A mobilização e organização dos movimentos sociais é uma discussão clássica no âmbito das ciências sociais. Entretanto, boa parte da literatura dá maior ênfase à análise dos elementos “materiais” da mobilização ou os analisa de forma separada a seus elementos “simbólicos”, não raro dando menor ênfase a estes. Quando a análise das duas dimensões se faz presente, outro problema comum é a apresentação de descrições importantes sobre a história e características dos movimentos sociais, mas com pouca atenção aos elementos explicativos de como a mobilização e a organização se estruturam e se sustentam. Com o objetivo de realizar uma pesquisa cujo foco esteja nas causas da sustentação e ampliação da mobilização, valemos-nos do conceito de mudança de escala para explorar o que aqui denominamos expansão organizativa e amplificação simbólica como mecanismos causais que possibilitam a um movimento social sustentar-se e ampliar sua mobilização. Para tanto, foi realizada uma pesquisa sobre a mudança de escala na mobilização das populações atingidas por barragens na bacia do rio Uruguai e sua expansão para as demais regiões do país possibilitada pela fundação do Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB). Ancorada na noção de causalidade preconizada pelo realismo crítico, procuramos responder à seguinte questão de pesquisa: como se dá a transformação de um determinado movimento social envolvido em conflitos pontuais em um ator de maior alcance, imbuído de objetivos, pautas e bandeiras políticas diversas? Para tanto, exploramos os mecanismos da expansão organizacional e, sobretudo, da amplificação simbólica para explicar como os atingidos por barragens enquadram o problema social que os atinge e produzem sensos de justiça e justificações para sua mobilização. / The mobilization and organization of social movements is a classic debate in the field of social sciences. However, much of its literature places greater emphasis on the analysis of “material” elements of the mobilization or instead analyze its “symbolic” elements separately, not infrequently conceding only minor emphasis to the latter. When the analysis of both dimensions takes place, another usual problem is the rendition of relevant descriptions on the history and characteristics of the social movements, nevertheless with scarce consideration to the explicative elements on how the mobilization and the organization are structured and sustained. Aiming to conduct research which focuses on the causes of the sustaining and enlargement of the mobilization, we had recourse to the concept of scale shift to explore what we name organizational expansion and symbolic amplification as causal mechanisms which enables a social movement to sustain itself and to enlarge its mobilization. To do so, we carried out a research study on the scale shift in the mobilization of the population affected by dams on the Uruguay River basin and its expansion to further regions of the country by means of the founding of the Movimento dos atingidos por Barragens – MAB – (Movement of People Affected by Dams). Anchored in the notion of causality professed by critical realism, we sought to answer the following research question: how does a given social movement concerned with specific conflicts transforms itself into a player of greater reach, imbued with dissimilar objectives, agendas and policies? Therefore, we inquired into the mechanisms of the organizational expansion and especially of the symbolic amplification to explain how those affected by dams frame the social problem that impacts them and develop senses of justice and justifications for their mobilization. / La movilización y organización de los movimientos sociales és una discusión clásica en las ciencias sociales. Sin embargo, parte da literatura le dá más énfasis al análisis de los elementos “materiales” da movilización o los analisa de manera apartada a sus elementos “simbólicos”, a menudo dandole menor énfasis. Cuando el análisis de sus dimensiones se hace presente, otro problema recurrente és la presentación de descripciones importantes sobre la história y características de los movimientos sociales, pero dandole poca atención a los elementos explicativos de como la movilización y la organización se estructuram y se sostienen. Con el reto de realizar una investigación cuya atención estea en las causas del sostenimiento y extensión de la movilización, utilizamos el concepto de cambio de escala para explorar a lo que aqui decimos extensión organizativa y amplificación simbólica como mecanismos causales que posibilitan a un movimiento social sostenerse y extender su movilización. Así, fue realizada una investigación sobre el cambio de escala em la movilización de las poblaciones afectadas por represas em la región brasileña del río Uruguay y su expansión a otras regiones del país possibilitada por la fundación del Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens – MAB (Movimiento de los Afectados por Represas). Basada em la idea de causalidad desarrollada por los autores del realismo crítico, buscamos responder a la seguiente cuestión de investigación: como ocurre la transformación de un determinado movimiento social involucrado en conflictos pontuales en un actor de mayor alcance, cuyos objetivos y banderas políticas se diversifican? Para tanto, exploramos los mecanismos de la expansión organizacional y, sobretodo, da la amplificación simbólica para explicar como los afectados por represas enmarcan el problema social que os afecta y como producen sentidos de justicia y justificaciones para sua movilización.

