Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study is to determine how the role and identity of the Nonaligned Movement (NAM) changed during and after the Cold War. The demise of the Movement in the post-Cold War era, predicted by some scholars, is discussed. This study examines whether the Movement merely offered an alternative grouping during the Cold War. The issue that becomes evident with respect to the Cold War is to show the terror it brought about and how the Third World became the battleground of the Superpowers. The question as to what extent the role played by the Movement defused the Cold War is investigated. It is shown that the Movement sent emissaries to Washington and Moscow to resolve the German Crisis in 1961 and to reduce the arms race. A historical overview of the Movement is offered, which determines the role of Afro- Asianism in the birth of the Nonaligned Movement. It is explained that the 1955 Bandung conference gathered leaders from independent African and Asian states - with different foreign policies - which created energies that in the following years greatly affected Third World politics and the shaping of nonalignment. This study traces also the role of different gatherings of the Movement up to the Durban Summit of 1998. At issue are also participating countries in the 1961 Belgrade Summit, which are described, as well as the growth of the Movement's membership. Different goals of the Movement are examined. Some, like nuclear disarmament, the right to self-determination, peaceful coexistence, and the right for the Palestinians to a homeland, were adopted during the Cold War and still remain valid. Others, like protection of the environment, and the struggle for human rights, were implemented during the post-Cold War era. The détente allowed the Movement to launch a New International Economic Order. An attempt is made to show the failure and success of the Movement in this respect. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om te bepaal hoe die rol en identiteit van die Onverbonde Beweging (NAM) tydens en na die Koue Oorlog verander het. Die ondergang van die Beweging in die na-Koue Oorlogse era soos deur sommige kenners voorspel is, word ook ondersoek. Die studie het probeer vasstelof die Beweging 'n alternatiewe groepering tydens die Koue Oorlog teweeg gebring het. Die kwessie met betrekking tot respect tot die Koue Oorlog bewys dat terreur meegebring word en hoe die Derde Wêreld die slagveld van die Supermoondhede gemaak het. Daar word ook gepoog om vas te stel tot watter mate die Beweging 'n rol gespeel het in die ontlonting van die Koue Oorlog. In die verband word onder andere verwys na die Beweging se pogings om die Duitse Krisis (1961) te ontlont en die wapenwedloop te beëindig deur die stuur van afgevaardigdes na Washington en Moskou. In 'n historiese oorsig van die Beweging word die rol wat 'n Afro-Asiatiese gevoel/gees in die stigting van die Onverbonde Beweging gespeel het, ondersoek. Die studie toon aan hoe die Bandung Konferensie van 1955 leiers van onafhanklike state van Afrika en Asië, wat uiteenlopende buitelandse beleidsrigtings gehad het, bymekaar gebring het. Hierdie uiteenlopendheid het 'n dinamika geskep wat Derde Wêreldse politiek en die aard van onverbondenheid wesenlik beinvloed het in die jare na die Konferensie. Verskeie byeenkomste van die Onverbonde Beweging tot en met die Durbanse spitsberaad (1998) word ontleed. Die samestelling en verloop van die spitsberaad in Belgrado in 1961 en die groei in die lidmaatskap van die Beweging kom onder andere onder die loep. Verskeie van die Beweging se doelwitte wat tydens die Koue Oorlog beslag gekry het en steeds geldig is, word onder die soeklig geplaas. Kernkrag ontwapening, die reg op selfbeskikking, vreedsame naasbestaan en die Palestyne se reg op 'n eie staat/tuisland is voorbeelde in die verband. Ander doelwitte van die beweging wat veral in die na-Koue Oorlogse era geimplementeer is, soos die bewaring en beskerming van die omgewing en die stryd om menseregte, word ook ondersoek. Die loodsing van 'n Nuwe Internasionale Ekonomiese Orde deur die Beweging wat deur die détente van die na-Koue Oorlogse era moontlik gemaak is, word ook bespreek en die sukses en mislukking daarvan geëvalueer.

