Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Sergio Spagnuolo Filho.pdf: 4896435 bytes, checksum: 7e8d6393a16ea5b4734ed43395a830a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-05 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / With the election of Mr. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva as president in 2002, Brazil began to pursue a more proactive international policy. In this context, Brazil has asserted itself on various issues at the United Nations Human Rights Council, an organ that is increasingly important to the global human rights debate. Brazil has also shown its willingness to act as a mediator at the council. The objective of this study is to review Brazilian diplomacy at the body, analyze the country's positions there, and compare them to Brazil's overall foreign policy strategy. In doing so, the study will evaluate the coherence between Brazil's rhetoric and practice in the human rights arena / A partir da eleição de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva como presidente da República, em 2002, o Brasil tem adotado uma postura internacional mais ativa. Neste cenário, o país tem promovido a temática dos direitos humanos, e, inclusive, se mostrado assertivo em suas posições Conselho de Direitos Humanos da Organização das Nações Unidas, embora também demonstrado abordagens mediadoras e conciliadoras. Cabe a esta pesquisa fazer um balanço da atuação do Brasil neste órgão, cada vez mais necessário para o debate global de direitos, através das posições adotadas pelo país e da confluência com suas estratégias de política externa, a fim de traçar um perfil entre discurso e prática na área de direitos humanos nas relações internacionais brasileiras

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Auxiliadora de Almeida Cunha Arantes.pdf: 1554087 bytes, checksum: 2cbbb11a5ab676f9b17bec5352b8875e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-24 / This work aims at the theoretical approach of torture as a practice that runs through and remains in the history of humans. The sustainment of torture through the ages, despite the continuous process of cultural development, presupposes the existence of an intrinsic obstacle to the humans that prevents its exclusion from the realm of civilization. The search of the obstacle to the ultimate eradication of torture is the main objective of this work. Being essentially a human practice, the theoretical framework consists of the Freudian texts referring to culture and texts of contemporary thinkers who wrote about the cruelty and destructiveness as intrinsic to the relations between men. The approach to torture has been possible from testimonies and narratives of events where this was an extreme practice. The work focuses on the testimony of former political prisoners tortured during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil and adds information about the state of exception that prevailed during this period. The reference to history is adressed through events at different times, which makes evident that the practice is age-old, despite the civilizational efforts to prohibit it. In the closing remarks, are expressed the main conclusions: torture is an act that only humans do and practice throughout history; the torturer who exercises it is fully aware of what is and therefore is responsible for his crime of extreme cruelty; and finally, the finding that the psychic inscription of torture cannot be erased, for nothing that once formed can perish / Este trabalho tem como objetivo a abordagem teórica da tortura como uma prática que percorre a história dos humanos, e que se mantém. A sustentação da tortura ao longo dos tempos, apesar do processo contínuo de desenvolvimento da cultura, faz supor que há um empecilho intrínseco aos humanos que impede sua exclusão do campo da civilização. A busca deste entrave à erradicação definitiva da tortura é o principal objetivo deste trabalho. Sendo uma prática essencialmente humana, o referencial teórico é constituído pelos textos freudianos que se referem à cultura e textos de pensadores contemporâneos que escreveram sobre a crueldade e a destrutividade como intrínsecos às relações entre os homens. A aproximação com a tortura foi possível a partir de testemunhos e de narrativas de acontecimentos onde esta foi uma prática extrema. Privilegio os testemunhos de ex-presos políticos que foram torturados durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil e acrescento informações sobre o estado de exceção que vigorou nesse período. A referência à história é abordada através de acontecimentos em diferentes períodos, o que torna evidente que a prática é milenar, apesar dos esforços civilizatórios que a proíbem. Nas considerações finais, estão expressas as principais conclusões: a tortura é um ato que só os humanos praticam e o fazem ao longo da história; o torturador que a exerce é plenamente consciente do que faz e por isso é responsável pelo seu crime de extrema crueldade; e, finalmente, a constatação de que a inscrição psíquica da tortura não se apaga, pois nada do que uma vez se formou pode perecer

