L’Afrique est, depuis quelques décennies, « la zone stratégique la plus déstabilisée de la planète ». La question des conflits armés constitue un véritable « casse-tête africain » aussi bien pour les acteurs locaux qu’internationaux qui s’y intéressent en ce que son caractère interne contraste avec les conséquences transnationales qui en résultent.Comment sortir de cette insécurité chronique et de la guerre civile qui guette en permanence derrière le rideau et parvenir à une stabilité et un développement durables afin de limiter au mieux les nombreuses violations des droits de l’homme occasionnées à cet effet?Des approches de solution n’ont pas manqué, allant de la solution militaire, peu respectueuse des vies humaines, à la solution négociée qui appelle au génie créatif de l’homme et de son intelligence, soucieuse de préserver le genre humain en « imaginant » ou en « inventant » des compromis inscrits dans des accords, essentiellement, politiques. C’est donc, à juste titre, que l’objet de notre étude porte sur cette question africaine traduite par un intitulé très actuel : « Les accords politiques dans la résolution des conflits armés internes en Afrique ». L’analyse envisagée dans la présente étude expose la conclusion des accords politiques en insistant distinctement sur l’environnement politique de leur formation ainsi que le cadre juridique qui les caractérise, d’une part. D’autre part, il paraît indiqué d’examiner l’application de ces accords en décortiquant la feuille de route dans laquelle ils évoluent en vue d’en dresser un bilan scientifiquement objectif afin de mesurer l’effectivité de leur mise en œuvre et leur efficacité en matière de protection des droits de l’homme. / Since some decades, Africa is «the most destabilized strategic area of the plane. » the issue of armed conflicts represent a real «African puzzle» as well for local actors as international ones who are involve in, with its internal characteristic contrast with the transnational consequences which result from.How to get out of this chronically in security and the civil war which permanently watch out behind curtain in order to reach sustainable development and stability in order to better limit numerous violations of human rights done in that fact?Some approaches of solution are numerous, going from military solution less respecting human lives, to the negociated solutions which call for the human genius and his intelligent, anxious to preserve human gender by «imaging» or by « inventing» Compromises signed in agreements, essentially political. Its then, precisely that African issue translated by an updated heading: agreements in the resolution of internal armed conflits in Africa. »The analysis considered in the present study will expose the conclusion of political agreements by insisting distinctly on political environment, their formation as well on the legal framework which characterizes them, on one hand. On the other hand, it seems important to examine the application of those agreements by analyzing in details the agenda in which they evoluate in order to draw up scientifically the balance sheet of the objective in order to assess the affectivity of their implementation and their effectiveness in domain of human rights protection.

En suivant la trajectoire de quatre leaders africains au temps des indépendances, Barthélémy Boganda (République centrafricaine), Patrice Lumumba (République du Congo), Félix Moumié et Ruben Um Nyobè (Cameroun), ce travail cherche à explorer par le biais de l’anthropologie historique, de la méthode comparative et à l’échelle de l’Afrique centrale, en quoi l’assassinat politique peut constituer un moyen de réguler les relations internationales et peut être un fondement de la construction nationale de leur pays d’origine. Au fil de l’itinéraire politique de ces leaders, seront évoquées leurs désillusions onusiennes et panafricaines qui resserrent sur eux l’étau mortel d’une Realpolitik entre bipolarisation et néocolonialisme. L’autre hypothèse explorée est la suivante : il serait possible par le biais de l’Histoire comparée de faire émerger des invariants à l’assassinat politique sous forme de processus récurrents comme l’arme judiciaire, l’arme médiatique, l’absence de sépultures décentes, la damnatio memoriae dont ils sont frappés qui aboutit a contrario à une inversion symbolique et iconique. L’étude s’appuie sur de nombreuses sources qui se sont complétées afin de reconstituer l’enchaînement des évènements et de nouvelles interprétations : archives privées inédites, archives publiques dont certaines ont été déclassifiées pour cette étude, sources audiovisuelles et imprimées, témoignages oraux inédits recueillis par l’auteure. / Through a close examination of the trajectory of four African leaders, Barthélémy Boganda (Republic of Central Africa), Patrice Lumumba (Republic of Congo), Félix Moumié et Ruben Um Nyobé (Cameroun), during the independence era, and by means of the historical anthropology, the comparative method and focusing on Central Africa, this study tries to explore to what extent political assassination could constitute a way of regulating international relationships and lay the foundations of the national construction of their country of origins. Along their political career path, their UN-related and Pan–Africanism disillusionment that tightens around them the lethal noose of a Realpolitik caught between bipolarization and neo-colonialism will be referred to. The other hypothesis developed here is as followed : it could be possible through comparative history to bring out invariance within political assassination under the forms of recurrent processes such as the judiciary weapon, the media weapon, the lack of a decent burial place and the damnatio memoriae they’ve been sentenced to which all contrastingly led to a symbolic and iconic reversal. The study relies on numerous sources that complete each other in order to reconstitute the chain of events and allow new interpretations: private exclusive archives, public archives, some of which having been declassified for this purpose, audio-visual and printed sources, exclusive oral narratives collected by the author.