La Police Nationale est l’une des professions les plus syndiquées en France, avec un taux de syndicalisation proche des 70%. Pourtant, les recherches sur le militantisme et les mouvements sociaux pensent souvent les policiers comme les instruments de la répression, comme le bras armé de l’État, mais bien plus rarement comme des travailleurs soumis, comme d’autres, à des pressions de leur hiérarchie et à des difficultés professionnelles. A partir de ce constat, et grâce à une enquête socio-ethnographique, cette thèse questionne l’organisation et le fonctionnement du syndicalisme policier. Après une mise en perspective historique permettant de présenter les modalités de construction et d’évolution du syndicalisme policier, l’analyse porte sur le travail syndical de représentation et le rapport au politique. Nous montrons ainsi que les syndicalistes policiers articulent un important travail de service aux adhérents (en participant notamment aux commissions administratives paritaires qui gèrent les carrières des fonctionnaires) et des formes de mobilisations plus conflictuelles. Comme dans d’autres milieux, les syndicalistes policiers sont soumis à une logique de professionnalisation, mais les permanents syndicaux sont accompagnés, dans leur travail, par un important réseau de militants et délégués qui contribuent à entretenir la proximité avec les travailleurs. En mobilisant et en questionnant le concept bourdieusien de champ, nous interrogeons enfin les relations entre le champ syndical policier et le champ politique. Les syndicalistes policiers entretiennent un rapport ambivalent et très circonstancié au politique, entre rejet, mise à distance et appropriation. Notre démarche ethnographique permet de saisir les logiques de différenciation des pratiques en fonction des acteurs, et plus particulièrement en fonction du niveau de responsabilité. Ainsi, si l’évitement du politique est la règle générale, elle est appliquée avec bien plus de rigueur au niveau départemental qu’au niveau national. / The French National Police force is one of the most unionised professions in the country: close to 70%. Yet most of the scientific research on activism and social movements only considers police officers as a entities within the state repression system, and rarely as workers who experience, as any others, pressures from their management and professional struggles. Based on these observations, and using a socio-ethnographic survey, our thesis aims to question the organization and running of French police unionism. After a brief analysis of the historical process of construction and evolution of police unionism, we examine the unions representation work and its relation to politics.We notably demonstrate that police unionists articulate an important work of service to their paying members (by participating in the joint administrative commissions which manage the careers of civil servants) and forms of more conflicting mobilizations. As in other environments, police unionists are subject to a logic of professionalization, but the union officials are accompanied in their work by a large network of activists and representatives who contribute to maintaining proximity with the workers.Mobilizing and questioning Bourdieu's concept of “field”, we finally examine the relations between the police union field and the political field. Police unionists entertain an ambivalent and very circumstantial relationship to politics, caught between rejection, distanciation and appropriation. Our ethnographic approach allows us to grasp the logic of practice differentiation by stakeholder, and more particularly by level of responsibility. Thus, if avoiding politics is the general rule, it is applied much more rigorously at the local level than at the national level.

Ce travail veut apporter des éclairages sur la façon dont la ville d’aujourd’hui est conçue en revisitant à la fois les pratiques urbaines (approche néolibérale et approche par le risque). À travers l’étude comparative de deux quartiers d’Istanbul, Sarıgöl et Tozkoparan, désignés à risques et soumis à des projets de rénovation urbaine, nous avons analysé les objectifs des projets, leur contenu, les bénéficiaires de ces projets et les populations affectés. Sur quels motifs et réalités se basent les politiques publiques urbaines ? Comment les projets sont-ils légitimés par le risque ? Répondent-ils aux problèmes urbains et sociaux présents ? Occasionnent-ils de nouveaux problèmes sociaux ? Les constats établis sur les conséquences des pratiques de rénovation urbaine, nous ont poussé à nous intéresser aux enjeux sociaux émergeant des dynamiques urbaines conflictuelles. Comment les populations sont-elles ou seront-elles affectées par ces rénovations ? La réaction des habitants ? / This work aims to shed light on how the city of today is designed by revisiting both urban practices (neoliberal approach and risk approach). Through the comparative study of two districts in Istanbul, Sarıg.l and Tozkoparan, designated at risk and subject to urban renewal projects, we analysed the objectives of the projects, their content, the beneficiaries and affected populations. On what grounds and realities are urban public policies based ? How are projects legitimized by risk ? Do they respond to the urban and social problems ? Do they cause new social problems ? The findings on the consequences of urban renewal practices have led us to focus on social issues emerging from conflictual urban dynamics. How are populations affected or will they be affected by these renovations ? The reaction of the inhabitants ?

