Orientador: Prof. Dr. Gilberto Marcos Antonio Rodrigues / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2017. / A Organização das Nações Unidas tem adotado medidas importantes para proteger as pessoas LGBTI e promover a não discriminação com base na orientação sexual e identidade de gênero no plano internacional. As pessoas LGBTI são vítimas de violência e discriminação de forma consistente em todos os países do mundo e os seus direitos continuam a ser contestados pelos Estados-membros da ONU, que justificam tal opressão com o discurso do ódio, heterossexismo, antiocidentalismo, fundamentalismo religioso, relativismo cultural e outros. A partir deste contexto, a questão principal desta pesquisa consiste em: como o Sistema das Nações Unidas está construindo o reconhecimento dos direitos das pessoas LGBTI? Esta pergunta é respondida neste estudo qualitativo a partir de uma abordagem interdisciplinar que aborda teorias de relações internacionais, direitos humanos, Direito Internacional Público, decolonialidade, estudos de gênero e LGBTI. O objetivo geral desta pesquisa consiste em analisar o processo de reconhecimento dos direitos humanos das pessoas LGBTI nas Nações Unidas e para tal, descreve-se a trajetória histórica das categorias de orientação sexual e identidade de gênero nas Nações Unidas, analisam-se e classificam-se os discursos que se confrontam no debate sobre orientação sexual e identidade de gênero na ONU e pondera-se a possibilidade de uma convenção internacional sobre a eliminação da discriminação e violência baseadas na orientação sexual e identidade de gênero. Esta pesquisa propõe duas hipóteses, a primeira versa que: a ONU abriu espaço para o debate sobre o reconhecimento dos direitos humanos das pessoas LGBTI, mas ainda permanece polarizada em virtude do posicionamento heterossexista e heteronormativo, assim como a retórica da soberania sobre os direitos humanos, a instrumentalização dos direitos humanos para fins políticos, o fundamentalismo e o tradicionalismo religioso de Estados; a segunda estabelece que: é necessário promover a adoção de uma convenção internacional contra a discriminação e violência baseada na orientação sexual e identidade de gênero, bases estabelecidas no Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos sobre a questão. O estudo conclui que o reconhecimento dos direitos humanos das pessoas LGBTI foi dado a nível institucional por parte das autoridades da ONU, no entanto, há uma polarização entre os Estados membros e existe uma grande resistência quando a questão é debatida, especialmente pela ausência de uma base legal no direito internacional, e, por isso, é necessário promover a sua positivação. / The United Nations has taken important steps to protect LGBTI persons and to promote nondiscrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity at the international level. LGBTI people are victims of violence and discrimination constantly in all countries of the world and their rights continue to be in question by UN member states, who justify such oppression with hate speech, heterosexism, anti-Westernism, religious fundamentalisms, cultural relativism and others. Starting from this context the main question that crosses this investigation is; How is the United Nations system building the recognition of the rights of LGBTI persons?, this question is answered in this qualitative documentary study from an interdisciplinary approach that deals with theories of international relations, human rights, public international law, decoloniality, gender studies and LGBTI. The general goal of this research is to analyze the process of recognition of the human rights of LGBTI persons in the United Nations and for this it describes the historical trajectory of the categories of sexual orientation and gender identity in the United Nations, analyzes and classifies the State¿s discourses that are confronted in the debate on sexual orientation and gender identity in the UN and consider the potencial of an international convention on the elimination of discrimination and violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Two hypotheses are proposed: (1) The UN has opened a space for debate on the recognition of the human rights of LGBTI persons; however, it still remains polarized because of the positioning of heterosexist, heteronormative states, as well as the rhetoric of sovereignty in human rights issues, instrumentalization Of human rights for political purposes, fundamentalism and religious traditionalism and (2) It is necessary to promote the adoption of an international convention against discrimination and violence by sexual orientation and gender identity that establishes the bases in international human rights law on the issue. The study concludes that recognition of the human rights of LGBTI people has been given at the institutional level by the UN authorities, but there is a polarization between Member States and widespread resistance when the subject is debated, in particular by the absence of a regime within the international law that serves as legal base, reason why it is necessary to promote its positivization.

