La prison de la Conciergerie occupe une place particulière dans le paysage pénitentiaire parisien du XVIIe siècle. Elle accueille de nombreux prisonniers pour dette, les prisonniers jugés en première instance par l’une des juridictions siégeant dans Palais de la Cité, dont elle occupe les bâtiments, mais aussi et surtout les prisonniers en appel devant le parlement de Paris. A partir de l’analyse de parcours individuels de prisonniers et de personnels de la Conciergerie (les dynasties de concierges Regnoust et Dumont), reconstitués grâce aux archives criminelles et notariales, la thèse porte sur les relations sociales et les comportements au sein de la prison. Après une première partie consacrée à un état des lieux de la Conciergerie au début du XVIIe siècle, la deuxième partie met en avant les particularités de sa société carcérale : moins séparée du monde extérieur que les prisons actuelles, elle reproduit à petite échelle la société parisienne. Plutôt que sur une distinction rigoureuse entre hommes et femmes et entre catégories criminelles, son organisation est fondée sur la position sociale et la richesse. Les prisonniers régulent eux-mêmes leurs conflits, le plus souvent sans faire appel au personnel. Quant à l’univers socio-professionnel des gardiens, il ressemble beaucoup à celui des métiers parisiens par les relations à la fois solidaires et hiérarchisées entre le concierge et ses guichetiers et morgeurs. La troisième partie porte sur « l’aventure de l’évasion », révélatrice de l’importance du contexte social et culturel dans la décision, la préparation et l’exécution d’une telle entreprise. / The prison of the Conciergerie occupied a special place in the Paris prison landscape of the seventeenth century. It hosted many prisoners for debt, prisoners tried in first instance by one of the courts sitting in the Palais de Justice, which occupied the buildings, but also and above all the prisoners appealed to the parliament of Paris. From the analysis of individual pathways both of prisoners and staff of the Conciergerie (dynasties of chief jailers Regnoust and Dumont) and reconstituted from criminal and notarial archives, the thesis focuses on social relationships and behavior within the prison. After a first part dedicated to an overview of the Conciergerie in the early seventeenth century, the second part highlights the peculiarities of this prison society: less separated from the outside world that the current prison, it played small-scale Parisian society. Rather than on a rigorous distinction between men and women and between criminal groups, the organization was based on social status and wealth. Prisoners regulated their own conflicts, often without involving staff. As for the socio-professional world of guards, it resembled that of the Parisian business relations, involving both solidarity and hierarchy between the jailers. The third part focuses on "the adventure of escape", revealing the importance of social and cultural context in the decision, preparation and execution of such an undertaking.

Doctorat en sciences psychologiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Les gangs de rue suscitent aujourd’hui l’intérêt de nombreux chercheurs en raison de la menace qu’ils semblent poser à la société et ses institutions. En effet, depuis quelques années, les Services Correctionnels du Québec connaissent une hausse du nombre de personnes incarcérées associées aux gangs de rue et plusieurs questionnements sont soulevés face à la recrudescence de ces groupes en prison. Peu de recherches se sont penchées sur la question des gangs de rue en prison, alors que ceux-ci semblent être à la source de plusieurs problèmes aigus dans les institutions carcérales. Ainsi, ces derniers sont souvent associés à la criminalité et à la violence, que ce soit dans les médias ou dans la littérature scientifique et semblent être la source de plusieurs inquiétudes de la part du grand public; considérés comme imprévisibles et violents, ils font peur. Groupes diversifiés et difficiles à saisir, leur étude se veut non seulement primordiale vu leur nature, mais nécessaire afin d’en saisir la complexité et pouvoir agir, que ce soit au niveau de la prévention, de la gestion ou encore de la répression. Ce mémoire vise donc la compréhension de l’expérience des membres de gangs de rue dans les prisons provinciales québécoises. Dans ce cadre, nous avons procédé par une approche qualitative au moyen d’entretiens de type qualitatif menés auprès de détenus considérés par les services correctionnels comme étant proches ou membres de gangs de rue. Les vingt-et-une entrevues menées nous ont permis d’approfondir et de saisir le vécu de ces derniers en détention. De ces entretiens, trois grandes dimensions sont ressorties, soit l’organisation sociale des gangs de rue en prison, les conditions de détention difficiles dans lesquelles évoluent ces groupes ainsi que leur fonctionnement en prison. Nos analyses nous ont permis de dégager certains constats. À leur arrivée en prison, les individus affiliés aux gangs de rue sont doublement étiquetés, et se retrouvent dans des secteurs de détention spécifiques où les conditions sont particulièrement difficiles à vivre. Dans ce contexte, les gangs de rue tendent à reproduire en prison certains attributs associés aux gangs de rue, notamment une certaine structure et hiérarchie organisationnelle et un esprit de cohésion. Il ressort ainsi de notre étude que cette solidarité semble permettre aux gangs de rue de s’adapter à l’environnement hostile que représente la prison. Toutefois, cette solidarité nous parait être un obstacle ou du moins une difficulté