Nesse trabalho, abordamos as condições de reprodução do campesinato no Vale do Jequitinhonha mineiro, da sua formação até os dias atuais, tomando-as como momento da territorialização do capital e da mobilização do trabalho, observadas sempre nas transformações que sofreram no curso contraditório do processo de modernização. Investigamos a formação regional do campesinato no bojo da transição do escravismo colonial para o trabalho livre, relação engendrada como desdobramento da mineração ocorrida em muitos afluentes da bacia do rio Jequitinhonha e do estabelecimento e da expansão das fazendas pecuárias no que outrora fora considerado \"sertão\". Analisamos também a forma de reprodução desse campesinato, tomando-a como uma relação social de produção na qual se assentou a reprodução do capital, quando a mesma ainda não podia prescindir do domínio fundiário e recurso ao exercício da violência por parte daqueles que personificavam o capital e da produção direta dos meios de vida por parte daqueles que personificavam o trabalho. Apresentamos ainda a acumulação das condições para o rompimento daquela relação social de produção como resultado central da própria territorialização do capital responsável por engendrá-la, entre elas, inclusive, a institucionalização do Estado e a formação da sua tecnocracia, ocorridas, ambas, em meio ao processo de autonomização das categorias terra, trabalho e capital, o qual investigamos a partir da intervenção do planejamento regional estatal no Vale do Jequitinhonha e das invasões e expulsões de agregados, posseiros e situantes que foram desencadeadas especialmente nas décadas de 1960, 1970 e 1980. Na análise dos desdobramentos dessa ruptura enfatizamos a permanência do campesinato no Vale do Jequitinhonha, porém, em meio a uma profunda transformação nas relações sociais de produção em que o mesmo se encontrava engajado, as quais passaram a se assentar na generalização da mobilidade do trabalho. Por fim, as condições atuais de reprodução do campesinato, interpretamos como momento da reprodução do capital em sua crise fundamental. Articulamos a exposição dos processos apontados com uma discussão sobre o papel da acumulação primitiva na reprodução do capital e as limitações para sua reiteração continuada; sobre a homogeneização e a diferenciação das relações sociais de produção; sobre o caráter contraditório e fundamentalmente crítico do desenvolvimento capitalista e o caráter da sua crise atual. Conduzimos a mesma a partir da problematização de inúmeros estudos dedicados ao problema da reprodução camponesa no Vale do Jequitinhonha, criticando a apreensão que faziam dessa última como totalidade apartada por não reconhecerem ser essa aparência resultante do processo de autonomização. Analisamos ainda um farto conjunto de depoimentos de lavradores e lavradoras no qual os mesmos discutiam transformações experimentadas em suas condições de reprodução, buscando articular, igualmente, os planos da história e da experiência, a partir de uma crítica do processo de sujeição dos sujeitos sociais a uma dominação abstrata, fetichista e tautológica da mercadoria enquanto forma de mediação e do capital enquanto sujeito automático. / On this thesis we approached the reproduction conditions of peasants from Jequitinhonha Valley, in Minas Gerais, Brazil, from its formation until nowadays. We grasped those reproduction conditions as territorialization of capital and labor mobilization moments, moments that we observed always on the transformations that had occurred on the contradictory process of modernization. We researched regional peasantry formation from the enslavement transition to free labor, a relation that was engendered as the unfold of mining in affluent rivers of Jequitinhonha river and of cattle farming establishment and expansion in what was once considered sertão. We also analyzed the reproduction form of this peasantry as a social relation of production which was the basis of capital reproduction in a moment that personified capital could not prescind from land domination and from violence exercise. After that, we present the accumulation of conditions that ruptured that social relation of production as a central result of territorialization of capital itself, conditions such as State institutionalization and the formation of its technocracy, both occurred throughout autonomization process of land, labor and capital categories. We researched that process from the intervention of regional State planning on the Jequitinhonha Valley and from invasions and expulsions of agregados, posseiros e situantes that occurred specially on the decades of 1960, 1970 and 1980. While analyzing the unfolding of that rupture we give emphasis on the permanence of peasants on the Jequitinhonha Valley, although, in the middle of a deep transformation of social relations of production that these peasants were engaged, which passed to be embedded on the generalization of labor mobilization. Finally, we interpreted actual peasantry reproduction conditions as the reproduction of capital in its fundamental crisis. We articulated the exposition of the processes already mentioned with a discussion of the role of primitive accumulation for capital accumulation and the limits to its continuous reiteration; on the homogenization and differentiation of social relations of production; and on the contradictory and fundamentally critical character of capitalistic development and its actual crisis character. We conducted such issue questioning numerous researches that were dedicated to the peasantry reproduction problem on the Jequitinhonha Valley, and we criticized the grasping of that social reproduction as a separated totality as those researches didnt recognized that as an appearance of autonomization process. We also analyzed a big amount of testimonials of lavradores and lavradoras, in which they discussed transformations experienced on their conditions of reproduction, as we tried to articulate historical and experience plans, from a critique of the process of social subjects subjection by an abstract, fetishistic and tautological domination of merchandise form as an automatic subject mediation and capital form.

