- About
-
The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
provided by the
Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
Search results
Showing 711 to 720 of 761 (0.021 seconds)| 711 |
Horror Without End: Narratives of Fear Under Modern CapitalismGonzález, Andrés Emil 14 December 2018 (has links)
No description available.
|
| 712 |
Hegemony in American Capitalism: The Exploitation of Race and Socioeconomic Status in FootballWhite, Kristopher C. 23 August 2018 (has links)
No description available.
|
| 713 |
Cloning the Ideal? Unpacking the Conflicting Ideologies and Cultural Anxieties in "Orphan Black"Howell, Danielle Marie 21 April 2016 (has links)
No description available.
|
| 714 |
Diachronic Binding: The Novel Form and the Gendered Temporalities of Debt and CreditThorsteinsson, Vidar 06 September 2016 (has links)
No description available.
|
| 715 |
Yoshimoto Taka’aki’s <i>Karl Marx</i>: Translation and CommentaryYang, Manuel 30 September 2008 (has links)
No description available.
|
| 716 |
[pt] MINAS PARA O ESTADO, TERRAS PARA QUEM AS CULTIVA: POLÍTICA E HISTORICIDADE DO SINDICALISMO INDÍGENA BOLIVIANO / [en] MINES TO THE STATE, LAND TO THOSE WHO WORK IT: POLITICS AND HISTORICITY OF THE BOLIVIAN INDIGENOUS LABOUR MOVEMENTGUILHERME DE MORAES ANDRADE 20 October 2020 (has links)
[pt] Esta dissertação se propõe a trabalhar a forma como o resgate histórico é
capaz de referenciar uma compreensão do encontro entre raça e classe no interior
do sindicalismo indígena boliviano da segunda metade do século XX. Partindo de
uma crítica à qualificação sócio-política da indigeneidade como uma atualização
particular da luta de classes no país, o trabalho busca abordar a mediação entre o
reconhecimento da diferença, em uma mão, com a afirmação ou reivindicação de
um espaço de igualdade, na outra, para entender o complexo processo de negociação
que balizou a integração e o reconhecimento político do indígena boliviano,
desde a ofensiva latifundiária de meados do século XIX até após a revolução de
1952. A preocupação com sua subjetivação histórica, nesse sentido, intercruza dois
processos fundamentais: o regime de suplementação que possibilita a aparência de
fechamento significativo e as mediações representativas que condicionam sua visibilidade
e possibilidade de ser ouvido. Assim, a partir de uma sobreposição narrativa,
propõe-se explorar as liminariedades das categorias analíticas capazes de revelar,
em seus traços, formas imiscíveis de ser e agir no interior da comunidade
política que possibilitam solidariedades supranumerárias e irredutíveis a uma esquematização
cumulativa de enfrentamento da desigualdade por parte de movimentos
sociais. / [en] This dissertation aims to discuss the way historical recollection serves as a
point of reference to comprehend the encounter, in the second half of the 20th century, between race and class inside the Bolivian indigenous labour movement. Starting from a criticism of the social-political understanding of indigeneity as a particular form of actualization of class struggle in the country, this study discusses the mediation between the reckoning of difference, in one hand, with the assertion or vindication of equality, on the other, as a manner to understand the complex negotiation that fundaments the integration and political recognition of the Bolivian indian, from the estate expansion in mid-19th century to the period that follow the 1952 revolution. Focusing on their historical subjectification, in this sense, overlaps two underlying processes: the supplementary regime that makes possible the appearance of a signifying totality and the representational mediations that condition their ability to be seen and heard. Therefore, through a narrative juxtaposition, it is proposed to explore the liminalities of analytical categories as a way to reveal, in its traces, immiscible forms of being and acting inside a political community that makes possible supernumerary forms of solidarity, irreducible to the schematization of a cumulative confrontation of social movements with inequality.