La revendication et/ou suggestion d'une africanisation du maintien de la paix en Afrique devait conduire à la réforme du système africain de sécurité. Il s'agit d’une réforme tant normative qu'institutionnelle menée en vue de donner une nouvelle orientation au cadre opérationnel dans l’optique d’une meilleure contribution du continent au maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Ce travail s'est opéré à la fois au niveau régional et au niveau des communautés économiques régionales (CER) qui font partie intégrante de l’architecture africaine de paix et de sécurité telle que construite au sein et autour de l’Union africaine. Le plus emblématique est pour l’UA de s'être dotée d’un droit d'intervention là où certaines CER, à l'instar de la CEDEAO, avaient déjà pris des initiatives, afin de répondre aux crises les plus diverses dont le génocide. A tout prendre, il s’agit d'une avancée significative du système ainsi mis en place. A l’observation toutefois, on peine à voir un modèle typiquement africain des opérations de maintien de la paix, tant il est vrai que les deux segments, organisation et déploiement opérationnel, laissent apparaître une hétéronormativité et un déploiement pluri-institutionnel. Cela découle sans doute de la prégnance de la fragilité de certains acteurs étatiques qui frise tout élan de construction d’un système communautaire de sécurité fort, nécessitant au surplus des mesures de (re) construction de l’Etat, appuyée par les institutions internationales dont la première d’entre elles - l’ONU. / The demand and/or suggestion of an Africanization of peacekeeping in Africa should lead to the reform of the African security system. This is a normative and institutional reform aimed at giving a new orientation to the operational framework in order to enhancing the continent's contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security. This work has been carried out both at the regional level and at the regional economic community (REC) level, which are an integral part of the African peace and security architecture as built within and around the African Union. The most emblematic is for the AU to have a right of intervention where certain RECs, like ECOWAS, have already taken initiatives to respond to the most diverse crises including the genocide. On the whole, this is a significant step forward in the system thus put in place. However, it is difficult to see a typical African model of peacekeeping operations, as it is true that the two segments, operational organization and deployment, reveal a heteronormativity and a multi-institutional deployment. This is probably due to the fragility of certain state actors, which hampers any effort to build a strong Community security system, which in addition requires measures to (re) build the state, supported by international institutions, Starting with the first - the United Nations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lais Vanessa Carvalho de Figueiredo Lopes.pdf: 1966233 bytes, checksum: 958c9c2bede29645d905f7386fccaa26 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-19 / This study aims at analyzing the new world-view on persons with disabilities and the right to accessibility, established in the legal mark represented by the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol, passed on December 13, 2006, by means of the Resolution 61/106, during the 61st session in the United Nations General Assembly (UN) as part of a set of international human rights treaties adopted since 1948. To that effect, it will develop its legal rationale aiming at answering the following questions: 1. History: What are the historical context and the main views on disability that have prevailed in the course of humankind s history in the construction of the human rights of persons with disabilities from a legal standpoint, in the international sphere? 2. Procedures: How has the procedure of preparation of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol developed in UN? And the one for the ratification with constitutional equivalence in Brazil of the first treaty of human rights in the 21st century after Constitutional Amendment nº 45/04? What are the mechanisms of domestic and international monitoring of the implementation of the legal tools in caption? 