La connaissance des processus de mobilisation et de migration de l’uranium dans les milieux souterrains est un enjeu majeur pour évaluer les risques environnementaux associés aux activités anciennes ou actuelles d'installations nucléaires en vue d'anticiper et gérer tout impact environnemental. La mobilisation et la migration sont habituellement décrites comme fortement contrôlées par les réactions d'adsorption, la présence de ligands, notamment sous forme colloïdale, étant susceptible de l'augmenter considérablement. La capacité des entités colloïdales à transporter l'uranium sur de longues distances va dépendre de leur origine, de leur composition, de leur structure, de leur stabilité et de leur réactivité, ainsi que de leur capacité à complexer l'uranium de manière forte et irréversible. Cependant, les faibles concentrations colloïdales dans les eaux souterraines s’avèrent parfois être un verrou analytique à la détection et à la caractérisation de la mobilisation et du transport colloïdaux de polluant(s) dans les eaux souterraines. Les protocoles d'extraction des phases colloïdales depuis les sols ou les méthodes destinées à concentrer les colloïdes depuis un échantillon d'eau souterraine ne sont pas toujours optimisés pour à la fois assurer un rendement d'extraction satisfaisant et respecter l'intégrité physiques et chimiques des entités colloïdales.Dans ce contexte, deux axes de recherche ont été définis dans ce travail de thèse afin 1) d’appréhender l’impact de l’utilisation de méthodes de préconcentration sur la phase colloïdale et 2) d’améliorer notre compréhension de la dynamique de mobilisation de l’uranium au sein d’un sol podzolisé et ainsi améliorer les modèles prédictifs du transport colloïdal de l’uranium dans les eaux souterraines.Les méthodes de séparation membranaires permettent de préconcentrer la phase colloïdale des eaux souterraines tout en assurant un recouvrement supérieur à 80%. Elles engendrent néanmoins des modifications des paramètres intrinsèques des entités colloïdales avec en particulier un décalage vers les grandes tailles de la distribution en taille de ces entités ainsi qu’une modification de la distribution des espèces entre phases dissoute et colloïdale. Ces modifications peuvent mener à une mauvaise appréciation non seulement des concentrations colloïdales mais aussi des mécanismes de complexation/sorption impliquant la surface des entités colloïdales et de leur stabilité dans les eaux souterraines. La matière organique constitutive des eaux du sol d’étude a été identifiée comme étant le vecteur principal de la remobilisation de l’uranium dans les eaux de sol, sans toutefois avoir un contrôle total de ce processus. Elle est constituée majoritairement d’acides fulviques et humiques de petite taille qui tendent à s’agglomérer au cours du temps, lors de la lixiviation du sol. La composition moléculaire de la matière organique varie de manière temporelle à la fois à l’échelle de l’horizon superficiel mais aussi le long du profil de sol. Divers processus (réduction, dénitrification…) interviennent durant la migration de la matière organique vers les horizons plus profonds et pourraient modifier ainsi sa nature. A l’échelle de l’horizon superficiel, les mécanismes de mobilisation diffèrent selon l’élément considéré. L’uranium en particulier est mobilisé rapidement mais de manière limitée (<2% du sol considéré), tandis que la matière organique est générée en continu et de manière pseudo-linéaire. / Knowledge of the processes of mobilization and migration of uranium in underground environments is a major challenge to assess the environmental risks associated with ancient or current activities of nuclear facilities in order to anticipate and manage any environmental impact. Mobilization and migration are usually described as strongly controlled by adsorption reactions, the presence of ligands, especially in colloidal form, being able to increase considerably. The ability of colloidal entities to transport uranium over long distances will depend on their origin, composition, structure, stability and reactivity, as well as their ability to complex uranium in a significant and irreversible manner. However, low colloidal concentrations in groundwater sometimes prove to be an analytical lock on the detection and characterization of colloidal mobilization and transport of pollutant(s) in groundwater. Protocols for extracting colloidal phases from soils or methods for concentrating colloids from a groundwater sample are not always optimized to both ensure satisfactory extraction yield and respect physical and chemical integrity colloidal entities.In this context, two lines of research have been defined in this thesis work to 1) to