Cette thèse présente la conception de différentes fonctions pouvant entrer dans la constitution d'un convertisseur de fréquence incluant la génération de l'oscillateur local. La première partie de ce travail présente un synthétiseur de fréquence fixe (PLL) centré sur 15 GHz. Le circuit exploite une technologie CMOS 130 nm proposée par STMicroelectronics. L'objectif visé est d'obtenir une faible consommation tout en préservant des performances en bruit de phase proche de l'état de l'art. Les mesures du circuit, en accord avec les simulations, ont révélé un bruit de phase de -68,9 dBc/Hz à 100 kHz de la porteuse pour une fréquence de sortie de 15 GHz, mais une amélioration de ce bruit d'environ -20 dBc/Hz a pu être démontrée par simulation en corrigeant légèrement la pompe de charge. La consommation de l'ensemble s'établit à 28 mW. La deuxième partie de ce travail démontre la faisabilité d'un mélangeur résistif doublement équilibré à très faibles pertes. Une topologie originale est développée pour transposer efficacement un signal RF en bande K ou en bande V vers une fréquence intermédiaire, fixée arbitrairement à 1 GHz. Le circuit exploite le principe de l'échantillonnage (Bande K), ou du sous-échantillonage (Bande V) en tension pour fortement réduire ces pertes de conversion par rapport à un mélangeur passif classique. Pour fonctionner correctement, celui-ci nécessite cependant une tension de commande OL à très faible rapport cyclique. Deux circuits réalisant la mise en forme du signal OL sont démontrés et fonctionnent jusqu'à 26 GHz. Le mélangeur a été réalisée à partir d'une filière technologique BiCMOS 130 nm de IBM. Les mesures révèlent des performances à l'état de l'art, avec des pertes de conversion de -2,1 dB et un facteur de bruit de 6,3 dB à 19GHz. La plage de fonctionnement RF s'étale de 4 à 27 GHz. Le même circuit testé dans une configuration de sous-échantillonnage fonctionne entre 16 et 64 GHz sur la voie RF. A 58 GHz, les pertes de conversion approchent 8 dB avec un facteur de bruit de 9,5 dB.

No / April 2008 saw the introduction of a new Public Law Outline (PLO) that aims to improve judicial case management of Public Law Children Act cases. The PLO is a response to concerns about the rising number of care proceedings, associated costs, and the difficulties of achieving case resolution given this volume. Based on an ethos that care proceedings should be avoided wherever possible, the new approach to case management, which places significant emphasis on pre-proceedings work and the effective engagement of parents, can be seen to reinforce the ‘no order principle’ enshrined in the Children Act (CA) 1989. Focusing specifically on relationships between parents and professionals, this paper provides a critical discussion of the potential of the PLO to further promote consensual practices with parents. Discussion traces the introduction of the concept of partnership within the CA 1989, provides a review of the evidence to-date of effective partnership working, before considering the prospects for the PLO with respect to parental engagement. A number of key contextual obstacles are highlighted that will inevitably undermine the aspirations of the new outline, and a more general observation is drawn about the limits of procedure in effecting change in complex social issues.

This essay focuses on analyzing the rhetoric concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in opinion pieces in the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter in 1988. This is done using a qualitative analysis method. The theoretical basis for the essay is primarily founded on postcolonial theory and in particular on Edward Said’s claim that Israel is a new example of European colonialism. The aim is to determine how the authors of the opinion pieces, using certain rhetoric, portray Israel and the Palestinians/PLO in relation to their position of power. The justification and condemnation of violence between the parties will also be examined. The results show that the pro-Israeli authors tend to use the Jews’ history of persecution and suffering as a justification for the existence of Israel. Also, they argue that Israeli violence is a form of self-defense as a result of Arab intransigence and violence. The more pro-Palestinian authors tend to portray Israel as a violent and oppressing regime, and in some cases adhere to the view on the state as an example of European colonialism.

