Abstract Whether the public affairs are executed by central or local government in Taiwan is based on the constitution, law and orders. The clauses of constitution were derived from the ¡§Principle of proper separation of competence¡¨, asserted first by Dr. Sun Yet-sen. From these clauses local and central governments in Taiwan should deal with different things which are properly divided according to their nature. But those clauses were not executed because of the unpredicted failure in mainland. For the reasons to initiate and regulate the local-self government institution, many acts and decrees had enacted after 1949, which gradually twisted the meaning of previous clauses that are ought to be obeyed. Besides, the increasing chaos happened recently about the struggle of expenditure in local and central authorities, showed the problems as the result of deviation. This thesis elaborates on the articles of institution which combines the clauses in the constitution and the ultimate aim of local self-government, includes democracy, separation of power in vertical level, and how the local governments are protected by law. This thesis also describes and analyses the whole juristic construction in separating local and central affairs, and, with a new-institutionalist approach, tries to find the key factors which make this institution evolved, changed and disobeyed the principles which they should be fulfilled. With these factors, this thesis finds that the deviation of the institution which is ought to be fulfilled is evolved by the ¡§path¡¨, the way it changed the previous aim or purpose. Consequently, once the ¡§path¡¨ had formatted, the actors of institution-local governments and central governments, will not obey the constitutional clauses and will keep exercising the deviated system of institution about the separation of central and local affairs.

Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka hur professionella inom elevhälsan på tre skolor samt en specialenhet inom barn och ungdomspsykiatrin förhåller sig till sociala perspektiv hos barn och ungdomar där det finns misstanke om ADHD samt hur ser möjligheterna och förutsättningar för ett sådant förhållningssätt. Hur ser elevhälsan och BUP på orsaksförklaringar för denna målgrupp där misstanke om ADHD föreligger. Studien har en kvalitativ forskningsansats och är baserad på sju semistrukturerade intervjuer med socionomer och psykologer inom elevhälsan och BUP. Analysen av resultatet har skett med nysinstitutionell organisationsteori. Resultatet visar att de professionella ansåg att det var av stor vikt att granska de sociala perspektiven vid misstanke om ADHD. De intervjuade kunde i sina respektive verksamheter urskilja en rad orsaksförklaringar i barn och ungdomars sociala miljö hos dem med ett beteende likt ADHD, utöver en neuropsykiatrisk förklaringsmodell. Faktorer som ansågs vara speciellt problematiska var uppväxtmiljö och en resurssvag skolmiljö som ställer högre krav på barn och ungdomars självständighet. Majoriteten av de professionella menar att möjligheterna och förutsättningarna för att anlägga ett socialt perspektiv i fall hos barn och ungdomar med beteende likt ADHD försvåras av organisatoriska och ekonomiska orsaker. Respondenterna utrycker att socionomens med sin yrkeskunnighet ej alltid ses som självklar när det kommer till misstanke och utredning av ADHD. Respondenterna menar att läkaren och till viss del psykologer har mandat att sätta diagnosen ADHD. Detta menar respondenterna har lett till en mer ensidigt tolkning av beteende likt ADHD där den neuropsykiatriska förklaringsmodellen i många fall dominerar när man misstänker eller utreder ett barn för beteende likt ADHD. De intervjuade önskar ett mer nyanserat perspektiv vid misstanke om ADHD där man kan utreda olika orsaksförklaringar i större utsträckning. / The aim of the study was to examine attitudes of healthcare and support workers, in three Swedish primary schools and one special unit for child and adolescence mental health (BUP), towards the social aspects of children and adolescence with suspicion of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). The study further aimed to investigate to what extent the health services provide opportunities and favourable conditions for stimulating a social perspective when there is a suspicion of ADHD, and what explanations health services professionals give where suspicion of ADHD exists. The study was carried out using qualitative methods and was based on seven semi-structured interviews with social workers and psychologists within educational health and support services and BUP. The outcomes of the interviews were analysed using an organisational theory based on neo-institutionalism. The results showed that health services professionals considered the social perspective to be of high relevance when investigating cases of suspected ADHD. Interviewees from different operational areas were able to identify a number of potential causes to a behavior like ADHD in the children’s social environments in addition to the neuropsychological explanation model. A number of potential factors were identified by the interviewees, including the children’s upbringing environment and a lack of resources in schools, where higher and higher demands of independence are put on children and adolescence. A majority of the interviewed health care professionals pointed to a high degree of difficulty in applying a social perspective explanatory model to children exhibiting behaviour reminiscent of ADHD due to organisational and economic circumstances. The general view was that this was made difficult due to the lesser or greater influence of particular professional groups, leading to what the interviewees referred to as a one-sided interpretation of behaviour similar to ADHD favouring the neuropsychological model. The interviewees desired a wider perspective when a suspected case of ADHD emerges where one can utilise the different explanatory models to a greater extent.