L’engagement de l’Union européenne d’agir sur la scène internationale dans le cadre du multilatéralisme onusien fait de l’ONU une organisation avec laquelle l’Union cherche à établir des rapports privilégiés. Entre les deux organisations s’est développée une coopération matérielle importante couvrant la quasi-totalité des domaines d’activités de chacune. L’objet de cette recherche et d’analyser les rapports établis entre les deux institutions dans leur étendue, en dégageant une dynamique d’ensemble. L’approche dynamique est imposée en outre par le caractère évolutif de ces rapports. Ils sont marqués par la nature juridique de l’UE et de l’ONU. S’ils sont régis par le droit des relations entre les organisations internationales, en raison du caractère unique de chacune dans l’ordre juridique international, leurs rapports sont imprégnés d’une importante mesure d’originalité. En tant que rapports entre ensemblesautonomes mais limités par leurs compétences, ils apparaissent en outre comme des rapports fonctionnels, en permettant une articulation des ordres juridiques des deux organisations ainsi que, à travers leur collaboration, une rationalisation des moyens mis à leur disposition par les Etats membres. Dans ce cadre, les deux organisations explorent des modalités de rapports interinstitutionnels inédites entre les organisations internationales. / With the commitment of the European Union to act on the international scene within theframework of the United Nations’ multilateralism, the latter became an organization with which the EU intends to establish a privileged relationship. The two organizations developed an important field cooperation covering almost all of the areas of their activity. The purpose of this research is to analyze the relations established between the two organizations in their extent, by highlighting their dynamics as a whole. The dynamical approach is imposed as well by the evolutionary character of this relationship. It is shaped by the legal nature of the EU and the UN. If their relationship is governed by the law of the relations between international organizations, because of the unique character of both the EU and the UN in the international legal order, it is also characterized by an important measure of originality. As a relationship between autonomous but limited, by their competences, subjects, it appears to be as well a functional relationship, by allowing an articulation of the legal orders of both organizations and, through their collaboration, a rationalization of the means provided to them by the Member States. In this context, the EU and the UN explore in their relationship new interorganizational modalities.

Esta tesina investiga el uso de metáforas en los discursos de Evo Morales en la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas(ONU). La meta de la tesina es investigar qué metáforas Evo Morales utiliza y cómo las emplea para legitimar su postura en diferentes temas y ganar la simpatía de los destinatarios. El corpus consiste de siete transcripciones oficiales de discursos pronunciados por Evo Morales en la ONU durante el periodo de 2006 a 2010. El estudio es cualitativo y se basa principalmente en teorías de Análisis Critico del Discurso y las teorías sobre la metáfora presentadas por George Lakoff y Mark Johnson. Los resultados del análisis sugieren que Evo Morales utiliza metáforas relacionadas con guerra y crimen para describir y desacreditar a la oposición y al capitalismo. También indican que Morales tiene una preferencia en describir temas positivos, como cuando se refiere a Bolivia, con metáforas basadas en el concepto de la familia. Al describir temas con metáforas positivas o negativas Morales legitima sus propias posturas y desacredita opiniones y sistemas con los cuales él no está de acuerdo.

This diploma thesis deals with the historical development of passive optical networks, according to the standards that was defined by International Telecommunication Union (APON, BPON, GPON, XG-PON and NG-PON). Further, the thesis describes the security of passive optical networks, but also a security threats which the deployment and use of passive optical technology carry. In the introductory chapters of this thesis the passive optical networks are described. The following is a description of the standards of passive optical networks in terms of their historical development. The next part is dedicated to the security of passive optical networks and possible security threats. In conclusion a description of the practical part of this thesis is given -- rack assembly, which will serve for future testing. The basic configuration of the optical line terminations that are fitted in the rack is also described. The last part of this diploma thesis is dedicated to the testing of selected security risks, which was described in the theoretical part of this thesis.