understand the impact of the use of preconcentration methods on the colloidal phase and 2) to improve our understanding of mobilization dynamics of uranium within a podzolized soil and thus improve predictive models of colloidal uranium transport in groundwater.The membrane separation methods make it possible to preconcentrate the colloidal phase of the groundwater while ensuring a recovery greater than 80%. Nevertheless, they cause modifications of the intrinsic parameters of the colloidal entities with, in particular, a shift towards the large sizes of the size distribution of these entities as well as a modification of the species distribution between dissolved and colloidal phases. These modifications may lead to an inaccurate appreciation not only of colloidal concentrations but also of complexation/sorption mechanisms involving the surface of colloidal entities and their stability in groundwater. The constituent organic matter of the study soil waters has been identified as the main vector for the remobilization of uranium in the soil water, without having a complete control of this process. It consists mainly of small fulvic and humic acids that tend to agglomerate over time, during leaching of the soil. The molecular composition of organic matter varies temporally both at the level of the superficial horizon and also along the soil profile. Various processes (reduction, denitrification ...) occur during the migration of organic matter to deeper horizons and could thus change its nature. At the level of the superficial horizon, mobilization mechanisms differ according to the element considered. Uranium in particular is mobilized quickly but in a limited way (<2% of the considered soil), while organic matter is generated continuously and in a pseudo-linear way.

L’intérêt d’une étude portant sur les espaces périphériques européens découle des transformations qui affectent les frontières depuis les années 1980 : alors que l’intensification de flux transnationaux de différentes natures semble les ignorer, la disparition des marques physiques les symbolisant tend à les invisibiliser, et la promotion de politique de coopération au niveau communautaire, à les dépasser. Parmi les zones frontalières, celles qui partagent une histoire commune offre un véritable intérêt heuristique : l’analyse de l’évolution des rapports sociaux, économiques, politiques et institutionnels qu’entretiennent les sociétés frontalières se double d’une interrogation sur la permanence de liens identitaires par-delà la frontière. Dans le département des Pyrénées-Orientales, l’attrait pour la Catalogne se traduit, depuis le début des années 2000, par deux phénomènes concomitants : tandis que les projets de coopération se sont multipliés et diversifiés, des acteurs politiques et sociaux ont entrepris de revivifier le sentiment d’appartenance à la localité. L’étude tend à montrer que l’intensification des interactions n’a pas abouti à l’avènement d’un espace transfrontalier intégré et que les actions identitaires ne semblent pas redessiner le circuit des allégeances territoriales. Tout se passe comme si, au rebours de l’idée préconçue d’une Europe « sans frontières », les limites territoriales jouaient toujours un rôle dans la structuration des représentations et l’orientation des conduites. / The interest of a survey about european surrounding spaces follows from the transformations affecting the borders since the 1980’s : even if the transnational movements of different natures seem to take no heed of them, even if there’s a tendency to turn their physical marks invisible, and even if the political promotion of cooperation at a community level tend to overcome them. Among the border belts, those having a common history afford a real heuristic interest ; the analysis of the economical, political and institutional relation development as well as social relations maintained by border belts couples with an interrogation about the continuity of identity links over the border. Since the beginning of the 2000’s, in the Pyrénées-Orientales departement, the appeal for Catalogne has been resulting by two concomitant phenomenoms : whereas cooperation plans have increased and diversified,political and social protagonists have undertaken to revive the feeling of belonging to the local place. The survey tends to show that the interaction intensification hasn’t resulted in an integrated cross-border space advent and that identity actions don’t seem to change the territorial allegiance channel. Everything is going as if, counter to the preconceived idea of a “no border” Europe, the territorial limits were still playing an important part in the representation structures and management tendency.

