A lei francesa que proíbe o uso dos véus integrais em espaços públicos, recentemente aprovada, suscitou polêmicas políticas e sociais. Tal lei invoca a necessidade de evitar rostos cobertos em espaços públicos e os defensores da medida frequentemente mencionam o papel da lei em promover a laicidade e a igualdade de gênero. Contudo, o consenso sobre essa questão está longe de ser atingido entre os diversos acadêmicos e políticos que a discutem. Muitos dos opositores da lei a veem como uma forma de promover o racismo e a segregação ao invés da justiça, da liberdade, da integração, da igualdade de gênero e da agência das mulheres. Considerando a posição de algumas teóricas feministas, pretendemos desenvolver uma reflexão associando o feminismo às teorias liberal, comunitarista e multiculturalista a fim de refletir sobre as dimensões políticas e ideológicas deste processo. Assim, abordaremos os conceitos de justiça, liberdade e igualdade, fundamentais para a compreensão desse debate. Desse modo, pretendemos discutir as motivações para a criação da lei, bem como as suas consequências na sociedade francesa. / The recent French law banning women from wearing full-cover veils in public spaces has raised controversy in different political and social scopes. The law mentions the necessity of avoiding hidden faces in public spaces and its defenders often mention the law’s role in promoting secularism and gender equality. However, several policy makers and scholars are far from reaching agreement around this issue. Much of the opponents of the law see in this measure a way of promoting racism and segregation instead of justice, freedom, integration, women’s agency and gender equality. Putting at the frontline the position of some feminist scholars, we intend to develop a debate among theoretical feminism liberalism, multiculturalism and communitarism in order to understand the political and ideological dimension of this process. We will be addressing important issues such as justice, freedom and gender equity, which are fundamental to understand this debate. Our aim is to discuss the motivations for creating the law as well as its consequences in French society.

A presente pesquisa examina a presença do racismo em uma escola pública municipal do estado de São Paulo identificando, em sua recorrência, a geração dos dispositivos de invisibilização de certos corpos e culturas nas séries iniciais do Ensino Fundamental. Tem no cotidiano escolar o seu lócus de atuação e, nas aulas de Educação Física, o seu foco prioritário de observação e análise. Acolhe também os demais ambientes escolares como espaços onde se perpetuam as relações desiguais de poder, produtoras dessa forma de discriminação racial. Analisa criticamente o fenômeno a partir de duas principais perspectivas: a primeira são os Estudos Culturais fundamentados em Hall (1997, 2000, 2006) e Silva (1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2010); e a segunda o multiculturalismo crítico a partir das ideias de McLaren (2000). No que tange ao racismo, os escritos de Munanga (2000, 2005, 2008), Telles (2003) e Carone e Bento (2007) compõem o suporte teórico orientador. O estudo tenciona o entendimento de alguns dos mecanismos de exclusão que desautorizam determinados sujeitos e todas as suas representações sócio-histórico-culturais. Identifica a presença de uma identidade-referência fundada no modelo branco, masculino e euro-estadunidense que há décadas permeia a construção das subjetividades de alunas e alunos, levantando a suspeita do desencadeamento do processo aqui conceituado invisibilização. Por ter no ambiente natural a sua fonte direta e mais importante de dados, sendo o pesquisador o instrumento principal e mantendo contato direto e afinado com a situação na qual os fenômenos ocorrem, levando em conta todas as perspectivas dos envolvidos e a imersão na realidade estudada, elegeu-se o estudo de caso como método. Para a análise de dados foi utilizada a hermenêutica crítica, dada a sua possibilidade de efetuar um aprofundamento na interpretação dos textos apreendidos na conjuntura e contexto pesquisados, entremeando os resultados imediatos de uma observação do legível e também o requisitado na intencionalidade dos