This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU?   In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage.   The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.

It has been proven that the burgeoning power of the EU is not negligible. However, it is still debatable whether the EU acts as a smart power in its external human rights policy. Through Joseph Nye's theory of hard, soft, and smart power, this thesis will offer a critical understanding of a wide range of factors which merits the EU's role as a smart power. The contemporary history of Belarus also illustrates that the political, economic, and cultural endeavours of the EU reveal the institution's role as a smart power. Within the theoretical framework predicated on Nye's theory on the aforementioned powers, the EU-Belarus relations will be be analysed in order to lay bare the power of the EU and to shed light on the significance of human rights in the EU policies.

This survey is a study about the concept of the new man and masculinities. The basic question in this study is what consequences the discussion after Metoo has had for masculinity and whether we are now facing the creation of a new masculinity. In the light of an article about the new woman written by Aleksandra Kollontaj in the early 1900s and a book by Viktoria Saxby with the title Den nya mannen (the new man), published in 2019, this comparative study examines whether there is a new man among us. The theory in this study is taking the point of departure in different definitions of masculinities, as well as Metoo and comparing the mentioned article and book above. With the use of hegemonic masculinity and gender as theory, as well as discourse analysis as method, this study will try to come up with a result whether the new man is on a rise and how this will affect gender equality. The essence of the study is that the new man exists, he is missing and he is needed. / Denna undersökning är en studie om begreppet den nye mannen och maskuliniteter. Grundfrågan i studien är vilka konsekvenser diskussionen efter Metoo har haft för maskulinitet och om vi nu står inför skapandet av en ny maskulinitet. I ljuset av en artikel om den nya kvinnan skriven av Aleksandra Kollontaj i början av 1900-talet och en bok av Viktoria Saxby med titeln Den nya mannen (den nya mannen), publicerad 2019, undersöker denna jämförande studie om det finns en ny man bland oss. Teorin i denna studie tar utgångspunkt i olika definitioner av maskuliniteter, liksom Metoo och jämför den nämnda artikeln och boken ovan. Med användning av hegemonisk maskulinitet och kön som teori, samt diskursanalys som metod, kommer denna studie att försöka komma fram till ett resultat om den nya mannen ökar och hur detta kommer att påverka jämställdhet. Kärnan i studien är att den nya människan finns, han saknas och han behövs.

Conflicts should be analyzed in terms of a full spectrum conflict including discourse. There are more means to achieve an end goal than through the kinetic force such as military means. The invasion of Ukraine 24th of February 2022 was the culmination of many years of soft and hard power practiced by the Russian state.  With a thematic content analysis on the Russian President Putin’s address to the Nation 18th of March 2014 and 21st of February 2022 the rethoric was separated into themes and analyzed with two theories. The first was soft and hard power where the themes of attraction- and coercion-based rhetoric was applied to the analysis. The second was legitimacy theory, which entailed that rethoric is a mean to gain support towards a grand strategic policy by establishing the national interest, defining threats, course of action and mobilizing the necessary resources within the state. The results showed that in the first speech soft and hard power was more prominent since there was no official involvement from the Russian state in the conflict in Donetsk and Luhansk region of Ukraine that needed to be legitimized. There was an attempt to influence the Ukrainian government and population to change their policies in a more favorable direction with the use of soft and hard power. The second speech was more in line of legitimacy where the Russian state was about to engage military and thus needed to garner the approval of the Russian state and population to be able to mobilize the resources necessary to accomplish such grand strategic agenda.

The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of soft power versus hard power in U.S. policy towards Latin America. In recent years America's unipolar moment has been challenged from populist leaders in the region to its inability to get a handle on the flow of illegal immigrants and illicit drugs that reach its shores. This thesis is a step to understanding the difference between power and influence as well as the effects of hard power and soft power in U.S. foreign policy. A historical comparative case study analysis has been conducted utilizing the cases of FDR's Good Neighbor policy and Reagan's contra war policies. This qualitative approach examined specific short-term and long-term goals of each policy and analyzed each strategy's ability to achieve those stated goals. The results of the study reveal that both soft and hard power approaches can have positive as well as negative effects on American influence in Latin America.