Cette thèse est composée de trois volumes : le mémoire principal et deux volumes d’annexes. Elle présente une étude comparée d’images (photographies, dessins de presse, cartes, publicités) parues dans L’Express et Le Nouvel Observateur depuis 1967 (guerre des Six Jours) à 1983 (élimination politique de Yasser Arafat de la scène proche-orientale). Il ne s’agit pas de réécrire une nouvelle histoire des relations israélo-palestiniennes mais plutôt de comprendre comment l’agencement de l’image dans l’article de presse oriente notre perception de l’information. Ainsi l’image instrumentalisée devient un outil indispensable non seulement pour critiquer l’attitude du gouvernement israélien mais aussi pour condamner le terrorisme palestinien. Nous avons dégagé huit objets iconographiques regroupés en deux catégories : « l’image-illustration », « l’image-message ». Nous avons analysé la place de l’image dans l’article, l’importance de l’agencement de celui-ci pour mettre en évidence les liens existant entre les différents objets le composant. Ces images, seules ou multiples et scénarisées, ne cessent d’interpeller sur le danger de la colonisation des territoires occupés. Elles dénoncent aussi l’inanité des actes terroristes. Par contre, elles célèbrent tout espoir de paix, si ténu soit-il. / This thesis is made up of three volumes : the main dissertation and two volumes of appendices. The study outlines a comparative study of images (photographs, sketches, maps, ads) published in L’Express and Le Nouvel Observateur, from 1967 (Six Day War) to 1983 (Yasser Arafat’s political demise on the Middle-Eastern stage). The intention is not to re-write the history of the Israeli-Palestinian relations, but rather to understand how images in the print media influence our perception of the information. The use of images thus become an essential tool, not only to criticize the Israeli Government’s attitude, but also to denounce Palestinian terrorism. We have selected eight iconographic objects which we further divided into two categories : "illustration-image″ and "message-image″. We have analyzed the place of the image in the article and the text relating to it in order to highlight the sum of the constituent parts. Such images, single or multiple and scripted, never cease to stress the dangers of the colonization of the occupied Territories. They also condemn the pointlessness of the terrorist acts. On the other hand, they celebrate every potential hope for peace, no matter how faint.

The main purpose of this study was to develop an analytical framework for the study of terrorism, and secondly to apply it on the Israel/Palestine conflict. To achieve the first purpose, I examined the history and background of the conflict. The purpose of the study has been achieved by using a qualitative text analysis. The questions that were requested answers in this study are: - What are the main reasons that might trigger terrorism?- What are the main reasons that might triggered the terrorism in this case? The outcome of this study is that the cause-factors to the terrorism appearance is modernisation and urbanisation, social tolerance of political violence, revolutionary ideologies and beliefs, powerless states and state response, the lack of political participation and minorities and terror-leader dissatisfaction. I developed the theory that I used and added other factors like occupation, strive for independence and self-sufficiency, and other like the diplomatic impasse, provocative event and religion that have characterised the conflict from the beginning.