Mobilização inadequada de células progenitoras hematopoéticas (CPH) tem sido observada em 10 - 30% dos pacientes submetidos a transplante de medula óssea (TMO) autogênico para tratamento de doenças onco-hematológicas. Os fatores relacionados com má resposta à mobilização ainda não estão totalmente estabelecidos. Apresentamos uma análise retrospectiva de pacientes submetidos à TMO autogênico com o objetivo de identificar variáveis associadas com resposta ruim ao regime de mobilização utilizado. Casuística e Métodos: Fizeram parte desta análise 307 pacientes com diferentes diagnósticos, tratados com TMO autogênico em uma única Instituição, no período de Abril de 2001 a Abril de 2007. Todos os pacientes incluídos no estudo foram submetidos a um único regime de mobilização baseado na administração de ciclofosfamida (dose total de 60-120 mg/kg de peso IV) e fator estimulador de colônias de granulócitos (G-CSF) (dose diária de 6 - 17 ug/(kg de peso)/dia SC). O sucesso na resposta ao regime de mobilização foi definido quando um número maior ou igual a 2,0x10 (6) células CD34 + /(kg de peso) foi coletado do sangue periférico com até três procedimentos de leucaférese. Resultados: Dos pacientes analisados, 260 apresentaram sucesso na mobilização (84,7%). Nestes pacientes, um número mediano de 3,67 (2,0 - 46,0) células CD34+ /(kg de peso) foi coletado por paciente com um número mediano de 1 (1-3) procedimento de leucaférese. O insucesso na mobilização foi observado em 47 pacientes (15,3%): 24 (7,8%) que foram submetidos à coleta de CPH de sangue periférico, porém não coletaram número maior ou igual 2,0x10 (6) células CD34+/(kg de peso) com pelo menos três procedimentos de leucaférese; e, 23 (7,5%) foram submetidos à coleta de CPH por punção da medula óssea, por não terem atingido número mínimo de 10 células CD34+/mm3 no sangue periférico para realização de leucaférese. De acordo com análise univariada, os fatores associados com o insucesso foram: diagnóstico (P < 0,0001), tempo de doença (P < 0,0001), número prévio de ciclos de quimioterapia (P = 0,0001), exposição prévia a agentes alquilantes (P = 0.0003) e a mitoxantrone (P = 0,0006), contagem de plaquetas pré-mobilização <150.000/mm3 (P = 0,0006) e intervalo entre o início da mobilização e o pico de células CD 34+ no sangue periférico (P < 0,0001). Idade, sexo, atividade da doença e envolvimento medular ao início da mobilização, tratamento prévio com radioterapia e exposição a análogos da platina não mostraram correlação significativa na resposta à mobilização. Após análise multivariada, as variáveis que permaneceram associadas com insucesso na mobilização foram: diagnóstico (P = 0,0232), número prévio de ciclos da quimioterapia (P = 0,0167), tratamento prévio com mitoxantrone (P = 0,0285) e contagem de plaquetas pré-mobilização < 150.000/mm3 (P = 0,0423). Conclusão: A carga cumulativa de quimioterapia administrada, exposição prévia à mitoxantrone, contagem de plaquetas pré-mobilização e diagnóstico foram os fatores independentes relacionados com a falha na resposta à mobilização. Os achados obtidos podem auxiliar no reconhecimento de pacientes de risco para resposta ruim à mobilização e permitir um planejamento alternativo ou mais agressivo no regime de mobilização para este grupo de pacientes. / Inadequate stem cells mobilization is seen in 10-30% of patients undergoing autotransplantation for hematologic malignancies. Factors affecting peripheral blood progenitor cell (PBSC) mobilization have not been clearly established. We retrospectively reviewed the data of patients treated by autologous bone marrow transplantation (BMT) with the aim to identify factors associated with poor PBSC mobilization. Design and Methods: We evaluated 307 patients with different diagnoses, submitted to autologous BMT between April 2001 and April 2007. PBSC were collected following mobilization with cyclophosphamide (60-120 mg/kg of weight IV) and granulocyte-colony stimulating factor (G-CSF) (dose of 6-17 ug/kg of weight/day SC). Success in mobilization was defined when > ou = a 2,0x10(6) CD34+ cells/(kg weight) could be collected from the peripheral blood with a maximum of three leukapheresis procedures. Clinical and laboratory parameters at the time of mobilization were analyzed for correlations with the number of CD34+ cells collected. Results: Two hundred and sixty patients (84.7%) presented success in mobilization. In this group, a median of 3.67 (2.0-46.0) CD34+ cells/(kg weight) was collected per patient in a median of 1(1-3) leukapheresis procedure. Poor response to mobilization was observed in 47 patients (15.3%): 24 (7.8%) were submitted to PBSC collection