The objective of this thesis was to investigate organizational changes in a municipal administration. The case in focus for this study has been the labour market administration in the city of Helsingborg. Methods that have been used in this study has been a qualitative approach as well as having conducted for semi structured interviews with public officials. Furthermore, the main theoretical framework in this study has been a neo-institutional theory. The conclusions that this thesis has drawn is that organisations are affected by their surrounding world, both directly and indirectly which is expressed as normative isomorphism, coercive isomorphism and mimetic isomorphism.

中國大陸的崛起以及逐漸融入西方主導的國際建制，引起外界對於中共對外行為的研究興趣。 這本論文從國際關係新制度主義途徑檢視改革開放政策實施後逐漸融入國際建制的中共外交行為趨勢，探討中共對於國際經濟體制之調適與中共對外行為的關係，中共因應國際經濟體制表現出來的外交行為與美國以及西方政策圈所預期行為的關係。所以，本文研究的步驟即是第一、闡明新制度主義對於改革開放後逐漸國際化的中共之外交行為的研究假設；第二、藉由與中共外交政策具體實踐相對照，檢驗新制度主義對於國際化的中共外交行為之假設相符度；第三、探討中共新制度主義途徑的合作取向外交持續與變遷的相關變數；第四、經過上述三個步驟的分析，提出敘述和解釋冷戰後中共外交發展動態的概念，並對其未來發展作一預期。 經由上述程序，本論文在結論部分描述中共外交的未來兩種圖像與場景，並且根據制度主義以及學習理論建構了促成中共新制度主義合作取向外交的持續的政策建議。 / Internationalization and Chinese Foreign Policy under Reform and Open Door Policy: An Analysis of Neo-institutional Approach ABSTRACT The rise and gradual integration of China into the western dominated international regime, incur the research interest of the outside world. This dissertation examines the trends of the Chinese foreign behavior under the reform and open-door policy, exploring the relationship between China’s adaptation to the international economic regime and Chinese foreign behavior, and find out the difference between Chinese foreign behavior and Western expectation. This dissertation first explores the neo-institutional hypothesis about the impacts of internationalization on Chinese foreign behavior; then it examines the validity of these hypotheses by the yardsticks of the practice of Chinese foreign behavior. This dissertation also explains the variables of the continuity of the cooperative Chinese foreign behavior, and finally, it describe and explain the dynamics of post-cold war Chinese foreign behavior, and predict the future development of Chinese foreign behavior. In the conclusion, this dissertation describes the two maps and scenarios of Chinese foreign behavior, and proposes a policy recommendation from the perspectives of neo-institutional approach and learning theory.