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Sergio Spagnuolo Filho.pdf: 4896435 bytes, checksum: 7e8d6393a16ea5b4734ed43395a830a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-05 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / With the election of Mr. Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva as president in 2002, Brazil began to pursue a more proactive international policy. In this context, Brazil has asserted itself on various issues at the United Nations Human Rights Council, an organ that is increasingly important to the global human rights debate. Brazil has also shown its willingness to act as a mediator at the council. The objective of this study is to review Brazilian diplomacy at the body, analyze the country's positions there, and compare them to Brazil's overall foreign policy strategy. In doing so, the study will evaluate the coherence between Brazil's rhetoric and practice in the human rights arena / A partir da eleição de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva como presidente da República, em 2002, o Brasil tem adotado uma postura internacional mais ativa. Neste cenário, o país tem promovido a temática dos direitos humanos, e, inclusive, se mostrado assertivo em suas posições Conselho de Direitos Humanos da Organização das Nações Unidas, embora também demonstrado abordagens mediadoras e conciliadoras. Cabe a esta pesquisa fazer um balanço da atuação do Brasil neste órgão, cada vez mais necessário para o debate global de direitos, através das posições adotadas pelo país e da confluência com suas estratégias de política externa, a fim de traçar um perfil entre discurso e prática na área de direitos humanos nas relações internacionais brasileiras

« Si les Vallées d’Andorre jouissent de certains privilèges et franchises et ont une organisation judiciaire distincte de celle de la France, elles ne constituent ni un État, ni une personne de droit international ». La lecture de cet arrêt rendu par la Cour de Cassation le 6 janvier 1971 laisse entrevoir les nombreuses difficultés rencontrées par les micro-États dans l’affirmation de leur souveraineté. L’Europe est le théâtre à la fin du XIXe d’une véritable refonte des États. Nombreux furent les vestiges de l’époque féodale qui disparurent absorbés dans de grands ensembles à caractère étatique à l’origine des grand États européens. L'État en droit international est une personne souveraine, c’est ce qui le singularise par rapport aux autres sujets de droit international. Il bénéficie d’une souveraineté interne qui fait de lui l’autorité suprême sur son territoire et d’une souveraineté internationale qui ne le subordonne à aucune autre autorité. Cette souveraineté lui confère une personnalité juridique et une capacité juridique qui lui permettent d’être reconnu comme un sujet de droit, distinct des habitants qui le composent. De facto, un micro-État dispose des mêmes caractéristiques qu’un État mais s’identifie comme tel par l’exiguïté de son territoire et la faiblesse de sa population. Nombreux furent les auteurs qui s’essayèrent dans l’élaboration d’une définition précise et qui échouèrent tant les critères démographiques et de superficies peuvent s’apprécier différemment. Pour cette présente étude seront pris comme critères, les États européens de moins de 500 km2 avec une population de moins de 100.000 habitants. La question qui se pose dès lors, laquelle n'a jamais fait l'objet d'une thèse de doctorat sur ce sujet, est celle de savoir : dans quelle mesure les micro-États européens sont ils arrivés à résister à une évolution historique européenne qui a amené de grosses entités étatiques à disparaître ? / « If the Valleys of Andorre enjoy certain privileges, franchises and a judicial system different from that of France, they are neither a state nor a person of international law ». The reading of this decision by Cour de Cassation, January 6th, 1971, shows the many challenges faced by micro-states in claiming their sovereignty and their legal status. Europe is considered to be the oldest continent in the world because of its history. Designed over the centuries, after wars and monarchical alliances, it gathers many people who have both a common heritage and many cultural differences. Fragmented during many centuries into various estates and other entities with official status. At the end of the nineteenth century, Europe was modified. The estates of feudal period disappered and gave birth to large groups which became the states today. The State in international law has a sovereign status, that makes it different from the other public international entities. Moreover, the states has an internal sovereignty that makes it be the autority over its territory and an international soverignty that subordinates any authority from other states. The sovereignty confers legal personality that allows it to be recognized as a matter of right in itself, separate from the people who compose it and benefiting from international legal capacity and heritage. The micro-state has the same characteristics as a state but it has a small territory and low population. There were many writers who tried to give a precise definition of micro-states but they failed because of the different number of the populations and the different areas. For this research work, we will take into account the European states which have less than 500 km2 with a population under 100.000. The question which has never been the matter of doctoral thesis is that : « micro-states, micro-sovereign states ? Are constitutional and institutional garantees developed on national and international stages by micro-states sufficient to ensure their sovereignty, independence and integrity ? How do the european micro-states resist to the european historical developement which led the large states entities to disappear ? » If the protection of large states was necessary for their construction, micro-states had to defend their full sovereignty. In order to assert their existence in a world of globalization, they are guaranteed a sovereignty reinforced by the constitutionalism which is not recognized by the other states. But this was compensated by international agreements and international organisations.