inhérente à la prise en charge et à la gestion des gangs de rue en prison. / Today, street gangs are of great interest for many researchers because of the threat they seem to pose to society and its institutions. In recent years, the Quebec Correctional Services has seen an increase of incarcerated street gang members which has created a number of issues related to the growth of these groups in prison. Furthermore, few studies have addressed the issue of street gang members in prison although they seem to be the source of several serious problems in penal institutions. Street gangs are often associated with criminality and violence, whether in the medias or in scientific papers. They seem to be a great source of concern for the public; and, in general; they are perceived to be unpredictable, and violent, which is creating fear. These groups are ever-evolving, diversified and constantly re-immerging. Thus, the study of these groups is essential largely due to their characteristics, but also necessary in order to grasp their complexity and eventually, to be able to succeed in the control, repression and prevention of these groups. This master seeks to understand the experience of street gang members in provincial prisons. In this context, the choice of the qualitative approach seems entirely justified. The qualitative interviews we conducted with individuals identified by the correctional services to be closely associated to or members of street gangs seemed to us to be in line with the choice of the qualitative approach and were necessary in order to focus on the views and experiences of their life in prison. The twenty-one interviews we conducted with inmates that are associated to a street gang have permitted us to further understand and capture the mentality of those in detention. From these interviews, three major issues have emerged; firstly, the social organization of street gangs, secondly, the harsh prison conditions in which these groups operate and thirdly, how they function and operate in prison. Finally, we have identified some facts from our interviews. When street gang members arrive in prison, they are experiencing a double-labelling, are living in harsh prison conditions and are all housed together. Thus, the characteristics displayed of street gangs in prison is somewhat similar to the behaviour within the community; such as, their subculture, their structure, their positions, the family spirit that characterizes them in the community, their solidarity and violence. The deprivation endured by incarceration added to the characteristics of street gangs lead to a further form of solidarity. This solidarity allows the street gang members to adapt to any hostile environment, including the prison. Finally, this solidarity is certainly an important inherent obstacle to the control of these groups in prison.

Fung Chi Ho Jimmy. / "Architecture Department, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Master of Architecture Programme 2004-2005, design report."

Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-26T12:51:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 elianecristinapastre_dissert.pdf: 271942 bytes, checksum: 8ee24c1b8d3ac6b22f7fbf6d8cf02aef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-04 / The present study aimed to analyze the frequency of the population affected by work-related injuries, considered a public health issue, as well as, the association of their occurrence and severity with anthropometric and work variables. A hundred forty six women from the Female Center of Resocialization participated in the study. They answered a validated questionnaire containing information on anthropometric data and work-related musculoskeletal complaints. The study of the association among and inside of the variables was performed by means of Goodman´s test. High frequency of injury occurrences after the beginning of working activity (94,19%) was observed. The participants who needed work absence presented higher values on age and weight; as well as, it was more often reported by those who have been working for a long time. The most related complaint was acute pain in the column. In conclusion, it is high the frequency of work-related injuries as well as the association between higher values to weight and acute pain level; higher values of age and weight and need of absence; acute pain level and column region and, between longer time at work and need of absence. / O presente estudo teve como objetivo analisar a freqüência da população acometida por lesões de origem laboral, consideradas um problema de saúde pública, assim como, a associação de sua ocorrência e severidade às variáveis antropométricas e de trabalho. Participaram 146 mulheres de um Centro de Ressocialização Feminino que responderam a um questionário validado contendo informações sobre dados antropométricos e queixas osteomusculares relacionadas ao trabalho. O estudo da associação entre e dentro das variáveis foi feito pelo teste de Goodman. Observou-se elevada freqüência na ocorrência de lesões após início de atividade laboral (94,19%). As participantes com necessidade de afastamento do trabalho apresentavam maiores valores em idade e peso; assim como, foi mais referido por aquelas que trabalhavam há mais tempo. Dor acentuada foi mais referida na coluna. Concluiu-se que é alta a freqüência de lesões relacionadas ao trabalho, bem como, há associação entre maiores valores para peso e nível de dor acentuado; maiores valores de idade e peso e necessidade de afastamento; níveis acentuados de dor e região da coluna e, entre maior tempo de serviço e necessidade de afastamento.