This thesis examines the political trajectory of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) during the period from the 1982 eviction of the Palestinian factions from their headquarters in Beirut, to the 2006-07 division between Hamas and Fatah in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). During this period, the PFLP experienced a process of decline that resulted in its marginalisation within the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the wider Palestinian national movement. This study addresses the issue of the PFLP’s decline by focusing on its own political agency to determine the role of policy and decision making, ideology and political narrative in the marginalisation process. This work therefore, on the one hand, aims at putting the PFLP’s decline into historical perspective, identifying it as a process rather than simply the effect of outstanding events as it is often argued. On the other, its goal is to ascribe to ‘subjective factors’, namely aspects directly linked to the PFLP’s agency, the adequate weight in determining its decline. This appears particularly significant as the weakening of the Palestinian left has been frequently explained as a by-product of global and local external or ‘objective’ developments such as the downfall of the Soviet Union or the emergence of political Islam. By providing a comprehensive and processual analysis of the PFLP’s decline, this study not only aims at complementing the literature on the Palestinian national movement, which still lacks a focused approach on the main Palestinian leftist force. It also aims at shedding light on a major cause, and its historical origins, of the current Palestinian political impasse, namely the absence of an alternative between Hamas and the PNA’s governing entities, both crippled by a legitimacy crisis and unable to progress Palestinian interests. By virtue of its close survey of the PFLP’s conduct, a further goal of this thesis is to address the historical role of the PLO and its de-facto heir, the PNA. What is evidenced is the double, and contradictory, role of the essential but also constraining framework that the PLO and later the PNA represented for the PFLP’s policies. The focus on the PFLP’s political agency allows the identification of a pattern in its policy which affected negatively its standing within the Palestinian national movement. Throughout the period addressed, policy fluctuation marked the PFLP’s action, undermining the effectiveness of its political line and jeopardising its political weight. The present study highlights how such a policy fluctuation pattern originated from major dilemmas and contradictions that the PFLP had to consider while producing its policies. The main dilemma, informing all other sources of tensions affecting the PFLP, has been defined as an ‘opposition-integration’ dilemma. In other words, the PFLP, while opposing the PLO leadership’s policies, first and foremost its quest for a diplomatic settlement with Israel under US patronage, needed to maintain its integration within the PLO regime, which represented an essential economic and political framework. This produced inconsistent, ‘fluctuant’ policies that prevented the PFLP from maintaining its political weight and stopping its marginalisation process. This opposition-integration dilemma was combined with other sources of tensions marking the PFLP such as: relations with other PLO opposition factions, relations with Arab partners, its contacts with Palestinian Islamists, the confrontation with the PNA after the 1993 Oslo accords or the internal divide between the exiled leadership and the cadres located in the OPT. The PFLP’s official publications, mainly retrieved from its mouthpiece, Al-Hadaf magazine, embodied the main source upon which this study relies. Beside this corpus of documents, other primary sources, such as documents issued by relevant actors, have been scrutinised, while all information has been read against the background of the wider academic literature currently available on the Palestinian national movement. This research also drew information from interviews with former and current PFLP members as well as with experts of the Palestinian national movement.

La question palestinienne est depuis un siècle sans solution. Les Palestiniens qui, tout comme les peuples arabes de la région, espéraient obtenir leur indépendance à l'issue de la 1ère Guerre mondiale se sont vus placés sous Mandat britannique octroyé par la Société des Nations. Depuis la Palestine est la terre d'un affrontement de deux nationalismes ; arabe palestinien d'un côté et juif sioniste de l'autre. L'intervention de l'ONU en vue de résoudre la question par le partage de la Palestine (un Etat arabe et un Etat juif) n'a pas apporté la solution. Au contraire, cela a aggravé la situation. Plusieurs guerres ont éclaté créant des situations humaines terribles notamment en ce qui concerne les réfugiés palestiniens et l'occupation des territoires palestiniens en 1967. De plus, le conflit israélo-arabe a pris un caractère durable. Depuis 1967 le Droit International dans son organisation actuelle se trouve tantôt inappliqué tantôt bloqué. En effet, Bien que les droits nationaux du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination et à l'indépendance étatique aient été reconnus et à mainte reprise rappelés fussent l'occupation israélienne perdure. L'échec du Droit International dans le règlement de la question a laissé place à des négociations politiques, entre Israël et les Palestiniens représentés par l'OLP, et qui se sont soldées par la mise en place d'un régime transitoire vers la formation d'un Etat palestinien souverain. La dynamique d'Oslo a consolidé le droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination, notamment par la territorialisation de la direction palestinienne dans les Territoires Occupés et l'instauration des structures institutionnelles autonomes, pouvant servir de base à la construction étatique. Toutefois, forcé de constater une inertie dans les négociations, qui durent depuis dix-huit ans, et un non respect du calendrier établi par les Accords. Aussi, plusieurs éléments mettent en doute la possibilité d'un Etat souverain et indépendant sur les frontières de 1967 : le durcissement de la position israélienne sur la question territoriale ; la volonté manifeste d'Israël de conserver le contrôle sur une partie de la Cisjordanie ; le refus d'évacuer les territoires selon le calendrier ; la multiplication des faits accomplis ; la poursuite de la colonisation et la construction du mur de séparation dans les Territoires Occupés. / For a century, the Palestinian issue has been unresolved. Following the First World War, Palestinians, like other Arab people in the region, hoped to gain their independence but were placed under British mandate granted by the League of Nations. Since then, Palestine has been a place where two nationalisms have clashed: Palestinian Arab nationalism on the one side and Jewish Zionism on the other. The UN intervention to resolve the issue by a partition of Palestine (one Arab state and one Jewish state) failed to provide a solution. On the contrary, it aggravated the situation. Several wars erupted which generated terrible human situations, regarding in particular the Palestinians refugees or the occupation of the Palestinian territories in 1967. Furthermore, the Arab-Israeli conflict became a long standing one. Since 1967, International Law, in its current form, is sometimes unimplemented sometimes blocked. Despite the rights of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independent statehood having been recognized and repeatedly reaffirmed, the Israeli occupation endures. International law's failure in resolving the issue has given way to political negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians represented by the PLO. Such negotiations led to the establishment of a transitory system towards the creation of a sovereign Palestinian state. The dynamics of Oslo has strengthened the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including by the territorialisation of the Palestinian authority in the occupied territories and the establishment of autonomous institutional structures which can form the basis for state building. However, forced to conclude to a lack of progress in the negotiations, under way for the past eighteen years, as well as to a failure to comply with the timetable established by the Agreements. Therefore, several factors cast doubt on the possibility of a sovereign and independent state to be established on the 1967 borders: the hardening of the Israeli stand on the territorial issue, Israel's clear desire to retain control over part of the West Bank; its refusal to evacuate the territories according to schedule; its policy of fait accompli, its continuation of settlement activities and the construction of the separation wall within the Occupied Territories.