seus produtores. Como resultados se destacam: 1) o entendimento por parte das(os) docentes e equipe gestora da falta de necessidade de ações equitativas para as(os) alunas(os) negras(os) por serem iguais enquanto seres humanos; 2) o entendimento de que não se deve levantar discussões que digam respeito ao comportamento racista, por conta dessa atitude estimular ainda mais o fenômeno; 3) a falta de interesse e preparo da escola para lidar com as questões raciais; 4) a existência de um processo coletivo de visibilização para a invisibilização das(os) alunas(os) negras(os) e suas culturas (corporais) nas aulas de Educação Física em específico, e nos demais espaços escolares, de uma maneira geral, regulado culturalmente; 5) a convicção de que a superação do racismo depende unicamente da vontade discente; 6) uma incidência mais sofisticada do fenômeno do racismo, fazendo com que docentes e equipe gestora reconheçam sua existência, sem, no entanto, o perceberem. Finalmente, chama a atenção para o multiculturalismo crítico como possibilidade insurgente tanto na desconstrução das hierarquias discentes vigentes na escola, quanto na contemplação das diferenças e dos diferentes. / This present research investigates the presence of racism in a municipal public school of the state of São Paulo, identifying, in its recurrence, the creation of invisibilization - rendering \"unseen\" - mechanisms for certain bodies and cultures in initial grades of Elementary School. School everyday life is the locus of investigation and the Physical Education classes are the central area of interest for observation and analysis. This research also deals with other school surroundings as environments where unequal power relations perpetuate, promoters of this way of racial discrimination. Critically analyzes the phenomenon as of two main perspectives: the first one are the Cultural Studies based on Hall (1997, 2000, 2006) and Silva (1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2010), and the second one is the Critical Multiculturalism, based on ideas of McLaren (2000). As to racism, the works of Munanga (2000, 2005, 2008), Telles (2003) and Carone and Bento (2007) form the guiding technical support. This study aims at understanding some mechanisms of exclusion that disempower certain subjects and all their socio-historic-cultural representations. Identifies the presence of an identity-reference based on the white, male and Euro-American model that for decades has permeated the construction of students\' subjectivity, raising the suspicion that those may be the trigger for the process herein conceived as invisibilization. The researcher, the main instrument, maintaining a direct contact and tuned in to the situation where the phenomena occur - considering the perspectives of all the involved and the immersion in the reality so studied -, and having inside the natural environment its most direct and important source of data, elected the \"case study\" method. Critical hermeneutics was chosen for data analysis given its possibility of deeper interpretation of the texts collected within the situation and context surveyed, interweaving the immediate results of the observation of the readable material and the intentionality of those who provided the material. Results to be highlighted: 1) Comprehension, by teachers and school management team, of unnecessary equitable actions for students because they are equal as human beings; 2) Understanding that racism behavioral discussions should not be raised, since this attitude stimulates the phenomenon even more; 3) Lack of interest and preparation of the school when dealing with racial questions; 4) Existence of a collective process that makes students \"unseeable\", culturally regulated; 5) Conviction that the overcoming of racism depends exclusively on students\' will; 6) A more sophisticated incidence of racism, that causes teachers and school management teams to recognize its existence, without perceiving it nevertheless. Finally, this study attracts the attention to Critical Multiculturalism as an insurgent possibility of deconstruction of teaching hierarchies in force in school, and also of contemplation of the differences and of the \'differents\'.