|
| 717 |
Materialistische Sprachtheorie / Sprache als Mittel der Zwecksetzung und OrientierungFastner, Daniel 16 July 2013 (has links)
Die vorliegende Arbeit skizziert eine materialistische Antwort auf die Frage, welche gesellschaftliche Bedeutung Sprache hat, in welchem Sinne sie Bedingung für und inwiefern sie in Abhängigkeit von gesellschaftlichen Strukturen ist. Den Rahmen bildet die materialistische Geschichtsauffassung und Gesellschaftstheorie. Sie wird zunächst in ihrer Ausarbeitung durch Marx und Engels ohne Verbindung mit einer entwickelten materialistischen Sprachtheorie eingeführt. Es folgt ein Gang durch sprachtheoretische Fragestellungen, die unterhalb der gesellschaftstheoretischen Ebene angesiedelt sind: Wittgensteins Auffassung der Sprache als Regelfolgepraxis wird als Idealismuskritik des Abbildungsparadigmas in der Sprachphilosophie gedeutet, anhand der Kulturhistorischen Schule der russischen Psychologie wird Sprache als Orientierungsmittel und materielle Basis komplexerer Zwecksetzungen bestimmt und schließlich an Brandoms pragmatistischer Rekonstruktion der logischen Gliederung der Sprache die Stellung innersprachlicher Regelstrukturen diskutiert. Die gesellschaftliche Ebene wird im letzten Kapitel anhand von materialistischen Gesellschaftstheorien der Sprache (Gramsci), der Ideologie (Projekt Ideologietheorie) und des Diskurses (Fairclough) wieder aufgenommen und mit den Resultaten der vorangegangenen Kapitel vermittelt. Dabei wird die zuvor entwickelte Bestimmung der Sprache als Mittel der Orientierung und Zwecksetzung im Verhältnis zu nichtsprachlichen gesellschaftlichen Strukturen und ihrer historischen Besonderung entfaltet. / The text provides an outline of a materialist answer to what significance language has in relation to society, in which sense it is a condition for and in how far it is dependent on social structures. The materialist notion of history and materialist social theory serve as theoretical framework. They are first introduced as developed by Marx and Engels without any relation to a full-fledged materialist language theory. In a second step problems of language theory below the level of social theory are tackled: Wittgenstein‘s concept of language as a praxis of rule-following is interpreted as a critique of the idealism that informs the representation paradigm in language philosophy; following the cultural-historical psychology language is defined as means of orientation and material basis for complex goal setting; Brandom‘s pragmatist reconstruction of the logical structure of language serves as background for discussing the status of immanent rule structures of language. The social level is then taken up again and mediated with the results of the discussion of sub-social language theories by drawing on materialist social theories of language (Gramsci), of ideology (Projekt Ideologietheorie), and of discourse (Fairclough). The definition of language as a means of orientiation and goal setting is developed in its relation to non-language social structures and their historical specificity.
|
| 718 |
"To the Masses." Communism and Religion in North India, 1920-47.Hesse, Patrick 25 July 2018 (has links)
Als eine der ersten ihrer Art außerhalb Europas war die Kommunistische Partei Indiens (CPI) bei der Ausbreitung des Marxismus jenseits des europäischen Rahmens vorne mit dabei. Zu ihren prägenden Einflüssen zählten die sowjetische Praxis der Revolutionsjahre und zeitgenössische radikale Spielarten des Nationalismus in Britisch-Indien. Von Beginn an musste sie sich unter Bedingungen behaupten, denen in der Theorie wenig Beachtung zugekommen war – zuvorderst der ungebrochenen Bedeutung von Religion und Gemeinschaft für das politische und soziale Leben des Subkontinents. Die Arbeit untersucht zunächst anhand der Werke von Marx, Engels und Lenin sowie der Komintern den theoretischen und organisatorischen ‚Überbau‘ der CPI auf den Stellenwert von Religion in einem parteikommunistischen Emanzipationsgefüge. In der Folge widmet sie sich den oft biografisch eingefärbten Ansätzen und Strategien der Partei und ihrer Mitglieder, unter dem Primat der ‚Politik für die Masse‘ mit den Verhältnissen auf dem Subkontinent umzugehen. Sie beleuchtet kommunistische Perspektiven auf Revolution anhand konkreter Fälle wie dem passiven Widerstand Gandhis, dem Moplah-Aufstand, der Arbeiterschaft, religiösem Kommunalismus und dem erstarkenden Gemeinschaftsgefühl religiöser Gruppen. Es zeigt sich, dass die Partei beständig zwischen qualifizierter Ablehnung und bedingter Unterstützung religiöser Kultur schwankte, die schematisch zwei divergierende und seit der russischen Revolution erkennbare revolutionäre Paradigmen bilden: ein westliches und ein östliches. Der in Letzterem kondensierte Strang politischer Tradition ermöglichte es schließlich, dass der Partei die Unterstützung für die Pakistanforderung der Muslim League in den 1940er Jahren plausibel erschien. / Among the eldest of its kind in Asia, the Communist Party of India (CPI) pioneered the spread of Marxist politics beyond the European arena. Influenced by both Soviet revolutionary practice and radical nationalism in British India, it operated under conditions not provided for in Marxist theory—foremost the prominence of religion and community in social and political life. The thesis analyzes, first, the theoretical and organizational ‘overhead’ of the CPI in terms of the position of religion in a party communist hierarchy of emancipation. It will therefore question the works of Marx, Engels, and Lenin on the one hand, and Comintern doctrines on the other. Secondly, it scrutinizes the approaches and strategies of the CPI and individual members, often biographically biased, to come to grips with the subcontinental environment under the primacy of mass politics. Thirdly, I discuss communist vistas on revolution on concrete instances including (but not limited to) the Gandhian non-cooperation movement, the Moplah rebellion, the subcontinental proletariat, the problem of communalism, and assertion of minority identities. I argue that the CPI established a pattern of vacillation between qualified rejection and conditional appropriation of religion that loosely constituted two diverging revolutionary paradigms characterizing communist practice from the Soviet outset: Western and Eastern. The specific tradition condensed in the latter eventually would render it plausible to the party to support the Muslim League’s Pakistan demand in the 1940s.