Submitted by Rosina Valeria Lanzellotti Mattiussi Teixeira (rosina.teixeira@unisantos.br) on 2017-09-04T19:37:25Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Simone Alves Cardoso.pdf: 1747340 bytes, checksum: efdb65a73f4721f6cf82d5a2b1dea9cf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-04T19:37:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Simone Alves Cardoso.pdf: 1747340 bytes, checksum: efdb65a73f4721f6cf82d5a2b1dea9cf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-18 / Given the multiplicity of interaction between environment, development and security, it is necessary to build solutions that can act in front of this complex, dynamic and flexible scenario. This research examines whether international environmental mediation, encouraged by the UN Mediation Support Unit at conflicts involving natural resources, can be considered an effective and adequate international environmental governance tool for sustainable and inclusive peace consolidation. This concern is justified, because sustainable development and environmental peace are interdependent and constitute today one of the greatest challenges of humanity. For a better understanding of this scenario, International Environmental Law was highlighted, indicating its characteristics and relation with international environmental governance. Governance, as a reflection of global society, broadens participation in decision-making processes, as it promotes action among states, civil society, governmental and non-governmental organizations, which is a striking feature of environmental pacification. The theoretical study of conflict and the identification of mediation models and mediators' actions are fundamental to understanding how mediation will contribute to the construction of sustainable peace. In this context, the analysis of the Mediation Unit has proved to be an example of networking among several mediators, such as UN, universities, non-governmental organizations, among others, in the construction of consensual solutions through mediation. All the actors involved in this network contributed to the formation and consolidation of the fundamental guidelines for the development of mediation around natural resources. This interaction led to the formation of an epistemic community of scholars between the interaction of peace and conflict, as well as a community of practice that integrates the UN into a network of mediators. In this regard, the UN, through the Mediation Support Unit, has been positioned as the manager of this knowledge network, concentrated in its database information, which is generated by several researchers, who strive to provide a theoretical basis for the pacification strategies, along with the experts in mediation field, who have the practical basis. Mediation promotes consensual peace, which is based on the construction of agreements that put an end to violence and hostilities. In addition, it establishes a new relationship founded on harmonic interaction aimed at achieving mutual goals, in order to reach a fair distribution of benefits and also of a reciprocal identity. With more peace-keeping efforts based on theory validated by research and translated into practical procedures, more effective and longer lasting peace will tend to be. / Dada a multiplicidade de interação entre meio ambiente, desenvolvimento e segurança, surge a necessidade de construir soluções que possam atuar diante desse cenário complexo, dinâmico e flexível. A pesquisa analisa se a mediação ambiental internacional, incentivada pela Unidade de Suporte à Mediação da ONU, em conflitos que envolvem recursos naturais, pode ser considerada uma ferramenta de governança ambiental internacional eficaz e adequada para consolidação da paz sustentável e inclusiva. Essa preocupação se justifica, pois o desenvolvimento sustentável e a paz ambiental são interdependentes e constituem hoje um dos maiores desafios da humanidade. Para melhor compreensão desenhou-se o cenário que deu origem ao Direito Ambiental Internacional, ressaltando suas características e relação com a governança ambiental internacional. A governança, reflexo da sociedade global, amplia a participação nos processos decisórios, pois promove uma ação