A lei francesa que proíbe o uso dos véus integrais em espaços públicos, recentemente aprovada, suscitou polêmicas políticas e sociais. Tal lei invoca a necessidade de evitar rostos cobertos em espaços públicos e os defensores da medida frequentemente mencionam o papel da lei em promover a laicidade e a igualdade de gênero. Contudo, o consenso sobre essa questão está longe de ser atingido entre os diversos acadêmicos e políticos que a discutem. Muitos dos opositores da lei a veem como uma forma de promover o racismo e a segregação ao invés da justiça, da liberdade, da integração, da igualdade de gênero e da agência das mulheres. Considerando a posição de algumas teóricas feministas, pretendemos desenvolver uma reflexão associando o feminismo às teorias liberal, comunitarista e multiculturalista a fim de refletir sobre as dimensões políticas e ideológicas deste processo. Assim, abordaremos os conceitos de justiça, liberdade e igualdade, fundamentais para a compreensão desse debate. Desse modo, pretendemos discutir as motivações para a criação da lei, bem como as suas consequências na sociedade francesa. / The recent French law banning women from wearing full-cover veils in public spaces has raised controversy in different political and social scopes. The law mentions the necessity of avoiding hidden faces in public spaces and its defenders often mention the law’s role in promoting secularism and gender equality. However, several policy makers and scholars are far from reaching agreement around this issue. Much of the opponents of the law see in this measure a way of promoting racism and segregation instead of justice, freedom, integration, women’s agency and gender equality. Putting at the frontline the position of some feminist scholars, we intend to develop a debate among theoretical feminism liberalism, multiculturalism and communitarism in order to understand the political and ideological dimension of this process. We will be addressing important issues such as justice, freedom and gender equity, which are fundamental to understand this debate. Our aim is to discuss the motivations for creating the law as well as its consequences in French society.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:56:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriane.pdf: 695058 bytes, checksum: 3ea1a48cd38cfd0a024d71ca6846cfad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-14 / Thinking of the geographic reality of Foz do Iguaçu, space of several ethnic acquaintanceship, cultures and languages, we realize that this multilingual / multicultural reality must be considered when working with teaching of mother tongue. This essay aims to analyse a teaching context of Portuguese language, specifically literature classes, checking the development of these classes, observing how the social agents involved interpret the actions carried out there and how the reader formation happens in this context. For this we well be going back and forward to the theoretical foundation, whenever we deem is necessary, to realize how these participants are evolved in the construction of social reality through the language. We will analyze the interation teacher-student, and, especially, we will investigate how the reader formation happens in this multilingual and multicultural context. These points shows the relevance of these research within the language and society. Because we are worried with the process in wich the social agents are inserted, we can say our research is qualitative, also ethnographic, once it will be developed in a natural environment, besides, is interpretive nature because we worry about to read the teaching learning context. The main estrategies adopted Will be the classes audio recording and video and the developing of field diaries. We will analyse the data collected based on theoretical assumptions of Kleiman (1992, 1993, 1998 e 2004), Smith (1999), Martins (1994), Fairclough (2001), Moita Lopes(1998), Pires-Santos (2004), Vygotsky (2002), Zilberman (2001), Silverman (2009) e Silva (2009), among others. The result expected with this research is the interpretation of Portuguese language teaching context understanding how the reader formation happens in this context. / Pensando na realidade geográfica do Oeste do Paraná, espaço de convivência de várias culturas e línguas, percebo que essa realidade multilíngue / multicultural deve ser considerada ao trabalhar-se com o ensino de língua materna. Dessa forma, neste trabalho analiso um contexto de ensino de língua portuguesa, especificamente de aulas de leitura nessa língua, verificando o desenvolvimento dessas aulas, observando como os agentes sociais envolvidos interpretam as ações ali realizadas e como ocorre a formação de leitores neste contexto. Quanto à sua caracterização, esta é uma pesquisa qualitativa / interpretativista de cunho etnográfico, posto que se interessa pela interpretação das ações realizadas em um ambiente natural de ensino-aprendizagem, preocupando-se com o processo no qual os agentes sociais estão inseridos. Para a geração dos registros, optei por realizar gravações em áudio e vídeo das aulas assistidas e por desenvolver diários de campo. Tais registros foram analisados à luz dos pressupostos teóricos de Kleiman (1992, 1993, 1998 e 2004), Smith (1999), Martins (1994), Fairclough (2001), Moita Lopes(1998), Pires-Santos (2004, 2008, 2010), Vygotsky (2002), Zilberman (2001), Silverman (2009) e Silva (2009), entre outros, que me ajudaram a perceber como os participantes estão envolvidos na construção de sua realidade social através da linguagem. Com esta pesquisa, espero contribuir com futuras reflexões sobre o ensino de português em contextos onde o multilinguismo e o multiculturalismo são fatores que não podem ser ignorados.