This dissertation is a descriptive study in which the changed meaning of nonalignment in international politics between the years 1961 - 1992, is analysed. The concept non-alignment as manifested in four chronological phases of the Non-Aligned Movement {1960's, 1970's, 1980's, 1990/92] is analysed, compared and evaluated. The comparison shows that the meaning of non- alignment underwent a change in each of these four phases. It's meaning changed from a literal meaning in phases 1-3 [in which the focus shifted from being political to economic], to a symboric or figurative meaning in phase 4. The changes to the meaning of non-alignment came about mainly as a result of interaction with the international context and, to a lesser extent, due to the role of influential states in NAM. These changes were of critical importance for non-alignment to remain relevant and for NAM to be able to make a potential impact on an ever-changing world. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Med anledning av den förändrade säkerhetsmiljön i Europa startade en process som syftade till att öka samarbetet inom säkerhets- och försvarsområdet inom EU. Detta försvarssamarbete kallas det Permanenta strukturerade samarbetet (Pesco) och innebär ett mer upptrappat och konkret militärt samarbete än tidigare inom EU. Genom ett medlemskap i Pesco förbinder sig medlemmarna till att mer intensivt utveckla sin egen försvarskapacitet inom forskning och anskaffning av försvarsmateriel, men även att uppbringa och bibehålla en stark försvarsbudget. Vidare ska även medlemstater bidra med stridsgrupper i beredskap för insatser inom EU:s ram. Hur kan vi förstå logiken i att Sverige ingår med i ett mer bindande försvarssamarbete som Pesco. Syftet med denna studie är att identifiera bakomliggande drivkrafter för att förstå varför Sverige beslutade att ingå i Pesco. Denna fallstudie har nyttjat ett teoretiskt perspektiv som utgått ifrån Graham Allisons konceptuella modeller för att identifiera dessa bakomliggande drivkrafter. Genom en kvalitativ textanalys studeras materialet i denna fallstudie bestående av regeringens proposition gällande deltagande i Pesco, Försvarsutskottets betänkande gällande Pesco och förvarspolitisk inriktning 2016-2020. För att komplettera textmaterialet har även mailintervjuer genomförts med strategiskt utvalda informanter i form av riksdagsledamöter och stabsofficerare i Försvarsmakten. Studiens slutsatser påvisar att de bakomliggande drivkrafterna för beslutet var flera. Den främsta drivkraften var att Sverige sedan tidigare ratificerat EU:s solidaritetsklausul och uttalat en solidaritetsförklaring gentemot övriga medlemstater i EU. Genom att ingå i Pesco förväntas det öka Sveriges trovärdighet som medlemsstat i EU. En ytterligare drivkraft var att ingå i Pesco i ett tidigt skede i syfte att forma samarbetet och ha inflytande i den riktning som Sverige anser var förenliga med militär alliansfrihet, samt att fortsatt driva den mellanstatliga prägel som samarbetet nu innehar. En drivkraft var också att bygga upp det nationella försvaret, öka den operativa förmågan och stärka totalförsvaret genom försvarssamarbetet. En majoritet av Riksdagens partier var överens om Sveriges ingående i Pesco, detta på grund av tidigare beslutad Försvarsinriktningsperiod 2016-2020 som också var en bärande drivkraft till varför Sverige valde att ingå i Pesco. / In response to the changing security environment in Europe a process started aimed at increasing cooperation in the security and defence area within the EU. This defence cooperation is called the Permanent structured cooperation (Pesco) and means a more gradual and substantial military cooperation than before in the EU. Through a membership in Pesco, the members commit to more intensively develop of its own defence capabilities in research and acquisition of defence equipment, but also to obtain and maintain a strong defence budget. In addition, the member states should also contribute with battle groups ready for military missions within the framework of the EU. How can we understand the logic of Sweden joining more binding defence cooperation like Pesco. The purpose of this study is to identify the underlying driving forces to understand why Sweden decided to join Pesco. This case study uses a theoretical perspective based on Graham Allison's conceptual models to achieve this purpose. Through a qualitative text analysis, the data that is studied in this case study consisting of Swedish government proposition and Defence committee report regarding Pesco and Defence bill 2016-2020. In order to widen the study, mail interviews were conducted with strategically selected informants. Those were members of the Swedish parliament and staff officers in the Swedish Armed Forces. The study concludes that the underlying driving forces for the decision were several. The main driving force was that Sweden previously ratified the EU solidarity clause and stated a declaration of solidarity in relation to other member states of the EU. By joining Pesco is also expected to boost Sweden's credibility as a member state of the EU. An additional driving force was to join Pesco at an early stage in order to forge cooperation and have influence in the direction in which Sweden considers compatible with own military nonalignment, and also to continue to drive the intergovernmental nature that Pesco now holds. An additional driving force was also building up the national defence, increase the operational capacity and strengthen the armed forces through the defence cooperation. A majority of the parliamentary parties agreed on joining Pesco because of the previously decided defence bill 2016-2020, which also considers as a driving force for why Sweden chose to join Pesco.