concertada entre Estados, sociedade civil, organizações governamentais e não governamentais que é traço marcante na pacificação ambiental. O estudo teórico do conflito e a identificação dos modelos de mediação e formas de atuação dos mediadores é fundamental para se compreender como a mediação contribuirá para a construção da paz sustentável. A análise da Unidade de Mediação revelou-se um exemplo de articulação em rede de diversos mediadores, como ONU, universidades, organizações não governamentais, dentre outros, na construção de soluções consensuais por meio da mediação. Todos os atores envolvidos nessa rede contribuíram com a formação e consolidação das diretrizes fundamentais para o desenvolvimento da mediação em torno dos recursos naturais. Essa interação levou à formação de uma comunidade epistêmica de estudiosos da paz e do conflito e de uma comunidade de prática, que integra a ONU numa rede de mediadores não governamentais. Nesse aspecto a ONU, por meio da Unidade de Apoio à Mediação, tem se colocado como gestora dessa rede de conhecimento. Ela concentra em sua base de dados informações que são geradas por diversos pesquisadores, que se empenham em fornecer uma base teórica para as estratégias de pacificação, juntamente com os experts em mediação de campo, que têm a base prática. A mediação promove a paz consensual, que tem por fundamento a construção de acordos que põem fim à violência e às hostilidades. Além disso, estabelece uma nova relação fundada na interação harmônica voltada para o alcance de objetivos mútuos, de sorte a alcançar uma justa distribuição de benefícios e também de uma identidade recíproca. Quanto mais os esforços para manutenção da paz estiverem baseados na teoria validada pela pesquisa e traduzidos em procedimentos práticos, mais eficaz e mais duradoura a paz tenderá a ser.

Cette thèse analyse l’élaboration de la politique étrangère de Dominique de Villepin - telle que voulue par le Président Chirac - en se basant tout d’abord sur l’étude de la personnalité du ministre : Comment y a-t-il eu alors interaction entre son vécu, ses propres aspirations et la situation internationale à laquelle il a été confronté ? Chef de la diplomatie française de mai 2002 à mars 2004, il est arrivé au pouvoir à une période charnière. En effet, les attentats du 11 septembre ont eu pour conséquence la mise en place par l’Administration Bush d’un processus qui devait conduire à la guerre en Irak, mais aussi à une grave crise des principes internationaux. Pendant la crise irakienne, le ministre a essayé de défendre le droit contre la force, la négociation contre un certain arbitraire, le dialogue entre les cultures contre le choc des civilisations. Parallèlement, la crise en Côte d’Ivoire a été l’un autre enjeu de la politique de D. de Villepin, qui a notamment promu le rôle des organisations régionales. Les enjeux internationaux n’ont pas été les seuls champs d’action du ministre : de la Convention pour l’avenir de l’Europe à l’échec en France du référendum constitutionnel, de l’intégration dans l’Union des anciens pays de l’Est à la question des limites de l’Europe, la construction européenne a également été l’un des grands enjeux de son passage sur la scène politique française. À ce sujet d’ailleurs, nous analyserons la réception de sa politique, en élargissant notre propos à l’Amérique et à certains États de l’Union européenne. Enfin, nous essayerons de voir quelle peut être la pérennité de sa théorie des relations internationales, qu’il a longuement développée tant sur le fond – en voulant développer de nouveaux instruments de négociation – que sur la forme, avec toute l’importance qu’il a pu accorder au verbe. / This research analyses the making of Dominique de Villepin’s foreign policy - as decided by President Chirac – by studying in a first time the Minister personnality : so, how could an interaction be between his real-life, his own longings and the international context he had to face up? Head of French diplomacy from May, 2002 to March, 2004, he came into office in a transition period. Indeed, a consequence of 9-11 attacks was the process set up by the Bush administration, which would lead to war in Iraq, but to a serious crisis of international principles