3. Rights: Who are the persons with disabilities benefiting from the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol? What are the main rights and principles contained in the UN documents? 4. Accessibility: What is accessibility and what is its legal nature? How can one ensure the enforcement of accessibility amidst the other human rights? / Esta dissertação analisa a nova visão mundial sobre as pessoas com deficiência e a acessibilidade, positivada no marco legal da Convenção sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência e seu Protocolo Facultativo, adotados em 13 de dezembro de 2006, por meio da Resolução 61/106, durante a 61a sessão da Assembleia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) - parte do conjunto de tratados internacionais de direitos humanos existentes desde 1948. Desenvolve raciocínio jurídico objetivando responder às seguintes questões: 1. História: Qual o contexto histórico e as principais visões de deficiência que predominaram ao longo da história da humanidade na construção dos direitos humanos das pessoas com deficiência, do ponto de vista legal, no âmbito internacional? 2. Processos: Como se deu o processo de elaboração, na ONU, da Convenção sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência e seu Protocolo Facultativo? E o de ratificação com equivalência constitucional, no Brasil, do primeiro tratado de direitos humanos do século XXI, após a Emenda Constitucional n.° 45/04? Quais são os mecanismos de monitoramento nacional e internacional dos instrumentos jurídicos em questão? 3. Direitos: Quem são as pessoas com deficiência beneficiárias da Convenção sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência e seu Protocolo Facultativo? Quais os principais direitos e princípios contidos nos documentos da ONU? 4. Acessibilidade: O que é acessibilidade e qual a sua natureza jurídica? Como garantir a aplicação da acessibilidade em meio aos demais direitos humanos?

Submitted by SBI Biblioteca Digital (sbi.bibliotecadigital@puc-campinas.edu.br) on 2018-04-16T12:30:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 BEATRIZ DUARTE CORREA DE BRITO.pdf: 1677429 bytes, checksum: b6ec63c0c513a08b58b8f1f9a813c915 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-16T12:30:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 BEATRIZ DUARTE CORREA DE BRITO.pdf: 1677429 bytes, checksum: b6ec63c0c513a08b58b8f1f9a813c915 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-26 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / With the advent of the New Urban Agenda, the United Nations (UN) began to treat housing not only as the physical space that shelters a family, but as the physical space inserted in a larger context: the context of the city, thus, the right to the city. This City should be inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable, in accordance with SDG11. In this way, this work proposes to analyze the evolution of the right to housing, from the right to human settlements to the right to the city, through the analysis of the three UN-Habitat Conferences, which deal with the subject, and the deployment of these Conferences in Brazilian legislation, with a special focus on the My House My Life Program, the main Brazilian housing policy, which was the basis of a comparison between the Brazilian reality and the international legal order on housing. / Com o advento da Nova Agenda Urbana, a Organiza??o das Na??es Unidas (ONU) passou a tratar a moradia n?o somente como o espa?o f?sico que abriga uma fam?lia, mas como o espa?o f?sico inserido em um contexto maior: o contexto da cidade, consolidando, assim, o direito ? cidade. Cidade essa que deve ser includente, segura, resiliente e sustent?vel, nos termos do ODS11. Dessa forma, esse trabalho se prop?s a analisar a evolu??o do direito ? moradia, desde o direito a assentamentos humanos at? o direito ? cidade, por meio da an?lise das tr?s Confer?ncias da ONU-Habitat, que tratam sobre o tema, e os desdobramentos dessas Confer?ncias na legisla??o brasileira, com especial enfoque para o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida, principal pol?tica habitacional brasileira, que foi base de uma compara??o entre a realidade brasileira e o ordenamento jur?dico internacional sobre moradia.