Les gangs de rue suscitent aujourd’hui l’intérêt de nombreux chercheurs en raison de la menace qu’ils semblent poser à la société et ses institutions. En effet, depuis quelques années, les Services Correctionnels du Québec connaissent une hausse du nombre de personnes incarcérées associées aux gangs de rue et plusieurs questionnements sont soulevés face à la recrudescence de ces groupes en prison. Peu de recherches se sont penchées sur la question des gangs de rue en prison, alors que ceux-ci semblent être à la source de plusieurs problèmes aigus dans les institutions carcérales. Ainsi, ces derniers sont souvent associés à la criminalité et à la violence, que ce soit dans les médias ou dans la littérature scientifique et semblent être la source de plusieurs inquiétudes de la part du grand public; considérés comme imprévisibles et violents, ils font peur. Groupes diversifiés et difficiles à saisir, leur étude se veut non seulement primordiale vu leur nature, mais nécessaire afin d’en saisir la complexité et pouvoir agir, que ce soit au niveau de la prévention, de la gestion ou encore de la répression. Ce mémoire vise donc la compréhension de l’expérience des membres de gangs de rue dans les prisons provinciales québécoises. Dans ce cadre, nous avons procédé par une approche qualitative au moyen d’entretiens de type qualitatif menés auprès de détenus considérés par les services correctionnels comme étant proches ou membres de gangs de rue. Les vingt-et-une entrevues menées nous ont permis d’approfondir et de saisir le vécu de ces derniers en détention. De ces entretiens, trois grandes dimensions sont ressorties, soit l’organisation sociale des gangs de rue en prison, les conditions de détention difficiles dans lesquelles évoluent ces groupes ainsi que leur fonctionnement en prison. Nos analyses nous ont permis de dégager certains constats. À leur arrivée en prison, les individus affiliés aux gangs de rue sont doublement étiquetés, et se retrouvent dans des secteurs de détention spécifiques où les conditions sont particulièrement difficiles à vivre. Dans ce contexte, les gangs de rue tendent à reproduire en prison certains attributs associés aux gangs de rue, notamment une certaine structure et hiérarchie organisationnelle et un esprit de cohésion. Il ressort ainsi de notre étude que cette solidarité semble permettre aux gangs de rue de s’adapter à l’environnement hostile que représente la prison. Toutefois, cette solidarité nous parait être un obstacle ou du moins une difficulté inhérente à la prise en charge et à la gestion des gangs de rue en prison. / Today, street gangs are of great interest for many researchers because of the threat they seem to pose to society and its institutions. In recent years, the Quebec Correctional Services has seen an increase of incarcerated street gang members which has created a number of issues related to the growth of these groups in prison. Furthermore, few studies have addressed the issue of street gang members in prison although they seem to be the source of several serious problems in penal institutions. Street gangs are often associated with criminality and violence, whether in the medias or in scientific papers. They seem to be a great source of concern for the public; and, in general; they are perceived to be unpredictable, and violent, which is creating fear. These groups are ever-evolving, diversified and constantly re-immerging. Thus, the study of these groups is essential largely due to their characteristics, but also necessary in order to grasp their complexity and eventually, to be able to succeed in the control, repression and prevention of these groups. This master seeks to understand the experience of street gang members in provincial prisons. In this context, the choice of the qualitative approach seems entirely justified. The qualitative interviews we conducted with individuals identified by the correctional services to be closely associated to or members of street gangs seemed to us to be in line with the choice of the qualitative approach and were necessary in order to focus on the views and experiences of their life in prison. The twenty-one interviews we conducted with inmates that are associated to a street gang have permitted us to further understand and capture the mentality of those in detention. From these interviews, three major issues have emerged; firstly, the social organization of street gangs, secondly, the harsh prison conditions in which these groups operate and thirdly, how they function and operate in prison. Finally, we have identified some facts from our interviews. When street gang members arrive in prison, they are experiencing a double-labelling, are living in harsh prison conditions and are all housed together. Thus, the characteristics displayed of street gangs in prison is somewhat similar to the behaviour within the community; such as, their subculture, their structure, their positions, the family spirit that characterizes them in the community, their solidarity and violence. The deprivation endured by incarceration added to the characteristics of street gangs lead to a further form of solidarity. This solidarity allows the street gang members to adapt to any hostile environment, including the prison. Finally, this solidarity is certainly an important inherent obstacle to the control of these groups in prison.