Orientador: Renato José Pinto Ortiz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T21:01:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NicolauNetto_Michel_D.pdf: 5232732 bytes, checksum: 923f6a074b8a670cc13eeebf7eb461e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: A valorização contemporânea da diversidade revela um mundo atento à diferença. De fato, se um dia lutávamos pelo direito de sermos iguais, hoje, paradoxalmente, também clamamos pelo reconhecimento de nossas diferenças. Nesse sentido, vozes que discursam sobre essas diferenças hoje precisam ser ouvidas e ressoam pelo mundo ao habitarem o espaço global. Contudo, de que diferenças estamos falando? A permanência de nosso olhar no seio das relações sociais muitas vezes impede que notemos que, na verdade, as diferenças são construídas social e historicamente. Não basta que as coisas se diferenciem, mas é preciso um contexto no qual seja possível a seleção de índices suficientes de diferenciação para que essas sejam classificadas e, por consequência, hierarquizadas. Dessa forma, duas coisas se diferenciam apenas quando índices específicos são legitimados e, então, discursados. Por isso, a diferença é necessariamente uma construção discursiva que se realiza pelas próprias práticas discursivas, mas que somente podem surgir em relação a determinadas realidades concretas. No século XIX a diferença fora construída a partir da organização do exótico. É em relação a ele, em um momento no qual o discurso universal e a nação criavam a separação entre internalidades e externalidades centradas no imperialismo europeu, que a diferença fora articulada. Na contemporaneidade, contudo, o mundo perde seu centro e as relações entre externo e interno não mais podem organizar um discurso, sendo esse percebido na diversidade. O discurso da diversidade, portanto, surge na contemporaneidade como forma de ordenar o diferente a partir de bases concretas na sociedade, mas também por interrelações entre enunciados específicos. Podemos notar a operação desse discurso ao voltarmos nossos olhos para um objeto específico: World Music. Nele, a música é valorizada pela própria diferença, sendo então necessário se compreender quais os índices tornados suficientes para a diferenciação. Propomos que neste objeto os índices privilegiados são o local e a etnia. Com essa mirada, então, mais importam as forças relacionadas à determinação dos índices do que a tentativa de se perceber um mundo mais ou menos homogêneo. É dessa forma que poderemos compreender as implicações sociais e o condicionamento das vozes presentes no discurso da diversidade / Abstract: The value given to diversity in our times shows just how attentive the world is to difference. In fact, where we once fought for equal rights we now look to establish our sense of difference. In this sense, voices who speak about these differences need to be heard today and resonate throughout the world. But what differences are we talking about? The permanence of our attention within social relations often prevents us from noticing that, in fact, we're talking about differences that are socially and historically constructed, and therefore of interest to sociology. It's not enough that things are distinct, but we need a context in which it is possible to select sufficient levels of differentiation for things to be classified and consequently put in hierarchies. Thus, two things are different when specific factors are legitimized and then discoursed. Therefore, the difference is necessarily a discursive construction that takes place by their own discursive practices, but that can only arise in relation to certain realities. In the nineteenth century, difference was built from the organization of the exotic. And it's in relation to this, at a time in which the universal discourse and the nation, centrered on European imperialism, created the separation between the internalist and the externalist view, that the difference was articulated. In contemporary times, however, the world loses its centre and the relationship between internal and external can no longer organise a discourse, this being perceived