A intervenção do Estado na economia como produtor direto de bens e serviços foi por longo período uma estratégia comum adotada tanto por países desenvolvidos como subdesenvolvidos. Entretanto, em conseqüência da crise econômica mundial do fim dos anos setenta e inicio dos oitenta os mesmos países passaram a reconsiderar este tipo de intervenção. Neste momento, a privatização foi colocada na agenda política como parte de uma ampla estratégia desenhada para reduzir escopo da ação estatal, ajustar sua capacidade fiscal, e melhorar o desempenho das empresas conferindo-lhes maior autonomia. A despeito das pressões comuns que favoreceram a adoção da privatização por diferentes governos e países, seu timing, escopo e formato variaram significativamente. Esta constatação levou ao deslocamento do foco analítico dos argumentos puramente técnicos e econômicos para um conjunto de variáveis que procuram capturar as diferenças entre o arranjo institucional do sistema político, em cada país, que colaboraram para esta variação, bem como para explicar as diferentes estratégias perseguidas pelos principais atores envolvidos frente à privatização em cada contexto institucional. Apesar do avanço representado por esta abordagem, pouca atenção tem sido devotada ao exame da influência do sistema de intermediação de interesse na explicação da variação entre os programas de privatização. O objetivo deste trabalho foi discutir a influência ou o impacto do sistema político e de intermediação de interesse sobre a privatização do setor de telecomunicações em três dos maiores países da América Latina, México, Argentina e Brasil, e dois da Europa França e Inglaterra. A principal conclusão é que apesar das pressões convergentes comuns observadas que levaram todos os cinco governos a adotar, em alguma medida, a privatização, esta variou significativamente de país para país, o que pode ser explicado pelas diferenças nessas duas arenas mencionadas e pela preferência dos principais atores envolvidos no processo. Em sistemas políticos onde o poder Executivo é mais concentrado como México, Argentina os governos foram capazes de privatizar o suas estatais em um tempo exíguo ou de forma pioneira como fez a Inglaterra, e independente da oposição. Em sistemas políticos onde o poder é mais dividido e onde a Constituição impingiu a formação de uma supermaioria para realização das reformas, como no Brasil e na França, os governos encontraram mais dificuldade para privatizar, fazendo-o somente no fim da década de 1990 e, no caso da França, mantendo o Estado como acionista principal. / State intervention in the economy as a direct producer of goods and services has for a long time been a common strategy adopted by both developed and underdeveloped countries. However, as a result of the global economic crisis of the late 1970s and early 1980s, the same countries began to reconsider this type of intervention. At the moment, privatization has been placed on the political agenda as part of a broad strategy designed to reduce the scope of state action, adjust its fiscal capacity, and improve corporate performance by giving them greater autonomy. In spite of the common pressures that favored the adoption of privatization by different governments and countries, their timing, scope and format varied significantly. This finding led to the displacement of the analytical focus from purely technical and economic arguments to a set of variables that seek to capture the differences between the institutional arrangements of the political system in each country that contributed to this variation and to explain the different strategies pursued the main actors involved in privatization in each institutional context. Despite the advancement represented by this approach, little attention has been devoted to examining the influence of the intermediation system of interest in explaining the variation between privatization programs. The objective of this work was to discuss the influence or impact of the political system and intermediation of interest on the privatization of the telecommunications sector in three of the largest countries in Latin America, Mexico, Argentina and Brazil, and two in Europe France and England. The main conclusion is that in spite of the common converging pressures observed that led all five governments to adopt privatization in some measure, this has varied significantly from country to country, which can be explained by the differences in these two arenas mentioned and the preference of main actors involved in the process. In political systems where the executive power is more concentrated like Mexico, Argentina governments were able to privatize their state-owned companies in a short time or in a pioneering way as England did, and independent of the opposition. In political systems where power is more divided and where the constitution has imposed the formation of a \"supermajority\" for the realization of reforms, as in Brazil and France, governments have found it more difficult to privatize, only in the late 1990s. 1990, and in the case of France, maintaining the State as the main shareholder.