Submitted by Rosana Moreira (rosanapsm@outlook.com) on 2018-08-20T18:08:16Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_ProtecaoEducacaoDireito.pdf: 1221483 bytes, checksum: bf1b688d5713ef1ad53dbf4be84fc230 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Edisangela Bastos (edisangela@ufpa.br) on 2018-08-27T17:18:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_ProtecaoEducacaoDireito.pdf: 1221483 bytes, checksum: bf1b688d5713ef1ad53dbf4be84fc230 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T17:18:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_ProtecaoEducacaoDireito.pdf: 1221483 bytes, checksum: bf1b688d5713ef1ad53dbf4be84fc230 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-26 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho discute a possibilidade de conciliação de vouchers educacionais – modelo de prestação de serviços educacionais criado pelo economista Milton Friedman – com os standards para o direito à educação, a partir dos relatórios especiais para o direito à educação, realizados pelo ex-relator Kinshore Sing. Para analisar esta possibilidade, é explorada a origem da Organização das Nações Unidas e sua relação com a promoção do acesso à educação. Em seguida, são abordadas as vertentes do pensamento liberal, e o diálogo entre os críticos do liberalismo filosófico; há também a abordagem da Teoria da Escolha Pública, da Nova Gestão Pública e seus críticos. O trabalho também utiliza a abordagem empírica, a partir da revisão da literatura existente, a fim de elucidar os pontos positivos e negativos da utilização de vouchers educacionais, para então poder responder à pergunta de pesquisa proposta. / The present work discusses the possibility of reconciling educational vouchers – a model of educational services provided by the economist Milton Friedman - with the standards for the right to education, based on the special reports on the right to education, made by former rapporteur Kinshore Sing. To analyze this possibility, it is first approached the origin of the United Nations and its relationship with the promotion of the access to education. Next, the strands of liberal thought are discussed, followed by the dialogue between the critics of philosophical liberalism; there is also the approach of Public Choice Theory, New Public Management and its critics. The work also uses the empirical approach, based on a review of the existing literature, in order to elucidate the positives and negatives effects on the use of educational vouchers, in order to be able to answer the proposed research question.

Submitted by Fabricia Fialho Reginato (fabriciar) on 2015-07-07T23:18:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MiriamFrosi.pdf: 727229 bytes, checksum: 5cbd9d89b48c8cb1dc375ce18100b6d7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-07T23:18:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MiriamFrosi.pdf: 727229 bytes, checksum: 5cbd9d89b48c8cb1dc375ce18100b6d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-26 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo tem como objetivo avaliar o alinhamento dos currículos dos cursos de Ciências Contábeis ofertados em IES da Região Sul do Brasil à proposta de currículo mundial da ONU/UNCTAD/ISAR e à proposta de currículo do Conselho Federal de Contabilidade (CFC). A pesquisa é classificada como aplicada, qualitativa e quantitativa, descritiva e documental. A amostra é formada por 165 Instituições da Região Sul que oferecem cursos de Ciências Contábeis na modalidade presencial e que disponibilizaram seus currículos nas respectivas páginas eletrônicas. Os resultados indicam que há alinhamento entre os currículos das IES dos estados da Região Sul do Brasil ao currículo proposto pela ONU/UNCTAD/ISAR e ao currículo proposto pelo CFC. Os testes estatísticos comprovam que não há diferenças significativas entre as médias de alinhamento dos currículos das IES dos estados da Região Sul do Brasil em relação à proposta de currículo da ONU/UNCTAD/ISAR. Em relação à proposta de currículo do CFC, os testes indicam que as médias entre os cursos das IES dos estados do RS e PR tendem a ser iguais, enquanto as médias de RS e SC e SC e PR tendem a ser diferentes. Ao se comparar o comportamento do alinhamento nas IES com os conceitos dos cursos no ENADE, os resultados da análise revelam diferenças estatisticamente significativas entre os percentuais de alinhamento dos currículos à proposta da ONU/UNCTAD/ISAR dos cursos com conceitos 4 e 5 no ENADE, se comparados aos sem conceito, e pequena possibilidade de igualdade entre o alinhamento dos currículos dos cursos 4 e 5 comparados com os de conceitos 2 e 3. Em relação à proposta do CFC, os resultados da análise também revelam diferenças estatisticamente significativas entre os percentuais de alinhamento dos currículos dos cursos com conceitos 4 e 5 no ENADE, se comparados aos sem conceito e com conceito 2, e possibilidade de igualdade entre o alinhamento dos currículos dos cursos 4 e 5 comparados com os de conceito 3. / This study aims to evaluate the alignment of the Accountancy curricula offered by IES in Southern Brazil to the UN / UNCTAD / ISAR proposed global curriculum and the Federal Accounting Council (CFC) proposed curriculum. The research is classified as applied, qualitative and quantitative, descriptive and documentary. The sample is formed by 165 institutions from the Southern that offer courses in Accounting in the classroom and who provided their resumes on their homepages. The results