in the diversity. The discourse of diversity, therefore, arises in the contemporary world as a way to order the different from concrete foundations in society, but also by interrelationships between specific enounciation. We can note the operation of this discourse by examining a specific object: World Music. In it, the music is valued by the difference, so one needs to understand what are the factors that make the differentiation sufficient. We propose that with this object the privileged factors are location and ethnicity. With this look, then, it's of importance to understand the forces related to the determination of these factors rather than the attempt to realize a more or less homogeneous world. And so we can understand the social implications and the conditioning of the voices present in the discourse of diversity / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

L'objectif principal de cette recherche consiste à prouver que le modèle d'intégration de la France est défaillant et rencontre plusieurs limites notables, du point de vue d'une justice ethnoculturelle, qu'il refuse toutefois de voir. Il s'agit, en clair, d'accuser une relégation des identités ethnoculturelles différenciées en France. C'est précisément une mécanique discriminatoire « d'exclusion » qui cible, de manière privilégiée, les segments différenciés de la population française, qui est mise en place par ces mêmes processus d'intégration. Trois dimensions sont nodales au bon fonctionnement, pour ainsi dire, de cette mécanique. La première – ou la dernière – est politique. Il s'agit d'un processus républicain qui fonctionne exactement à l'envers par rapport à ses propres ambitions. C'est dire, la formation d'un citoyen universel, la mise en place d'une égalité citoyenne et politique. La deuxième est sociale. Elle disqualifie et ségrègue socialement et spatialement les éléments différenciés de la population. La troisième est morale. Elle condamne les valeurs culturelles des populations différenciées en stigmatisant précisément ces identités ethnoculturelles de par des processus d'insécurité qui sont consubstantiels à la société. À partir de ce constat, la question élémentaire à une philosophie politique s'appliquant à la diversité ethnoculturelle en France consiste à se demander : 1) comment rompre le cercle vicieux de cette relégation ? 2) comment recréer de nouveaux processus d'intégration et avec quel modèle ? Le fameux 101ᵉ département français, ledit « neuf, sept, sita (six) », offre de nouvelles perspectives d'analyses par rapport à cette double problématique. / The main purpose of this dissertation is actually to prove that the French political integration model is completely failing on its goals. It meets in reality several limits. The French institution policies towards the French minorities could demonstrate this fact. The French model refuses however to see those limits. Our principal aim here is clearly to accuse about what we can call an “ethnic relegation” in France. Roughly speaking, it could be understood as a discriminatory mechanism of exclusion that targets especially some of the French population segments. This mechanism is set up by the French integration processes and seems to focus particularly the ethnic minorities. Three dimensions are really important in this relegation mechanism. The first one is a social problem. It is especially the disqualification and the segregation (socially and spatially speaking) of the French minorities. The second one is about the minorities moral values. It is set up by the social and civil insecurity. The third one is constructed by a political scheme. It means that the French republican processes are working in the wrong way regarding what kind of society they want to build. Hence, the main interrogation of a political philosophy questioning the minority problems and ethnic justice in France is : 1) how to deal with and stop this relegation? 2) how to recreate new integration processes and with what kind of model? The 101st French department, the so-called "neuf, setp, sita (six)", offers new perspectives of analysis concerning this double problem.