too. During Iraqi crisis, the Minister tried to defend law against strength, negotiation against some arbitrariness, dialogue between civilizations against clash of civilizations. At the same time, the Ivorian crisis has been one of the other stakes in D. de Villepin’s policy, who particularly promoted the role of regional organizations. International challenges were not the minister’s only sphere of activity : From the Convention for the Future of Europe to the constitutional referendum failure in France, from the former Eastern countries integration in EU to the limits of Europe matter, European construction was one of great stakes of his come by the French political stage. On that subject, we will analyze his policy reception, widening our remarks to America and to some countries of the European Union. At least, we would try to see what could be his theory of international relationship, which was developed both on the content – by developing new negotiation tools – and on the form, with all the importance devoted to word.

Les évents de sécurité protègent de l'explosion les réacteurs chimiques sièges d'un emballement thermique de réaction. Pour les systèmes non tempérés (c'est à dire produisant majoritairement des gaz incondensables), les méthodes de dimensionnement des évents issues des travaux du DIERS sont très surdimensionnantes. Une méthode basée sur le principe de similitude, développée dans le cadre de l'ONU pour la famille des peroxydes, fournit des aires d'évent plus réalistes mais elle est très contraignante. Le présent travail a permis la réalisation d'un nouvel outil de dimensionnement en similitude pour scénario d'incendie : la maquette à 0,1 litre. Il s'agit d'une extension du calorimètre adiabatique VSP2. Cette maquette permet, à l'échelle du laboratoire, la réalisation de blowdowns et la détermination directe du rapport A/V de l'évent nécessaire, mais également le suivi en temps réel de la masse réactionnelle évacuée. <br />Nous avons validé l'utilisation de cette maquette à 0,1 litre (1 x 10-3 m-1 < A/V < 3,5 x 10-3 m-1) en comparant avec des blowdowns analogues effectués à l'INERIS dans le réacteur ONU 10 litres. Ces blowdowns ont été réalisés avec une solution d'hydroperoxyde de cumène (30% en masse) dans 2,2,4-triméthyl-1,3-pentanediol diiso-butyrate. Ces essais ont montré que la maquette à 0,1 litre conduit à des évents légèrement plus grands (0 à 50 %) que le réacteur ONU 10 litres. Elle se situe donc du côté de la sécurité, tout en étant beaucoup moins surdimensionnante que la méthode DIERS, et utilisable à l'échelle du laboratoire. La principale limite est due à des fuites thermiques dont il faut vérifier pour chaque système étudié que l'influence est négligeable. <br />Du point de vue compréhension, nos expériences montrent que, même si la décomposition de notre système ressemble à celle d'un système non tempéré (2 pics de pression), elle génère des vapeurs (produits de la décomposition) qui ont une forte influence sur le 2ème pic : ces vapeurs provoquent un ralentissement de la réaction et l'atténuation des températures maximales atteintes. On constate même une corrélation Pmax = f(Tmax). Ce comportement pourrait concerner la plupart (toutes ?) des décompositions. <br />Les mesures de masse évacuée ont permis de distinguer trois types de comportements qui illustrent l'influence de la pression dans le réacteur sur le « level swell ». La confrontation avec un modèle dynamique purement « gassy » a montré que l'évacuation de masse réactionnelle peut se traduire par une évacuation purement diphasique ou par une alternance gaz/ diphasique, que pour les hautes pressions l'évacuation est purement gazeuse au turnaround et que l'évacuation diphasique lors de la dépressurisation du second pic doit être imputée en grande partie à la présence de vapeur (ébullition). <br />Enfin, nous avons identifié et quantifié la contribution des différentes hypothèses au caractère surdimensionnant de la méthode DIERS appliquée à notre système hybride non tempéré. Parmi les hypothèses surdimensionnantes identifiées, celle qui suppose que le « turnaround » est gouverné par une égalité de débit volumique est de loin celle qui est la cause principale de surdimensionnement.