L’objectif de la présente recherche portant sur l’évolution du droit des États à recourir à la force dans les relations nternationales est de montrer suivant une approche historique fondée sur le droit international que la pratique des États en la matière a changé. Effectivement, du droit de « faire la guerre » reconnu comme un droit souverain, passant par les premières tentatives de son encadrement au XIXe siècle, la rupture significative est venue en 1945 avec la création de l’ONU ; la Charte des Nations Unies ayant consacré un principe d’interdiction du recours à la force, exception faite de la légitime défense et de l’autorisation du Conseil de sécurité. Toutefois, aucune précision n’ayant été apportée sur la forme que doit prendre cette autorisation du Conseil de sécurité, dès 1966 comme dans l’affaire rhodésienne, ce dernier autorisait explicitement l’usage de « la force ». À partir de 1990, il prend de l’assurance avec la technique de l’autorisation et retient la formulation implicite d’« autorise les États Membres à user de tous les moyens nécessaires ». Cependant, il arrive qu’une résolution du Conseil ne soit ni n’explicite, ni implicite, mais des États interviennent, arguant de l’existence d’une autorisation implicite du fait de l’émergence des doctrines comme « guerre préventive », « guerre contre le terrorisme » ou encore « intervention humanitaire ». Des cas d’interventions menées en 1992 au Libéria, 1999 en Sierra Leone et au Kosovo et en 2003 contre l’Irak, sont illustrateurs. Ainsi, sur la base de l’interprétation des résolutions du Conseil, l’autorisation implicite tend à devenir la règle en matière de maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Dès lors, afin d’éviter de réduire le jus ad bellum à un unilatéralisme excessif, et en démontrant la conformité de l’autorisation implicite au régime juridique établi du recours à la force en droit international, nous invitons à la redéfinition de celle-ci. / The purpose of this research on the evolution of the right of States to use force in international relations is to show, following a historical approach based on international law, that State practice in this area has changed. Indeed, from the right to "make war" recognized as a sovereign right, passing through the first attempts of its leadership in the nineteenth century, the significant rupture came in 1945 with the creation of the UN; the United Nations Charter has enshrined the principle of the prohibition of the use of force,except for the self-defense and the authorization of the Security Council. However, since no details were given as to the form this authorization of the Security Council should take, as early as 1966, as in the Rhodesian case, the latter explicitly authorized the use of "force". From 1990, he gained confidence with the technique of authorization and retained the implicit formulation of "authorizes Member States to use all necessary means". Though, sometimes a resolution is neither explicit nor implicit, but states intervene,arguing the existence of an implied authorization because of the emergence of theories like"preventive war","war on terror" or "humanitarian intervention". Cases of interventions in 1992 in Liberia, 1999 in SierraLeone and Kosovo and in 2003 against Iraq are illustrators. So, based on the interpretation of Council resolutions, implied authorization tends to become the rule in the maintenance of international peace and security. Therefore, to avoid reducing the jus ad bellum to excessive unilateralism, and by demonstrating the conformity of the implied authorization with the established legal regime of the use of force in international law, we invite the redefinition of this one.

[pt] As últimas décadas se caracterizaram por um novo ambiente nas organizações internacionais com um aumento explícito do engajamento de corporações transnacionais (CTNs) em debates sobre problemas globais, principalmente no que se refere à responsabilidade delas com relação a tais questões. A tese analisa como diferentes processos em termos de assegurar a responsabilidade das CTNs em questões globais terminam se constituindo em um processo de legitimação da ordem mundial capitalista. Tomar o mundo como ele é e tentar reformá-lo com foco na responsabilidade dos agentes que detém o poder pode se converter em um maior empoderamento desses atores ao gerar uma percepção de que eles seriam os mais eficientes para garantir melhores soluções para o mundo. A análise se centra em duas iniciativas emblemáticas em curso na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU): o Pacto Global e o trabalho do Representante Especial da ONU para Empresas e Direitos Humanos. Observase, então, que acordos políticos e normativos sobre responsabilidade corporativa, incluindo expectativas de normas obrigatórias em direitos humanos, devem ser percebidos como parte de uma arquitetura de governança global que, ao mesmo tempo, vincula a agenda social e de desenvolvimento ao capitalismo global, empodera atores não-estatais, globaliza organizações internacionais e limita o espaço para pensar o mundo para além de uma constante legitimação da classe capitalista transnacional. / [en] Last decades have seen a new environment on international organizations with the explicit increase of transnational corporations’ (TNCs) engagement in debates about global matters, mainly on their responsibilities regarding these issues. The dissertation analyzes how several processes in terms of achieving TNCs responsibility in global matters end up being a process of legitimation of the capitalist world order. Taking the world as it is and trying to reform it with a focus on the responsibility of the powerful agents might mean empowering them as if they were the most efficient actors to guarantee better solutions to the world. The analysis is centered on two current emblematic initiatives on the United Nations (UN): the Global Compact and the work of the UN Special Representative on Business and Human Rights. Normative and political agreements on corporate responsibility, including prospects for mandatory norms on human rights, should be perceived as part of a global governance architecture which connects the social and development agenda to global capitalism, empowers non-state actors, globalizes international organizations and reduces the space for rethinking the world beyond a permanent legitimation of an emergent transnational capitalist class.