indicate that there is alignment between the curricula of the 165 IES from the Southern States of Brazil to the curriculum proposed by the UN / UNCTAD / ISAR and the one proposed by the CFC. Statistical tests show that there are not significant differences between the mean alignment of IES curricula of the Southern States of Brazil in relation to the UN / UNCTAD / ISAR proposed curriculum. Regarding the proposed CFC curriculum, the tests indicate that the averages between courses of IES from the States of RS and PR tend to be the same as the means of the RS and SC and SC and PR tend to be different. When comparing the behavior of the alignment in IES with the concepts of the courses in ENADE (National Test of Student Performance), the analysis results show statistically significant differences between the percentage of the alignment to the curriculum proposed by the UN / UNCTAD / ISAR of the courses with concepts 4 and 5 in ENADE, compared to those without concept, and little possibility of equality between the alignment of course curricula 4 and 5 compared with the ones with concepts 2 and 3. Regarding the CFC proposal, analysis results also reveal statistically significant differences between the percentages of the alignment of course curricula with concepts 4 and 5 in ENADE, compared to the ones with no concept and the ones with concept 2, and the possibility of equality between the alignment of course curricula 4 and 5 compared with the ones with concept 3.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / O presente trabalho destina-se a analisar as relações diplomáticas entre o Brasil e Portugal sobre a questão da independência da África lusófona. Até 1961, verifica-se a manutenção de uma relação privilegiada com a pátria lusitana, traduzida no incondicional apoio brasileiro prestado aos assuntos do interesse de Portugal que se colocavam nos foros internacionais, como por exemplo, a questão da descolonização africana, no âmbito da ONU.A Política Externa Independente, projeto formulado em 1961 pelo então Presidente Jânio Quadros e seu Chanceler, Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco, visava a renovação da ação externa do país. O anticolonialismo e a defesa da autodeterminação dos povos faziam parte das formulações da PEI, que, entretanto, acabou encontrando grandes dificuldades para manter a coerência no posicionamento brasileiro na ONU, diante do processo de descolonização dos territórios portugueses na África. Portugal manteve, durante todo o período analisado (1958-1964), uma forte estratégia de defesa da manutenção de seus territórios ultramarinos. O Brasil, por sua vez, encontrou, principalmente no nível interno, os maiores obstáculos para manter uma conduta assertiva na matéria colonial. A leitura das fontes primárias, bem como dos livros escritos pelos Chanceleres da PEI, constituiu importante metodologia para a comprovação de que houve contradições e abstenções por parte do Brasil, sobre a questão colonial portuguesa, entre 1961-1964, na ONU. E que a falta de unidade de posicionamento externada nas Assembléias refletia principalmente os embates internos, que provocaram as grandes oscilações demonstradas pela nossa Delegação nas mais importantes votações sobre a questão. / This paper aims to analyse the diplomatic relations between Brazil and Portugal on the question of independence of Lusophone Africa. Until 1961, there is the maintenance of a privileged relashionship with the Lusitanian nation, reflected in the unconditional support given to Brazil subjects of interest to Portugal, which were placed in international fora, such as the issue of decolonization in Africa, at the United Nations.The Independent Foreign Policy, a project formulated in 1961 by then President Jânio Quadros and his Chacellor, Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco, aimed at renewing the countrys external action. The defense of anti-colonialism and self-determination were part of the formulations of IFP, which, however, eventually found great difficulty in maintaining consistency in the Brazilian position in the UN, before the process of decolonization of the Portuguese territories in Africa. Portugal maintained, during the role period (1958-1964), a strong defense strategy of maintaining its overseas territories. Brazil, in turn, found mainly at the domestic level, the greatest obstacles to maintaining an assertive attitude in colonial matters. The reading of primary sources, as well as books written by the Foreign Ministers of the Independent Foreign Policy, was an important methodology for proving that there were contradictions and abstentions by Brazil, on the Portuguese colonial question, between 1961-1964, in the United Nations. And that lack of unit in the outer position Assemblies reflects mainly the internal struggles that have caused large oscillations demonstrated by our Delegation in the most important votes on the issue.