L'Afrique est, depuis quelques décennies, " la zone stratégique la plus déstabilisée de la planète ". La question des conflits armés constitue un véritable " casse-tête africain " aussi bien pour les acteurs locaux qu'internationaux qui s'y intéressent en ce que son caractère interne contraste avec les conséquences transnationales qui en résultent.Comment sortir de cette insécurité chronique et de la guerre civile qui guette en permanence derrière le rideau et parvenir à une stabilité et un développement durables afin de limiter au mieux les nombreuses violations des droits de l'homme occasionnées à cet effet?Des approches de solution n'ont pas manqué, allant de la solution militaire, peu respectueuse des vies humaines, à la solution négociée qui appelle au génie créatif de l'homme et de son intelligence, soucieuse de préserver le genre humain en " imaginant " ou en " inventant " des compromis inscrits dans des accords, essentiellement, politiques. C'est donc, à juste titre, que l'objet de notre étude porte sur cette question africaine traduite par un intitulé très actuel : " Les accords politiques dans la résolution des conflits armés internes en Afrique ". L'analyse envisagée dans la présente étude expose la conclusion des accords politiques en insistant distinctement sur l'environnement politique de leur formation ainsi que le cadre juridique qui les caractérise, d'une part. D'autre part, il paraît indiqué d'examiner l'application de ces accords en décortiquant la feuille de route dans laquelle ils évoluent en vue d'en dresser un bilan scientifiquement objectif afin de mesurer l'effectivité de leur mise en œuvre et leur efficacité en matière de protection des droits de l'homme.

Ce mémoire questionne l'influence internationale du Canada lors du Golden Age en fournissant une étude de cas de sa politique étrangère focalisée sur ses relations avec la France. Les institutions multilatérales constituaient la pierre angulaire de la politique extérieure canadienne; elles devaient lui conférer des contrepoids politiques et économiques pour s'autonomiser des États-Unis. Pour la France, ces institutions étaient souvent perçues comme une contrainte et elle cherchait à les affaiblir ou les réformer. Parallèlement, elle tentait de préserver son empire colonial et exigeait un appui occidental unanime. Elle fut l'allié occidental qui attaquait le plus systématiquement le projet canadien d'une politique étrangère reposant sur l'équilibre entre un engagement à l'OTAN et une politique ouvertement anticoloniale devant courtiser les pays non alignés du Commonwealth. Cette étude s'intéresse aux stratégies d'action d'une «puissance moyenne» qui tentait de désamorcer les crises interalliées et de réconcilier les dimensions contradictoires de sa propre politique extérieure. / This study questions Canadian international influence during the "Golden Age" by providing a case study of Canada's foreign policy in its relations with France. Multilateral institutions were the cornerstone of Canadian foreign policy; they were providing the politico-economic counterweights allowing Canadians to distance themselves from the United States. These institutions were often perceived as a constraint by the French, who consequently tried to weaken or reform them. Meanwhile, they were trying to preserve their colonial empire and were demanding unanimous occidental support. France became the most disturbing of Canada's allies, almost systematically attacking its foreign policy project, which consisted in trying to balance a firm commitment to NATO and an overtly anti-imperialist policy designed to seduce non aligned countries of the Commonwealth. This dissertation studies the strategies of a "middle power" trying to defuse the crisis between its allies and to reconcile the contradictory dimensions of its own external policy.

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