[pt] Tendo como referencial teórico o instrumental do campo da resolução de conflitos, esta dissertação aborda as implicações da segurança nas operações de peacekeeping multidimensional. Através dos elementos verificadores da resolução do dilema de segurança interno, discute-se a importância da segurança para o sucesso do peacekeeping no pós-Guerra Fria e para a reconstrução das estruturas estatais. Para isso, foram estudadas as missões na Bósnia- Herzegovina e em Serra Leoa, ambas consideradas bem sucedidas pela ONU e cujos mandatos previam ações no campo de segurança e da reconstrução sócio-econômica do Estado. Ficou claro que o sucesso do peacekeeping multidimensional não reside apenas na garantia da segurança, vista como a ausência de ameaça militarizada: em função de sua própria natureza, essas operações dependem também da abordagem de questões não-materiais. Contudo, esses aspectos não são comumente estudados pelos teóricos do campo. Perceber a importância de suprimir a violência estrutural e preservar a diversidade cultural é essencial para o novo peacekeeping. Não fazê-lo é ignorar as causas que deram origem ao conflito e correr o risco de vê-lo acontecer novamente. Faz-se crucial, também, a vontade política da comunidade internacional de agir, sem a qual a cooperação entre as partes dificilmente acontecerá. Assim, percebe-se que o objetivo das operações de paz no pós-Guerra Fria não se limitaria a encerrar a violência direta, mas buscaria desenvolver cada missão dentro de suas particularidades, permitindo resolver os conflitos a partir de suas causas e impedindo que a guerra ocorra novamente. / [en] Using as reference the theoretical field of conflict resolution, this dissertation discusses the effects of security in wide peacekeeping operations. Based on an analysis of the elements of the internal security dilemma, this dissertation discusses the importance of consolidating the security in the post-Cold War peace operations held by the UN and the state-building process. The empirical studies reported in this work were both considered successful by the UN, having fulfilled their mandates with activities and programs developed in the security and socio-economic reconstruction arenas. The view expressed in this dissertation is that security, understood as the absence of militarized threats, is not enough to guarantee the completion of the mission: as wide peacekeeping deals with threats both in the military and the non-military arenas, it demands both material and non- material approaches, although the latter is not commonly studied by conflict-resolution researchers. Tackling structural violence and preserving cultural diversity has become essential for the success of wide peacekeeping. Failing to do this is to ignore the causes of the conflict, at the risk of seeing violence return. It is also necessary to count with the support of the international community, which is essential to the cooperation between parties. The dissertation concludes that wide peacekeeping is not aimed only at the resolution of the conflict, but rather intends to deal with its causes, treating each mission as unique in its particularities and limitations and preventing the conflict return.