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vanessa Gabrielle_ Woicolesco.pdf: 3067314 bytes, checksum: 2e86203c9607d71a4342f064f0a02a49 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-28 / In this work, a study was conducted on the recommendations of the United Nations (UN), to identify the possible convergences and/or divergences from the principles advocated by the Statute of the Child and Adolescents (ECA). The methodological approach was qualitative and, therefore, study the following official documents: the American Convention on Human Rights (1969); United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Justice for Children and Youth Beijing (1985); Convention on the Rights of Child (1989); United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of Liberty (1990); United Nations Principles for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency Riyadh Guidelines (1990); Federal Constitution of Brazil (1988); Statute of Children and Adolescents (1990); and Social and Educational National Service System (2006). The first chapter aims to understand the context in which international documents issued by the United Nations (UN) that deal with the rights of children and adolescents from the 1990s, particularly those intended for the service were produced adolescent in conflict with the law. The second chapter dealt with the recommendations of the United Nations (UN) and its convergence with respect to the principles advocated by the Child and Adolescent (ECA). As is clear from the investigations, we found that the Principle of Humanity, the Principle of Legality, the Principle of Jurisdiction, the Adversarial Principle, the Principle of Impeachment, the Principle of Advertising Process and the Principle Absolute Priority are expressed in international recommendations and national legislation, particularly with regard to the principles advocated by the ECA, and constitute themselves as concerns the UN with regard to protecting the rights of children and adolescents, especially those who commit infractions. / Neste trabalho realizou-se um estudo sobre as recomendações da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), visando identificar as possíveis convergências e/ou divergências em relação aos princípios preconizados pelo Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA). O percurso metodológico foi de caráter qualitativo e, para tanto, estudaram-se os seguintes documentos oficiais: Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos (1969); Regras Mínimas das Nações Unidas para a Administração da Justiça da Infância e da Juventude Beijing (1985); Convenção sobre os Direitos da Criança (1989); Regras das Nações Unidas para a Proteção dos Menores Privados de Liberdade (1990); Princípios das Nações Unidas para a Prevenção da Delinquência Juvenil Diretrizes de Riad (1990); Constituição Federal do Brasil (1988); Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (1990); e o Sistema Nacional de Atendimento Socioeducativo (2006). O primeiro capítulo teve como objetivo compreender o contexto em que foram produzidos os documentos internacionais emanados pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), que tratam do direito da criança e do adolescente a partir da década de 1990, com destaque àqueles que se destinam ao atendimento ao adolescente em conflito com a lei. O segundo capítulo tratou das recomendações da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) e sua convergência, em relação aos princípios preconizados pelo Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA). Como resultado das investigações, constatamos que o Princípio de Humanidade, o Princípio de Legalidade, o Princípio de Jurisdicionalidade, o Princípio do Contraditório, o Princípio da Impugnação, o Princípio do Segredo de Justiça e o Princípio da Prioridade Absoluta estão expressos nas recomendações internacionais e na legislação nacional, particularmente no que diz respeito aos princípios preconizados pelo ECA, e constituem-se preocupações da ONU no que se refere à proteção dos direitos de crianças e adolescentes, com destaque àqueles que cometem atos infracionais

La présente thèse étudie le lien entre la capacité à construire un monde de paix et la place accordée aux femmes dans la société. Elle étudie plus particulièrement les instances dont la charge principale de sauvegarder la paix leur a été confiée par la Communauté Internationale - les Nations Unies et le Comité International de la Croix-Rouge et du Croissant-Rouge - que ce soit au sein de leurs systèmes propres, qu’au sein des programmes et missions conduits par ces dernières à travers le monde. Cette thèse cherche à montrer en quoi la paix est un concept qui ne se caractérise pas uniquement par l’absence de conflit et de destruction entre des nations et des peuples, mais aussi par la construction et le développement de sociétés modernes, libérées, justes, ainsi plus sûres. Et en quoi les inégalités qui touchent les femmes dans l’ensemble des sociétés, le non-respect de leurs droits, ainsi que leur marginalisation dans les milieux de pouvoir, politique et militaire, sont en contrepartie de réels facteurs d’instabilité, d’insécurité et un risque pour la paix mondiale. / This thesis studies the link between peacebuilding throughout the world and women’s position in society. It studies more particularly the main institutions which were entrusted the responsibility of protecting peace by the International Community – the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red-Cross and the Red-Crescent – within their own system and within programs and missions worldwide. This thesis tries to demonstrate that peace is a concept which is not only characterized by the absence of conflict and destruction between nations and people, but also by the development of modern, freed, right, equal, then safer, societies. And in what, as the disparities between women and men and the disregard of women’s rights, as their marginalization in the political and military circles of powers, threaten world stability and security, and constitute a risk for international peace.