Bakgrund: I dagens kunskapsbaserade ekonomi är de mänskliga resurserna en viktig tillgång för att öka konkurrensfördelarna och för att få ett försprång på marknaden. Talent Management är ett koncept som handlar om att attrahera, utveckla och behålla talanger, och som anses vara konceptet som underlättar arbetet med vad som efterfrågas på marknaden. Tidigare forskning visar på att tvetydigheten kring begreppet talang gör det svårt för företag av avgöra vad som ska hanteras samt att det inte finns ett bästa sätt att utforma Talent Management arbetet. Tillverkningsindustrin utgör en viktig del av svensk ekonomi och undergår en teknisk utveckling, vilken gör att arbetet med talanger är extra viktigt. Syfte: Syftet med studien är att undersöka hur företag inom tillverkningsindustrin arbetar med Talent Management samt öka förståelsen för vad som format företagens arbetssätt. Metod: Med en deduktiv ansats har tidigare teorier analyserats mot studiens insamlade empiriska material. Bolander m.fl. (2017) fyra förhållningssätt till Talent Management har använts för att kartlägga hur företagen arbetar med konceptet. Strategilitteratur samt nyinstitutionell teori har använts för att få en djupare förståelse kring vad som format företagens arbetssätt. En fallstudie genomfördes i tillverkningsindustrin, och för att besvara studiens syfte har kvalitativa intervjuer med åtta respondenter inom tre olika tillverkningsindustrier genomförts. Resultat: Studiens resultat visar att tillverkningsindustrin huvudsakligen arbetar utefter ett humanistiskt förhållningssätt, där utveckling är nyckelpraxis. Talang anses vara utvecklingsbar vilket korrelerar med förhållningssättet. Det visar också tendenser av de exkluderande förhållningssätten då alla indivder inte får ta del av talangprogammen. Medarbetarna ges även en viss autonomitet för sin egen utveckling, vilket visar drag av det entreprenöriella förhållningsssättet. Resultatet visar följdakligen att samtliga studerade företag vill vara attraktiva arbetsgivare, men erbjuder samtidigt liknande möjligheter, vilket gör att de inte är särskilt strategiska i hanteringen av talanger. De använder således inte Talent Management arbetet inom affärsstrategin. / Background: In today's knowledge-based economy, the human capital is an important asset to increase an organisation’s competitive advantage and to gain an edge in the market. Talent Management is a concept about attracting, developing and retaining talents, and is considered to be the concept that facilitates the work on what is demanded in the market. Previous research shows that the ambiguity surrounding the concept of talent, makes it difficult for companies to decide what to handle, and that there is no ‘best practice’ to design the work. The manufacturing industry is an important part of the Swedish economy and is currently undergoing a technological development, which makes work with talented people even more important. Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine how companies in the manufacturing industry work with Talent Management, and to develop a deeper understanding of what have shaped the organisations’ working methods. Methodology: With a deductive approach, previous theories have been analysed with the study’s collected empirical data. Bolander et al. (2017) four types of Talent Management have been used to map how organisations’ work with the concept. Strategy literature as well as neoinstitutional theory have been used to gain a deeper understanding of what have shaped the way the organisations work. A case study in the manufacturing industry was conducted, and to answer the purpose of this paper, qualitative interviews were conducted with eight organisational representatives in three different organisations. Findings: The study’s results show that the manufacturing industry works according to a humanistic type, where development is a key practice. Talent is considered to be acquired, which correlates with the humanistic type. The results also shows tendencies of the exclusive types, where not all individuals may participate in the different talent programs. Employees are also given some autonomy for their development, which shows features of the entrepreneurial type. The result further shows that all studied organisations want to be attractive employers, but at the same time they offer similar opportunities, which implies that they are not very strategic in managing talent. Thus, the Talent Management work do not cooperate within the business strategy.

Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist die Umsetzung der europäischen, gleichstellungspolitischen Strategie Gender Mainstreaming (GM) in der Ministerialverwaltung des neuen EU-Mitgliedslands Estland. GM hat die Umsetzung der Gleichstellung von Männern und Frauen zum Ziel und wird als eine Querschnittsaufgabe mit Instrumenten der Verwaltungsmodernisierung (Folgenabschätzung, Wissensmanagement, u.a.) umgesetzt. Wie diese Strategie in der Ministerialverwaltung als ausführendes Organ der Regierung aufgenommen, übersetzt und umgesetzt wird in einem Land, das viele Jahrzehnte dem kommunistischen Gleichheitspostulat unterworfen war und als Staatsneugründung seine nationale Verwaltung erst aufbauen musste, wird in der Arbeit beschrieben und analysiert. Die Dissertation ist in vier Teile gegliedert: in Teil I wird in den Untersuchungsgegenstand und die Methode der Arbeit eingeführt. Teil II beschreibt die gesellschaftlich-politischen und administrativen Rahmenbedingungen im Fallbeispiel Estland. Teil III widmet sich dem Untersuchungsgegenstand „Umsetzung von GM in der estnischen Ministerialverwaltung“. Der IV. Teil beschließt die Arbeit mit der Analyse der Zusammenhänge zwischen den Rahmenbedingungen und der Umsetzung. Teil I beginnt mit der Darstellung des Forschungskonzepts, das sich aus Elementen der Verwaltungswissenschaft und der Forschung zu staatlichen Strukturen für Gleichstellungspolitik, einem Zweig der politikwissenschaftlichen Geschlechterforschung, zusammensetzt. Damit wird für die Untersuchung von GM erstmals systematisch die Verwaltungswissenschaft herangezogen. Die Arbeit wird methodisch und theoretisch als explorativ-explanative Single Case Studie verortet, die sich an neo-institutionalistischen Ansätzen orientiert. Teil II der Arbeit führt in das Fallbeispiel Estland ein: Es werden drei identifizierte Interpretationsmuster dargestellt anhand derer in Estland die Vergangenheit als besetzte Nation und die Gegenwart als demokratischer Staat (re )konstruiert werden und die das estnische, kollektive Selbstverständnis prägen. Anschließend werden die gesellschaftlichen und administrativen Rahmenbedingungen und Einflussfaktoren beschrieben, die für die Umsetzung von Querschnittsreformen in der öffentlichen Verwaltung und für die Umsetzung von Gleichstellungspolitik von Bedeutung sind. Die Forschungsergebnisse in Teil II zeigen über die empirischen Befunde hinaus, dass Estland nicht immer eindeutig in klassische politikwissenschaftliche Kategorien einzuordnen ist. Sowohl die Transitionssituation des Landes als auch die an westlichen Demokratien ausgerichteten Untersuchungskriterien sind für diesen Befund ursächlich. Teil III der Arbeit widmet sich dem Untersuchungsgegenstand GM. Nach grundlegenden Informationen zu dieser Verwaltungsmodernisierungsstrategie folgt die Darstellung der Umsetzung in der estnischen Ministerialverwaltung. In Teil IV der Dissertation werden die in Teil II beschriebenen Variablen auf die Umsetzung von GM (Teil III) bezogen. Die Analyse erfolgt anhand von Kriterien, die sich aus der Auswertung internationaler GM-Implementierungserfahrungen ergeben. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass das post-kommunistisch geprägte, gesellschaftliche Klima besondere Legitimitätsprobleme für eine an Gleichheit orientierte staatliche Politik schafft. Dies kann die schwache zivilgesellschaftliche gleichstellungspolitische Lobby nur sehr begrenzt beeinflussen. Die strukturellen Bedingungen der estnischen Ministerialverwaltung mit ihrer geringen Koordinationsfähigkeit und politischen Steuerbarkeit machen eine effektive Umsetzung von Querschnittsreformen allgemein schwierig. Als produktiv für die Umsetzung hat sich der hohe Grad der fachlichen Professionalität und Politikversiertheit der kleinen, gleichstellungspolitischen Elite in der Ministerialverwaltung herauskristallisiert. Über Kooperationen mit internationalen Akteuren und estnischen zivilgesellschaftlichen Kräften sowie einzelnen interessierten Personen in der Verwaltung treibt sie die Umsetzung von GM voran. Sie nutzte die EU-Beitrittsverhandlungen um politischen Handlungsdruck für die Verwaltungsmodernisierung durch GM aufzubauen. Nachdem dieser seit dem Beitritt nicht aufrecht erhalten werden kann, zeichnet sich eine neue Umsetzungsstrategie ab. Es wird zukünftig nicht mehr vor allem an den normativen und kognitiven Strukturen in der Verwaltung, also den Einstellungen und Fachkompetenzen des Verwaltungspersonals zu gleichstellungsorientierter Arbeit, angesetzt. Vielmehr sollen neue, gleichstellungsrelevante Wissensbestände durch Expertinnen und Experten und exponierte Persönlichkeiten in die Gesellschaft und die Verwaltung transportiert und damit grundlegende gesellschaftlich-normative Voraussetzungen für die Rezeptivität von GM verbessert werden. / The object of research is the implementation of the European equal opportunities policy ‘gender mainstreaming’ (GM), in the ministerial administration of the new European Union member state Estonia. GM is a transversal task that employs the instruments of administration modernisation (impact assessment, knowledge management and others), its aim is equal opportunities for men and women at all levels. This paper describes and analyses how GM strategy is received, interpreted and implemented by the ministerial administration, as executive body of government, in a country that has had to rebuild its national administration following years of subjugation to the communist egality postulate. The dissertation is divided into four parts. Part I introduces the research object and methodology. Part II describes the socio-political and administrative framework of the case example Estonia. Part III is devoted to the research object ‘Implementation of GM in the Estonian ministerial administration’. Part IV concludes the paper with an analysis of the correlations between the socio-political parameters and the implementation. Part I begins with the presentation of the research concept that comprises elements from Public Administration and research on state structures for equal opportunities policy, a