but didn\'t collected at least 2.0 x 106 CD34+ cells/(kg weight) with three leukapheresis procedures and 23 (7.5%) didn\'t reach an absolute number count of 10 CD34+ cells/mm3 in the peripheral blood to start collection by leukapheresis. In univariate analysis poorer PBSC mobilization was associated with diagnosis (Pp < 0.0001), time interval from the diagnosis to mobilization (P < 0.0001), number of cycles of previous chemotherapy (P = 0.0001), previous treatment with alkylating agents (P = 0.0003) and mitoxantrone (P = 0.0006), platelet count <150.000/mm3 before mobilization (P = 0.0006) and interval between mobilization and peak of CD34+ cells in peripheral blood (P < 0.0001). No significant correlation was found with age, gender, disease status, marrow involvement at mobilization, prior radiation therapy and exposition to platin analogues. In the stepwise regression model, diagnosis (P = 0.0232), number of cycles of previous chemotherapy (P = 0.0167), previous treatment with mitoxantrone (P = 0.0285) and platelet count <150.000/mm3 before mobilization (P = 0.0423) were found to be independent negative predictive factors for CD34+ cells mobilization. Conclusion: Cumulative load of chemotherapy, exposition to Mitoxantrone, platelet count just prior to mobilization and diagnosis were independent factors related to poor progenitor cells mobilization. These results could help in the previously recognition of patients at risk for poor or no response to mobilization and allow to plan an alternative or more aggressive regimen for this group of patients.

Nesta dissertação analisamos as dinâmicas de ação coletiva dos grupos negros na Colômbia, desde a abolição da escravidão a meados do século XIX até a Colômbia contemporânea. Este foco sócio-histórico tem como objetivo observar as mudanças nas oportunidades políticas que permitem, ou não, a ação coletiva de um grupo social. Na medida em que as oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado são favoráveis para a mobilização, nos interessamos em compreender as estratégias de mobilização e os recursos usados pelos ativistas, assim como as alianças e a especialização do ativismo. A dinâmica da organização do Movimento Afro-Colombiano mudou na ultima década do século XX, quando promulgada a nova Constituição Política nacional e mais uma vez na primeira década do século XXI, quando a população negra colombiana se torna alvo do conflito armado que vive o país. / In this dissertation we analyze the dynamics of collective action of Colombian black groups, since the abolition of slave trade in 1851, until contemporary Colombia. This sociohistorical focus has the intuition to observe how changes in political opportunities aloud collective action of a social group. In so far as political opportunities given by the State are positive for mobilization, we are interested in the comprehension of which strategies are chosen for groups to mobilize, as well as the usage of resources by activists. Also we are interested in understanding the alliances and specialization of the activism in certain political regimes. The dynamic of organization of Afro-Colombian Movement changed during the last decade of the 20th century, when a new constitution was adopted. And has changed once again during the first decade of the 21st century, when Colombian black population became the main victims of the armed conflict in the country.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:12:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008 - Olavo Brandao Carneiro.pdf: 4181517 bytes, checksum: 34ef3ce143d28a1fa82399b93325e4cd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-19 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico / The purpose of this paper is to gain further understanding of the ways and mechanisms of social and political association that relate to dominant classes and groups in Brazil s countryside by looking at the strains, conflicts, and categories of the identities present at the gathering "Tratora?o - O Alerta do Campo". Organized by the Brazilian Confederation of Agriculture and Livestock (CNA) in June 2005. The Tratora?o mobilized large grain (soybean, corn and rice) and cotton farmers, especially in the Midwest and South areas of the country. Their main claim was to "renegotiate" agricultural debts, but they also demanded issues related to agripolitics, foreign trade and more room in State proceedings. A participative observation in the gathering together with the news broadcasted by CAN s Website comprised the main sources of our investigation, supplemented by interviews with rural and agro-industry business leaders and spokespeople, and