|
| 719 |
Catastrophe in Permanence: Benjamin's Natural History of Environmental CrisisBower, Matthew S. 05 1900 (has links)
Walter Benjamin warned in 1940 of a certain inconspicuous threat to political thinking, not least of all to materialism, that takes progress as an historical norm. Implicit in this conception is what he describes as an empty continuum of time along which the prevailing tradition chronicles its own mythic development and drains everyday life of genuine historical experience. The myth of progressive history advances insidiously today in consumeristic and technocratic attempts at reconciling cultural imagery with organic nature. In this dissertation, I pursue the contradictions of such images as they crystallize around the natural history of twenty-first century commodity society, where promises of ecological remediation, sustainable urban development, and climate change mitigation have yet to introduce a true crisis of historical experience to the ongoing environmental crisis of capitalism. A more radical way of seeing the cultural representation of nature would, I argue, penetrate its mythic determination by market forces and bear witness to the natural-historical ruins and traces that constitute, in Benjamin's terms, a single "catastrophe" where others perceive historical continuity. I argue that Benjamin's critique of progress is instructive to interpreting those utopian dreams, ablaze in consumer life and technological fantasy, that recent decades of growing environmental concern have channeled into the recovery of an experience of the natural world. His dialectics of nature and alienated history confront the wish-image of organic abundance with the transience of its appropriated expression in the commodity-form. Drawing together this confrontation with a varied literature on collective memory, nature, and the city, I suggest that our poverty of experience is more than simply a technical, economic, or even ecological problem, but rather follows from the commodification of history itself. The goal of this work is to reflect upon the potentiality of communal politics that subsist not in rushing headlong into a progressive future but, as Benjamin urges, in reaching for the emergency brake on the runaway train of progress.
|
| 720 |
An “empire” without imperialism? A study of the Soviet-colonial dialectic from the October Revolution to its defeatStrandlund, Tyson Riel 22 October 2021 (has links)
An analysis of Soviet history and political thought in the context of imperialism and colonialism
This study attempts to clarify problems with dominant liberal narratives and historiography relating to the Soviet Union, particularly relating to questions of empire and colonialism, and instead platforms Third World Marxists and other anti-imperialist scholars and revolutionaries whose views have been effectively sidelined and stifled. By tracing the history of political thought around these questions from pre-revolutionary Marxists through to Cold War era anti-colonial and pan-African scholars and revolutionaries alongside developments in the dynamic and forms of imperialism, and by situating anti-colonial nationalisms in the context of worldmaking rather than state building, this text aims to contribute to analyses of Soviet policy and its relationship to the global history of decolonisation in the 20th Century.
This work identifies serious theoretical and ideological deficiencies in existing literature and concludes that concise definitions of imperialism and empire such as those used by V.I. Lenin and Kwame Nkrumah are not consistent with commonly held beliefs about the role played by the Soviet Union in the history of anti-colonial and national liberation movements. Western liberal literature on this subject has suffered significantly as a result of political and ideological prejudices stemming directly from the US Cold War victory and psychological warfare campaigns targeting communist and anti-colonial movements to this end.
My research indicates that misidentification and misuse of terms relating to empire and colonialism pose serious obstacles and risks to present and future efforts geared towards global peace and equality which add urgency to the correction of mistakes both in scholarly and popular historical, political, and cultural approaches to interpretations of Soviet history. / Graduate
|
Page generated in 0.0309 seconds