field of gender studies in political science. This means that for the first time the science of public administration is being systematically applied to GM research. The research employs explorative/explanative single case study methods and theory in accordance with neo-institutionalism approaches. Part II introduces the case study Estonia describing three identified interpretation models on the basis of which Estonia is (re)-constructing its past as an occupied nation and the present day as a democratic state, and which characterise Estonian national identity. Finally, an account is given of the social and administrative parameters and the influencing factors significant for the implementation of both transversal reforms in public administration and equal opportunities policies. Research results in part II go beyond the empirical findings and show that Estonia cannot always be conclusively classified within standard political science categories. This is due both to the country’s transitional situation as well as to research criteria that are tailored to Western democracies. Part III is devoted to the research object GM. Key information on this modernisation strategy is followed by a report on its implementation in the Estonian ministerial administration. In part IV of the dissertation the variables described in part II are related to the implementation of GM (part III). This analysis is carried out on the basis of criteria resultant from the evaluation of international experience of GM implementation. The research shows that the social climate of the post-communist era generates specific legitimacy problems for a national policy based on equality, upon which the powerless equal opportunities lobby in civil society has only limited influence. The structural conditions in the Estonian ministerial administration, with their limited coordinating ability and political governance, render effective implementation of transversal reforms generally quite difficult. It has emerged that the small equal opportunities 'elite' in the ministerial administration with their high degree of professionalism and political experience is /the /crucial factor for the GM implementation process. Through cooperation with international players and powers within Estonian civil society, as well as interested individuals in the public administration, they are able to keep implementation of GM going. They used EU-membership negotiations to build political pressure to modernise the public administration with GM. Following EU-membership this could not be sustained and a new implementation strategy is now beginning to emerge. In future, efforts will no longer be concentrated mainly on the normative and cognitive structures in the administration, meaning the attitudes and professional competences of the administrative staff with regard to equal opportunities. Instead, the intention is to transport new corpuses of knowledge relevant to equal opportunities into society as a whole, and public administration in particular, by experts and persons in exposed positions. In this way the elite expects fundamental socio-normative preconditions for receptivity of GM to be influenced for the better.

The main objective of this dissertation is to seek answers to three questions: 1) Why did it take so much longer for women than men to win the vote? 2) Why did it take women so long to be elected in any numbers to national legislatures?, and 3) What has been the political significance of women's entry into national legislatures? The answers are sought by examining an aspect of the development of parties ignored by most political scientists, namely the relationship between women's suffrage, party politics and patriarchal power. An empirical study on Iceland is used to examine this aspect in detail. In the period 1908- 1926, women in Iceland ran separate lists at local and national elections. The fate of the women's lists in Reykjavik is explored and so are the policies of women councillors. Iceland was not the only country to see the emergence of separate women's political organizations that ran candidates at elections. The outcome was nowhere as successful as in Iceland. Through the rise, and decline, of the women's lists and women's policies in Reykjavik, the factors that allowed women to carry out their own maternalistic politics within a male-run system are illuminated. The dissertation draws on numerous theories and postulations within political science. It also challenges many of them. Theda Skocpol's structured policy approach proves highly useful in examining the larger political environment and factors that stimulated or hindered women's politics and policies in Reykjavik. The approach does not, however, account for male power as a force on its own. The structured policy approach is challenged by providing another important factor, the role of individuals and their ideas as a political force. The conclusion is that patriarchal theories are needed within political science, and it is suggested that political parties, their origin and working methods, provide excellent starting points from which to examine male power, or patriarchy, as a political force of its own. / digitalisering@umu