En 1993, la Colombie réforme son système de santé en suivant les orientations données par la Constitution politique adoptée en 1991 et les recommandations du « consensus de Washington ». Le pays entre dans une nouvelle ère politique dans laquelle la question sociale est redéfinie autour du thème de la pauvreté, tandis que la question ethnique acquière une visibilité inédite. Dans ce contexte, des Entités Promotrices de Santé Indigènes (EPSI) sont créées à partir du modèle générique des EPS, ces organismes d’administration de l’affiliation et des budgets de la santé qui jouent un rôle d’intermédiaire entre l’État et le patient. Les EPSI sont étroitement liées au monde autochtone. Elles gèrent l’accès à la santé d’une population dont la plus grande majorité doit être autochtone. Le personnel qui assure leur fonctionnement est recruté dans l’espace social et politique autochtone. Enfin, ce sont les autorités dites « traditionnelles » qui les contrôlent. Pour être des représentantes des communautés, ces autorités donnent aux EPSI une nature juridique publique, ce qui leur confère un caractère spécifique dans un système de santé où la tendance est à la généralisation de la privatisation. Quelles sont alors les conséquences de l’intégration à la gestion des affaires publiques de ces structures de pouvoir autochtones et de leurs agents. Quels sont aussi les effets de domination et/ou les expressions d’autonomie que la pratique concrète de ce multiculturalisme génère ? Analysant les enjeux qui se dessinent au sein du champ de la santé interculturelle, la thèse s’organise autour de trois moments. Il s’agit d’abord de caractériser le paradigme dans lequel sont pensés, depuis l’État, le système de santé et l’interculturalité pour comprendre comment les politiques du multiculturalisme deviennent un outil de domination par l’intégration. Le mode opératoire de cette gouvernementalité néolibérale s’appuie en particulier sur la promotion de l’empowerment, la participation autochtone au système de santé en étant l’une des expressions. On s’intéresse ensuite à la dimension dialectique des politiques du multiculturalisme à partir d’une enquête ethnographique menée sur trois EPSI dans trois départements (Cauca, César, La Guajira). La pratique de ce multiculturalisme conduit à une réinterprétation du sens qui lui est donné, en particulier au travers de la réappropriation de pouvoirs (contrôle territorial, biopouvoir) par laquelle devient possible la construction d’une autonomie de ces espaces autochtones. Mais cette autonomie n’est rendue possible, et cela constitue le troisième moment de la démonstration, que par l’existence préalable d’une dynamique sociale, collective et historiquement fixée qui a permis la formation d’un groupe d’agents capables de produire un discours et une pratique propre. Il s’agit alors d’étudier au travers de récits biographiques la formation sociale de ces possibles contre-publics autochtones en s’intéressant à la construction des habitus des agents et aux économies morales locales et globales qui ont contribué à la consolidation de ces contre-publics. / In 1993, Colombia reformed its healthcare system by following the orientations brought out by the political Constitution adopted in 1991 and the prescriptions emanating from the « Washington consensus ». The country enters a new political era in which social issues are redefined around the theme of poverty, whereas ethnic issues acquire a new visibility. In this context, Entities Promoting Indigenous Health (EPIH) are created from the generic model of EPHs, which are public administrative bodies dealing with healthcare affiliations and budgets and play an intermediary role between the State and the patient. The EPIH is closely intertwined with the native world. In fact, these entities manage the access to health care services for a population that must be of great majority native. The personnel and agents that run these entities are recruited in the native social and political realm. Furthermore, what is known as the "traditional" authority fully supervises these entities. To officially represent these native communities, these authorities give to the EPSI a public legal status, which confers them a distinctive character in the health care system more generally undergoing privatization reforms. What are the consequences of bringing in indigenous authorities and agents of these health agencies in the administration of public affairs? What are the effect on power relations and/or expressions of autonomy generated by the concrete application of this multiculturalism? Analyzing the issues that are brought out in the realm of intercultural health, this thesis is structured around three main parts. The first part will define the paradigm in which are thought out, from a state perspective, the interculturality of the health care system to understand how politics of multiculturalism, through integration, become a method of domination. The modus operandi of neo-liberal governance is based on the notion of empowerment, i.e. indigenous participation to the health care system being one of its manifestations. The second part will study the dialectical dimension of multiculturalism politics based on an ethnographic study conducted in three EPIH in three states (Cauca, César, La Guajira). The concrete application of this politics of multiculturalism leads to a re-interpretation of its meaning and an re-appropriation of social power dynamnics (territorial control, biopolitics) through which become possible the construction of autonomous indigenous space. However, the third part will analyze how this autonomy is only made possible by preexisting social, collective, and historical dynamics, which enabled a group of agents to produce a discourse and their own application of public affairs. We will thus study with the help of biographical narratives how it is possible to form counterpublics by looking at the habitus of the agents and at the local and global moral economy that helped shape these counterpublics.