Les missions de maintien de la paix des Nations Unies ont la tâche complexe d’aider à créer les conditions propices au retour de la paix dans les zones touchées par les conflits. Il en existe plusieurs types et elles ont à leur disposition certains mécanismes leur permettant de remplir leurs objectifs. La question de leur efficacité fait l’objet de nombreuses analyses dans la littérature. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de participer à cette étude en examinant en profondeur l’une de ces missions de maintien de la paix : la Force intérimaire des Nations unies au Liban (FINUL). Créée en 1978, il s’agit d’une des plus anciennes missions de l’ONU qui nous offre donc une perspective évolutive à travers le temps. De mission traditionnelle, elle devient plus robuste après la guerre de 2006 au Liban. A travers ce mémoire de recherche, nous chercherons donc à comprendre comment les missions de maintien de la paix onusiennes utilisent-elles le mécanisme de la dissuasion afin d’être efficaces, à travers le cas de la FINUL. Cela nous permettra donc de dresser un bilan tout en prenant en considération les subtilités liées à l’histoire complexe de la région, afin d’analyser en profondeur le fonctionnement et l’efficacité de cette mission de maintien de la paix. / United Nations peacekeeping missions have the complex task of helping create favorable conditions for the return of peace in conflict areas. Several types exist and they have mechanisms at their disposal allowing them to fulfill their goals. The efficacity of these missions has been the subject of a lot of analysis work in littérature. The objective of this thesis is to take part in this study by examining in depth one of these peacekeeping mission : United Nations interim force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). Created in 1978, it is one of the oldest UN’s missions, offering us an evolutionnary perspective through time. From a traditionnal mission, it becomes more robust after Lebanon’s war in 2006. Through this research thesis, we will try to understand how united nations peacekkeping missions use the deterrence mechanism to be efficient, through the UNIFIL case. This will allow us to assess an overview taking into consideration subleties linked to the complex history of the region, to analyze deeply the functionning and efficiency of this peacekeeping mission.

L’effondrement et le démantèlement de l’Empire ottoman à la suite de la Première Guerre mondiale ont conduit les Grandes puissances européennes à opérer un partage territorial du Proche-Orient, légitimé par le système des mandats de la Société des Nations (SDN). Sans précédent, cette administration internationale marqua le point de départ de l’internationalisation de la question de la Palestine, dont le droit international allait servir de socle à une nouvelle forme de colonialisme. Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU) continua l’action entreprise par la SDN en s’occupant également de cette question sur la demande des Britanniques. En novembre 1947, l’ONU décida du partage de la Palestine en deux Etats pour résoudre les conflits entre sionistes et nationalistes arabes. Si ce partage fut accepté par les sionistes, il fut rejeté par les Etats arabes voisins et de nombreux Arabes palestiniens. Les affrontements opposant nationalistes arabes et sionistes de Palestine laissèrent place au conflit israélo-arabe après la proclamation d’Indépendance de l’Etat d’Israël en mai 1948. Au commencement de la guerre froide, les Etats-Unis et l’URSS prirent conscience de l’intérêt géostratégique de cette région, progressivement désinvestie par la France et la Grande-Bretagne. Dans cette étude, nous verrons comment la scène interétatique et la communauté internationale, successivement composée de la SDN puis de l’ONU, ont en partie scellé le sort du Proche et Moyen-Orient. Nous consacrerons également une analyse au rôle joué par les idéologies nationalistes arabes et sionistes, qui tiennent une place centrale au sein de ce conflit. / The collapse and dismantling of the Ottoman Empire following World War I, led the great European powers to engage in a territorial division of the Middle East, legitimized by the mandates system of the League of Nations. Without any precedents, that international administration marked the beginning of the internationalization of Palestine’s thorny issue. The international law would serve as the pillar for a new form of colonialism. The day after World War II, the United Nations continued the action taken by the League of Nations, as well as for the demand of the British. In November 1947, the UN decided to divide Palestine into two States. If the Zionists had accepted that split, their neighbors, Arab States and Palestinian Arabs, would have rejected it. The clashes opposing the Arab Nationalists and the Palestine Zionists gave space to the Arab-Israeli conflict after the independence of Israel, on May 14, 1948. At the beginning of the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union became aware of the geo-strategic interest in this region, gradually divested by France and Great Britain. In this study, we will see how the interstate scene and the international community, successively composed by the League of Nations and the United Nations, have partially sealed the fate of the Near and the Middle East. We will also devote a preliminary analysis related to the role played by the Arabs and Zionists nationalist ideologies, which are central in this conflict.

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.