O trabalho a ser desenvolvido tem como objetivo compreender a relação complexa da política pública para a educação superior, entre 1995 e 2010, utilizando arcabouço teórico do neo-institucionalismo. Por meio da análise tridimensional da política (polity, politics e policy), a pesquisa procurará construir o ambiente multifacetado do processo de gestão da política pública, que teve início na constituição da agenda pública e perpassa a formulação e a implementação da política educacional nos governos dos presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 a 2002) e Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010). O fio condutor é a dinâmica da Arena Decisória de Educação Superior, na qual a política pública gestada pelo Ministério da Educação (MEC) influenciou e foi influenciada pelo conjunto de atores governamentais e sociais. A política pública foi entendida como um conjunto sistêmico interdependente de Sete Pilares, a saber: autonomia, centralização do poder decisório, avaliação, formação de professores, flexibilização curricular, expansão e financiamento, que contribuíram para intervenção do Poder Público em prol da expansão da educação superior. Levando-se em conta as especificidades de cada momento histórico, o trabalho pretende construir um ambiente socioeconômico e as limitações fiscais, a fim de estabelecer uma análise comparativa entre as duas presidências. / Work being developed aims to understand the complex relationship of public policy for higher education between 1995 and 2010, using the theoretical framework of neo-institutionalism. Through dimensional analysis of the policy (polity, politics and policy), the research will seek to build the multifaceted environment of the management process of public policy, which began in the constitution of the public agenda and runs through the formulation and implementation of educational policy in the governments of presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). The common thread is the dynamic of Arena Operative Higher Education, in which public policy fomented by the Ministry of Education (MEC) has influenced and been influenced by all the governmental and social actors. Public policy has been understood as a set of interdependent systemic Seven Pillars, namely autonomy, centralization of decision-making, assessment, teacher training, curricular flexibility, expansion and financing, which contributed to the intervention of the government towards the expansion of education above. Taking into account the specificities of each historical moment, the work aims to build a socio-economic environment and fiscal constraints in order to establish a comparative analysis between the two presidencies.

O trabalho a ser desenvolvido tem como objetivo compreender a relação complexa da política pública para a educação superior, entre 1995 e 2010, utilizando arcabouço teórico do neo-institucionalismo. Por meio da análise tridimensional da política (polity, politics e policy), a pesquisa procurará construir o ambiente multifacetado do processo de gestão da política pública, que teve início na constituição da agenda pública e perpassa a formulação e a implementação da política educacional nos governos dos presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 a 2002) e Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010). O fio condutor é a dinâmica da Arena Decisória de Educação Superior, na qual a política pública gestada pelo Ministério da Educação (MEC) influenciou e foi influenciada pelo conjunto de atores governamentais e sociais. A política pública foi entendida como um conjunto sistêmico interdependente de Sete Pilares, a saber: autonomia, centralização do poder decisório, avaliação, formação de professores, flexibilização curricular, expansão e financiamento, que contribuíram para intervenção do Poder Público em prol da expansão da educação superior. Levando-se em conta as especificidades de cada momento histórico, o trabalho pretende construir um ambiente socioeconômico e as limitações fiscais, a fim de estabelecer uma análise comparativa entre as duas presidências. / Work being developed aims to understand the complex relationship of public policy for higher education between 1995 and 2010, using the theoretical framework of neo-institutionalism. Through dimensional analysis of the policy (polity, politics and policy), the research will seek to build the multifaceted environment of the management process of public policy, which began in the constitution of the public agenda and runs through the formulation and implementation of educational policy in the governments of presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). The common thread is the dynamic of Arena Operative Higher Education, in which public policy fomented by the Ministry of Education (MEC) has influenced and been influenced by all the governmental and social actors. Public policy has been understood as a set of interdependent systemic Seven Pillars, namely autonomy, centralization of decision-making, assessment, teacher training, curricular flexibility, expansion and financing, which contributed to the intervention of the government towards the expansion of education above. Taking into account the specificities of each historical moment, the work aims to build a socio-economic environment and fiscal constraints in order to establish a comparative analysis between the two presidencies.