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La communauté internationale et le droit international sont confrontés à un défi majeur : trouver une solution mettant un terme au conflit israélo-palestinien. L’étude du conflit israélo-palestinien à la lumière du droit international montre les nombreuses difficultés relatives à l’émergence d’un Etat palestinien. En effet, ce dernier est une source de violation du droit international du fait notamment des manquements aux droits fondamentaux qui ne cessent de sévir sur ce territoire. Les violations commises à l’encontre du droit international remontent à l’époque du mandat britannique et sont finalement caractérisées par l’impunité des entités qui les ont commises. Cela permet donc de mettre en évidence les lacunes où même les faiblesses du droit international, plus précisément celles de l’ONU qui se trouve en difficultés face à un manquement constant à ces principes et à ces décisions. On a cherché à pallier à cette situation infernale par l’usage de techniques qu’offre le droit international dont l’objectif est de mettre un terme à un conflit. Il existe une technique qui paraît être la plus appropriée pour le conflit israélo-palestinien, il s’agit de la fameuse technique de la négociation. Cependant le processus de paix ayant débuté en 1990 se trouve aujourd’hui presque oublié.Malgré tout cela, la création d’un Etat palestinien se trouve être la base de la solution du conflit israélo-palestinien. Cette présente étude cherche à démontrer, sur la base de la définition de l’Etat selon le droit international, que la Palestine dispose d’une part, d’éléments avérés, mais imparfaits, permettant à cette dernière de constituer un Etat selon le droit international, et d’autre part que cette dernière ne peut accéder au rang d’Etat dans la mesure où certains éléments nécessaires à la constitution d’un État demeurent contestables. Ce qui manque à la Palestine pour se constituer en Etat c’est l’effectivité. / The international community and the international law are facing a great challenge: find the solution to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The study of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in light of international law shows many difficulties related to the emergence of a Palestinian state. Indeed, this conflict is a source of violation of international law specifically a violation of human rights that continues to strike in this area. Violations against international law go back to the time of the British mandate and are finally characterized by the impunity towards the entities that have committed them. Therefore, this allows us to highlight the weaknesses of international law, more specifically those of the United Nations that is confronted with the constant breach of its principles and decisions. We have tried to overcome this infernal situation by using the techniques offered by the international law that aims to put an end to a conflict. There is a technique that seems to be the most appropriate for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict known as the negotiation. However, the peace process that began in 1990 is now almost forgotten.Despite all this, the creation of a Palestinian state is the base to the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This present study aims to demonstrate, based on the definition of the State under international law, that Palestine has, on one hand, confirmed elements/components that are imperfect, allowing the latter to constitute a State under international law, and on the other, that it can’t achieve statehood to the extent that certain elements necessary for statehood remain questionable. What Palestine is missing is effectiveness.