From the start of the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia” in 2011 until November 2023, 78 foreign visits have been made by three U.S. Presidents and five Secretaries of State to Southeast Asia. To uncover the U.S. ambitions in Southeast Asia, this thesis uses frame analysis to study speeches, statements, and remarks published by the U.S. Department of State and the White House during the visits to categorize them as displaying predominantly soft, hard, or smart power. The frames identified during the visits show that each administration has displayed a different kind of power. While the Obama administration focused on soft power, the Trump administration displayed significantly more hard power. The Biden administration used almost exclusively smart power during their visits. The thesis contributes to the operationalization of Joseph Nye’s concepts of soft, hard, and smart power, while also attempting to understand the U.S. ambition in Southeast Asia, especially as relations with the PRC have become increasingly tense.

<p>The polar ice in the Arctic is melting resulting in new opportunities for the Arctic states to extracting vital resources and to find new shorter transport routes. Two of the largest actors who both presently have published polices towards the Arctic region is the EU and the US. This work firstly aims to offer a descriptive view of the EU and the US’ polices towards the Arctic region. Secondly, investigate the documents quantitatively and qualitatively to show weather the EU and US policies are featured by ‘hard power’ or ‘soft power’ by the research of Joseph S. Nye Jr. to find out if Robert Kagan’s hypotheses that the EU mainly use ‘soft power’ and that the US mainly use ‘hard power’. The findings showed that Kagan in this case was right about the EU and the use of ‘soft power’ but that the US mainly uses ‘soft power’ politics in their Arctic policy.</p>

I denna uppsats undersöks konstruktionen av ett förmodat nytt maskulinitetsideal kallet ”den nye mannen” i svensk medias rapportering av politiker. Uppsatsen har utgått ifrån teorier om genus och maskulinitetsteorier från bland annat R.W. Connell, Michael S. Kimmel och Yvonne Hirdman kombinerat med teorier om konstruktionen av ”den nye mannen” från Marie Nordberg. Tidigare forskning visar att sedan 1970-talet har funnits en idé om en ny man som skiljer sig från den traditionella mannen och att den (nya) nye mannen på 2000-talet är allt mer jämställdhets och omsorgsorienterad.  Utifrån vissa markörer kännetecknande för den nye mannen har Dagens Nyheter granskats och kommit fram till att den nye mannen återfinns bland de personer som har undersökts Fredrik Reinfeldt, Thomas Bodström &amp; Jimmie Åkesson. Ett ”nytt” sätt att konstruera maskulinitet har även framträtt, där det maskulina inte konstrueras som en motpol till det feminina utan kan ”göra” femininitet och även framstå som trovärdig, en s.k. hybriditet i maskulinitetskonstruktionen. För de politiker som positioneras i diskursen om ”den nye mannen” öppnades möjligheter för dem som politiker, möjligheter som inte kan åtnjutas av en som positioneras som traditionellt maskulinitet.

This thesis examines how corporations use North Korea’s media portrayal to profit. By gaining government contracts to develop weapons and missile defense systems, companies such as Lockheed Martin make billions of dollars. The thesis will examine how this is accomplished in three stages: first, by examining how soft power is generated and used to build a consensus. Then, government usage of soft power to rationalize North Korea as a threat is discussed. Finally, how corporations profit from government-authorized weapons programs will be detailed. The thesis will incorporate theory based off of the ideas of Joseph Nye, as well as geopolitical concepts promulgated by Michael Hardt. / Graduate

Ifølge observationer af Grønnum og Basbøll er der sket en ekspansion af stødets forekomst, hvor ord som ikke tidligere har haft stød er begyndt at få det. Disse nye stød forekommer både under kendte betingelser og nye betingelser. Formålet med denne opgave er at undersøge om stødforekomsten i københavnsk rigsmål er blevet forandret i retning mod flere stød. Dette undersøges gennem at analysere forekomsten af nye stød i et materiale bestående af indspil- ninger fra otte forskellige talere, hentede fra radioprogrammer og podcasts udgivet mellem 2018 og 2020. Konklusionen er at der ses en tendens til en forandring i stødets forekomst i retning mod flere stød, men ud fra dette materiale er denne forandring stadig i et tidligt stadie. Der ses en forandring mod flere stød i forhold til at ord som ikke tidligere havde stød fore- kommer med stød, men i forhold til andelen ord med stød generelt kan der ikke drages nogle konklusioner. Mængden materiale i denne undersøgelse er for begrænset til at der kan gives et ordentligt billede af forandringen.