This thesis examines how the parliamentary debate in Sweden saw the consequences of Swedenas a nation were to join the European Union. The nation is defined as a state based on nationalself-determination. The EU is regarded as a supra-state organisation and one of the moreextensive efforts of its kind. I specifically examine two themes in Swedish foreign policy. Theseare the nonalignment policy and migration policy. Through a discourse analysis I show that allpolitical parties perceive consequences for the self-determination and all argue selfdeterminationwill be lost in the event of membership. However, they are divided in what theybelieved this would lead to. Some parties support EU whereas others are sceptical of EU. Partiesthat support an EU-membership argue that it is inevitable to join and Sweden will lose selfdeterminationanyway. A membership opens the possibility to influence and participate, but anabstaining will lead forced acceptance of policies. Many of the supporters are even positive ofbeing a member in EU. Sceptics, on the other hand believe Sweden will lack influence and loseall self-determination. The organisation itself is against Sweden as it is a supra-stateorganisation, which may reduce the role of single member-states. For the nonalignment policy,the government initially use it as an argument against EU, but later support membership if thenonalignment policy can be kept. The other supporters acknowledge the nonalignment policy,but nevertheless assert that EU is compatible with the nonalignment policy. This is because ofthe changes in the geopolitical situation. Sceptics believe the nonalignment policy rejectmembership, mostly due to the still uncertain geopolitical situation and the suspicion EU willdeprive Sweden of its decision-making. Sometimes they suggest the self-determination andnonalignment policy are prerequisites for each other. In the migration policy, all parties supportgenerous migration policy, but

The purpose with this study is to investigate how the two biggest political parties, the Social Democrats and the Moderate/Conservative Party, looks at a membership in the defense alliance North Atlantic Treaty Organization. The question have the illegal annexation of Crimea affected how the parties look at a membership in Nato will be answered and analyzed. How they discuss, how they believe that a membership can affect the Swedish foreign policy will be examined in this paper.   Nato is a topic that during the last century’s have divided the Swedish population into two groups: one that advocates a membership and one that fight’s against a Swedish membership in the alliance. The debate about Nato has, since the illegal annexation of the Crimea, changed and are now more relevant than ever to discuss. This paper illustrates how the Moderate/Conservative Party and the Social Democrats argues in the debate regarding a membership in Nato.   Since 2003 the Moderate/Conservative Party are in favor of a membership in the defense alliance Nato, what this paper will find out is why they want Sweden to become a member in Nato and how they argue for a membership. The Social Democrats are not in favor of a membership in the defense alliance, they advocates the defense line Sweden have had since the mid 1900s, the Non-alignment.

This dissertation is a descriptive study in which the changed meaning of nonalignment in international politics between the years 1961 - 1992, is analysed. The concept non-alignment as manifested in four chronological phases of the Non-Aligned Movement {1960's, 1970's, 1980's, 1990/92] is analysed, compared and evaluated. The comparison shows that the meaning of non- alignment underwent a change in each of these four phases. It's meaning changed from a literal meaning in phases 1-3 [in which the focus shifted from being political to economic], to a symboric or figurative meaning in phase 4. The changes to the meaning of non-alignment came about mainly as a result of interaction with the international context and, to a lesser extent, due to the role of influential states in NAM. These changes were of critical importance for non-alignment to remain relevant and for NAM to be able to make a potential impact on an ever-changing world. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

Is the credibility of today's Swedish security policy under question? Through two world wars and the years that followed Sweden has invoked a policy of neutrality and military nonalignment. This policy has come to be perceived as an integral part of the Swedish national identity. Is it possible then that Sweden’s past and present strategic narratives could be contested? This thesis investigates whether or not there is consistency in the narratives expressed by both right wing Swedish governments and socialist Swedish governments. The narratives of both parties are examined during two separate eras of history; the Cold War era of the 1980s is compared with the current more globalized era of the 2010s. A constructivist perspective is utilized in the analysis and a narrative analysis is applied. The results show that there has been significant consistency in the narratives of Swedish security policy from both right wing and socialist governments. There is much greater variation shown between the two eras than there is between the two parties themselves. / Är dagens svenska säkerhetspolitik trovärdig eller omstridd? Allt sedan världskrigen har svenska regeringar förhållit sig till en grundläggande idé om svensk neutralitet och alliansfrihet. Denna politik har kommit att betraktas som en väsentlig del av svensk nationell identitet. Samtidigt har inriktningen för den svenska säkerhetspolitiken förändrats vid ett antal tillfällen under de senaste decennierna och gått från neutralitet till solidaritet. Är det då möjligt att gångna som nutida svenska strategiska narrativ är omstridda? Denna uppsats undersöker hur konsekventa svenska säkerhetspolitiska narrativ har varit. Detta genom att granska de narrativ som konstruerats av respektive socialdemokratiska och borgerliga regeringskoalitioner. Dessa narrativ jämförs både inom och mellan två historiska epoker; det kalla krigets 1980-tal och det nutida globaliserade 2010-talet, med specifika nedslag för åren 1982, 1987, 2009 och 2015. Uppsatsen tar utgångspunkt i ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv och en narrativanalys tillämpas i analysen. Resultatet indikerar en betydande samstämmighet inom svensk säkerhetspolitik mellan borgerliga och socialdemokratiska regeringar. En betydligt större variation framträder i en jämförelse emellan de olika tidsepokerna än emellan samtida regeringar av olika politiska färger.