This thesis deals with issues of violence, gender and multiculturalism in videogames and computer games. The theoretical part summarizes the history of videogames and describes what videogames are, who are they for and who actually plays them. Next, it describes the problems and criticism of videogames regarding violence, gender and multiculturalism and showcases the issues on select videogames. The practical part showcases presentation of violence, sexual content, female characters and racial and ethnic minorities in videogames in a case study of the game The Witcher 3: Wild Hunt. The case study also comments on criticism the game has received because of these issues. The author considers the game to be problematic in some aspects, but generally not racist or sexist. The thesis includes a study of demographical distribution of players in Czech Republic and their opinions about violence, gender and multiculturalism in videogames. The study had the form of an online questionnaire; the respondents were asked to take part via social media. The players do not mind violence in videogames and their opinions are in accord with the latest studies. Their opinions on gender and multiculturalism differ from the opinions of experts and the players generally consider videogames to be more inclusive than they...

This study examines how the media construct the identities of the Other by creating various ‘us’ versus ‘them’ positions (Othering) when covering non-violence-based intercultural conflicts in Arab and Western news media. Othering in this study is understood as an umbrella concept that in general terms refers to the discursive process of constructing and positioning the Self and the Other into separate identities of an ‘us’ and a ‘them.’ This process is analysed using a mixed method approach. A content analysis is used to map the data, and then a closer examination of the discourse is conducted using a qualitative approach inspired by critical discourse analysis. Two empirical studies are conducted based on this analysis: 1) the case of the Swedish newspaper Nerikes Allehanda’s publication of caricatures of the Prophet Mohamed in 2007 and 2) the media coverage of the headscarf ban in French state schools in 2004. This study also employs Galtung’s Peace Journalism model as a frame of reference in the conclusions to discuss how this model could contribute, if applied in journalistic texts, to more balanced constructions of intercultural conflicts. The results show that Othering is a central discursive practice that is commonly adopted in both Arab and Western media coverage of non-violent intercultural conflicts, but it appears in different forms. Many of the previous studies have devoted considerable attention to rather conventional dichotomous constructions of Eastern and Western Others. The present study, in contrast, brings to the fore more non-conventional constructions and, while recognizing the occurrence of the conventional constructions, goes beyond these binary oppositions of ‘us’ and ‘them’. Variations in the types of identity constructions found in my study can be attributed to the mode of the article, the actors/voices included, the media affiliations and the topic and its overall contextualization. The different types of identity constructions in the media coverage may bring about a less black and white understanding of an event and help bring forth a more nuanced picture of what is going on and who is doing what in a conflict situation. Their occurrence in the media can possibly be linked to a new vision of a global society that does not necessarily constitute homogenous groups with the same characteristics, but rather is more consistent with a hybrid identity. This research is timely, as with the recent arrival of large groups of migrants from the Middle East, the ‘fear of Islam,’ and the right wing propaganda regarding Muslims as a threat is increasing. Islamophobia can be seen as a new form of racism used by elites to serve particular agendas. If media practitioners applied a more critical awareness in their writings so as not to reproduce culturally rooted stereotypes, which can inflame conflicts between people and nations, we might see less hostility against migrants and achieve a less racist world.

The thesis is focused on key canadian media - print, radio and television, in the individulal chapters I'm trying to describe their development as it is during the formative years and influenced, and what role it plays in today's Canada and which one of them has a privileged position in the country. Before that I was trying to deal with the history of Canada to clarify the roots all Canadian journalism and the media occurred. I also give attention to some selected major Canadian media personalities, whether those from the past and the present, who are in some way involved on what is today Canadian journalism, or the form of it's today. My attention did not miss either: the French-Canadian journalism, which about their form and the place on the map of the Canadian media fought for centuries. Its center is the Canadian province of Quebec. In my work, I also discuss how journalism is taught at several Canadian universities, how much of them offers a learning program and how they teach it. Whether the emphasis is more on theory or more practical. I write also about media education, which has been several years in Canada's history. Last but not least, I tried to map the Czech track in the Canadian media and specifically designate some of expatriate media that readers can find in Canada.