一節、研究動機與目的1 第二節、文獻檢閱4 第三節、章節安排11 第二章 理論架構與研究方法13 第一節、前 言13 第二節、理論架構13 第三節、研究方法24 第四節、結 語35 第三章 台灣資本主義國家的性質37 第一節、前 言37 第二節、國家力量38 第三節、公營事業46 第四節、國民黨投資事業52 第五節、結 語58 第四章 平常時期的政商關係59 第一節、前 言59 第二節、地方資本家的興起59 第三節、國家為資產階級利益服務66 第四節、結 語76 第五章 危機時期的政商關係79 第一節、前 言79 第二節、資本主義體系優於個別資本家80 第三節、執政利益優先的考量89 第四節、結 語92 第六章 結 論95 第一節、 研究發現95 第二節、 研究限制98 第三節、 研究建議99 附錄一、具企業財團背景立委參與經濟、財政、交通委員會情形101 附錄二、研究母體中各企業獲利情況102 參考資料108 圖 次 圖2.1：政商關係型態圖20 圖2.2：平常時期的政商關係21 圖2.3：危機時期的政商關係23 圖3.1：國民黨七大控股公司及重要轉投資事業一覽表54 圖4.1：歷年具企業財團背景立委首次進入立法院人數比例分配圖61 圖4.2：平常時期製造業企業平均純益折線圖68 圖4.3：達永興實業於平常時期獲利折線圖69 圖4.4：平常時期服務業企業平均純益折線圖72 圖4.5：欣欣大眾於平常時期獲利折線圖73 圖4.6：九七年（平常時期）金融業企業獲利直條圖75 圖5.1：危機時期製造業企業平均純益折線圖81 圖5.2：危機時期服務業企業平均純益折線圖83 圖5.3：金融業企業平均純益折線圖86 圖5.4：欣欣大眾於危機時期獲利折線圖91 圖5.5：九六年國民黨投資事業獲利直條圖91 圖5.6：九八年國民黨投資事業獲利直條圖92 表 次 表2.1：立委所屬大企業分類表27 表2.2：一九八六年至一九九八年的政經景況33 表3.1：已移轉民營事業表50 表3.2：民營化企業董事會成員表51 表3.3：七大控股公司稅後純益明細55 表3.4：七大控股公司持股50%以上實際經營公司家數57 表4.1：威權政體轉型前後出現的企業形成本質差異簡表60 表4.2：立法委員所屬企業背景63 表4.3：具企業財團背景立委參與經濟、財政、交通委員會人數統計65 表4.4：平常時期製造業企業獲利情形67 表4.5：平常時期服務業企業獲利情形71 表4.6：6家新銀行主要的投資財團74 表5.1：危機時期製造業企業獲利情形81 表5.2：危機時期服務業企業獲利情形83 表5.3：金融業企業獲利情形85 表5.4：一般產業與金融產業的差異87 / The thesis wants to discuss that, whether the establishment of relations between politicians and business conduce the enterprises gain profits consequentlly? The related studies about

在消費意識與消費型態的歷史更迭中,馬克思所架構的批判情境,已經有所轉變,尤其在後現代社會中,資本主義的宰制性更出現了不同於以往的情形,因此本篇論文期望藉著對消費領域的探討,了解消費主義在早期及現代資本主義中所扮演的角色,並剖析消費社會的壟斷機制之運作邏輯,是否產生質變與量變.在論文的安排上,首先介紹消費主義的各種理論觀點,再討論資本主義的壟斷本質,分別以馬克思主義,法蘭克福學派和後現代主義,來釐清資本主義的壟斷機制;另外進入符號消費的後現代社會,探討人們在虛構的享樂世界中,追求想像式的歡愉, 發覺當現代社會進入後工業階段,馬克思所痛訴的資產階級對生產領域的壟斷, 未曾消失,資產階級對人們的控制,反而橫跨在生產和消費兩大領域.

<p>Den latinamerikanska befrielseteologin har nått ut över världen. I alla fall till en del grupper. De radikala katolska befrielseteologerna och deras medkämpar har med hjälp av Bibeln kombinerad med samhällsvetenskaplig analys ökat medvetenheten om de sociala och ekonomiska orättvisorna men de har inte lyckats lösa problemen. Konservativa krafter har motarbetat befrielseteologerna i alla år. Samtidigt som befrielseteologerna hyllas över världen för sitt arbete till förmån för de fattiga och förtryckta har de blivit hårt kritiserade. Bland annat har de kritiserats för sitt samarbete med marxister och för att de blandar politik och religion. Befrielseteologerna har också kritiserats för att de inte har tänkt tillräckligt på kvinnofrågor och ursprungsbefolkningar.</p><p>I denna uppsats söker författaren via litteraturstudier svaret på om befrielseteologin har någon förankring i den latinamerikanska kulturen. Latinamerika är stort. Därför har arbetet avgränsats till att handla om den brasilianska kulturen. Brasilien är ett motsägelsefullt land. Kontrasterna är stora mellan kulturerna, mellan fattiga och rika samt mellan utveckling och underutveckling. Miljöproblemen och de sociala problemen är komplicerade. Befrielseteologerna är många. Författaren har valt att titta närmare på peruanen Gustavo Gutiérrez som brukar anses som befrielseteologins grundare, brasilianaren Leonardo Boff som nyligen fick alternativa nobelpriset för fredsbevarande arbete och brasilianaren Helder Camara som levde ett långt liv i befrielseteologins tjänst.</p>

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Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.

Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.