surveys in the commercial media. The analysis allowed us to identify the street gathering as a recurrent political action of large rural entrepreneurs and large land owners, which expresses conflicts, strains, coalitions and intraclass and interclass agreements. It also allowed for the observation of how Brazil s rural patronage interests are built and represented as part of a class development process in which local bases manifestations, meetings of leaders from representative entities, and the initiatives of rural congressmen articulate progressively toward approaching the State. / Este trabalho procura melhor compreender as formas e mecanismos de organiza??o social e pol?tica das classes e grupos dominantes no campo brasileiro, a partir da observa??o das tens?es, conflitos, e ordena??es de identidades presentes na manifesta??o Tratora?o - O Alerta do Campo . Organizado pela Confedera??o Nacional da Agricultura e Pecu?ria do Brasil (CNA) em junho de 2005, o Tratora?o mobilizou agricultores de gr?os (soja, milho e arroz) e algod?o, especialmente das regi?es Centro-Oeste e Sul do pa?s. Sua principal reivindica??o foi a renegocia??o de d?vidas agr?colas, mas tamb?m demandavam quest?es relativas a pol?ticas agr?colas, com?rcio exterior e mais espa?o nas inst?ncias de Estado. A observa??o participante da mobiliza??o e as not?cias veiculadas pelo site da CNA constitu?ram as principais fontes da nossa investiga??o, complementadas por entrevistas com lideran?as e porta-vozes patronais rurais e agroindustriais e levantamentos na m?dia comercial. Nossa reflex?o permitiu identificar a manifesta??o de rua como uma a??o pol?tica recorrente dos empres?rios rurais e grandes propriet?rios de terra, construtora e express?o de conflitos, tens?es, alian?as e acordos intraclasse e entre classes sociais. O estudo permitiu a observa??o da constru??o e representa??o de interesses do patronato rural brasileiro como parte de um fazer-se classe, processo no qual manifesta??es locais das bases, reuni?es de dirigentes de entidades de representa??o, e iniciativas dos parlamentares ruralistas se articulam progressivamente para interpelar o Estado.

Cortes e sociedade civil na América Latina estão em transformação, assim como a sua relação. Casos de grande repercussão social, decisões judiciais que incidem sobre políticas públicas, concentração de efeitos das sentenças, mecanismos de deliberação dentro dos processos são fenômenos relacionados a essas transformações. A tese deste trabalho é de que tanto o desenho institucional das cortes influencia a mobilização social jurídica, quanto a presença de uma forte mobilização social em torno das cortes pode influenciar não só a sua agenda de casos, mas também o seu desenho institucional. E esta relação precisa ser estudada de modo dinâmico e funcional. Para tanto, foram realizadas entrevistas com organizações não governamentais, think tanks, acadêmicos, magistrados e agência financiadora na Argentina, Brasil e Colômbia. É a narrativa comparada desses atores que oferece as variáveis de desenho institucional e mobilização social jurídica relevantes para compreender essas transformações. O trabalho, por fim, aponta para a necessidade de reformulação das agendas dos atores envolvidos sobre como pensar a inter-relação entre cortes e sociedade civil, tanto em termos de experimentação prática, imaginação institucional, desafios teóricos e de legitimação. / Courts and civil society in Latin America are under transformation, as well as the relationship between them. Cases of great social repercussion, judicial decisions which affect public policies, concentration effects of judgments, deliberation mechanisms within the processes are phenomena related to these changes. The thesis of this work is that both the institutional design of the courts affect social legal mobilization and the presence of strong social mobilization around the courts can influence not only their cases agenda, but also its institutional design. This relationship needs to be studied in a dynamic and functional way. To this end, interviews were conducted with nongovernmental organizations, think tanks, scholars, judges and funding agencies in Argentina, Brazil and Colombia. It is the compared narrative of these actors that offers the \"variables\" of institutional design and of legal and social mobilization that are relevant to understand these changes. The thesis finally points to the need to reform the agendas of the actors involved on the reflections about the interplay between courts and civil society, in terms of practical experimentation, institutional imagination, theoretical challenges and legitimation.