In the past two decades, the prison population has increased considerably in many industrialized countries. In the United States, for example, the prison population has more than quadrupled since 1980. As a response to the considerable incarceration costs, the number of private prisons and the number of prisoners working for private corporations have increased significantly. Proponents of private sector involvement in prison industries argue that inmate labour can reduce the incarceration costs and contribute to rehabilitation of prisoners. / The question of private sector involvement in prison facilities raises significant concerns as regards to international labour standards. Opponents of private sector involvement argue that private hiring of prison labour can involve exploitation. They also argue that the authority for punishment is a core governmental function that cannot be delegated to the private sector. Furthermore, in most cases, labour and social security laws are not applied to inmates. Therefore, prison labour can constitute unfair competition with free labour or even go as far as to replace free labour.

Il s'agit d'une recherche en trois parties.I « Quatre prisons : terrains, cultures et méthodes ». J'y décris les quatre centres pénitentiaires qui constituent le terrain de recherche et les difficultés que j'ai dû y surmonter. J'aborde aussi le rôle familial dans la formation de la contre-culture des détenus, la socialisation, et surtout l'éducation. Ils ont une stratification sociale alternative, suivent un code éthique qui leur est propre et ont des coutumes représentatives qui incluent l'argot carcéral (verlan).La méthodologie utilisée est qualitative. J'ai réalisé dix ateliers d'écriture entre 2008 et 2013 : un atelier avec les détenus du CIP-CRC (Centre de détention provisoire – Centre de régime fermé), cinq avec les détenus du CET (Centre d'Etudes et de Travail), un avec les détenues de la Prison de Chillán et trois au CCP El Manzano de Concepción (un atelier avec des hommes et deux avec des femmes). Grâce à ces ateliers, il m'a été possible de découvrir et de connaître leur contre-culture, ses codes, les valeurs qui lui sont propres.Le traitement des 112 récits produits consiste d'abord à les classer, à les organiser et à en donner une vision d'ensemble : coordonnées (auteur, époque), genre etc. A partir de là, on aborde les récits en utilisant la technique AT.9 afin de mettre au jour le «contenu existentiel » ou tonalité affective des idées et sentiments exprimés, selon une tendance vitale (positive-vie) ou morbide (négative-mort). On détermine également « le locus de contrôle » de chaque récit et son impact. Puis est envisagée l'articulation culture dominante/contreculture ; il s'agit ici d'utiliser les observations et les entretiens réalisés comme principale matière d'analyse, ainsi qu'une tranche des ateliers d'écriture.II « Incarcération et mémoire/imaginaire » présente les origines, l'historique, le texte et le contenu des 112 récits autofictionnels produits dans les des ateliers d'écriture. Les ateliers étaient organisés de manière à ce que chaque détenu prenne conscience, en fin de parcours, de sa progression tout au long de l'écriture et qu'il perçoive l'écart entre le dénouement finalement retenu pour son récit et celui qu'il avait envisagé au début ; il lui fallait pour cela confronter les divers dénouements envisagés successivement.Une condensation typologique des récits est proposée pour préparer la lecture de l'intégralité du corpus recueilli, qui constitue le cœur de cette recherche et donne une vision suggestive de la vie affective et de l'imaginaire des hommes, des femmes et des mineurs qui vivent aujourd'hui en prison au Chili. On s'interroge ensuite sur les méthodes et les fins d'une analyse des récits qui permette d'expliciter leur contenu existentiel, fasse apparaître les récurrences thématiques ; l'on propose enfin la lecture expérimentale de quelques récits.III « Caractérisation des systèmes de réclusion » traite des différences entre les systèmes carcéraux chiliens, des caractéristiques de la condition carcérale, du monde des détenus et des personnels. On aborde les caractéristiques socioéconomiques de la région du Bío–Bío, étant donné que cette dernière est le cadre où se développe la recherche. On met l'accent sur l'organisation de la vie en détention, la stratification sociale carcérale et sur l'utilisation des espaces en prison. On s'intéresse aussi aux variations dans le rôle des gardiens de prison et des personnels civils au Chili, selon les types de centres pénitentiaires étudiés et selon la diversité de leur mode de gestion. L'objectif est de formaliser les relations dans les divers centres étudiés en faisant apparaître différences et similitudes. / My report on this research is composed of the following three parts.I. Four prisons: their locations, their cultures, their methods.I begin this work by describing the four incarceration centers in southern Chili, where I conducted my research and the difficulties which I had to overcome in order to complete this work. My approach to this study includes the roles played by the families of detainees in the formation of their counter-cultural values, their socialization, and above all their education. The people I studied represent an alternative stratification, with their own ethical code, their unique customs, and their own prison slang.The principle method used in this research is qualitative. I led ten writers' workshops between 2008 and 2013: one with the prisoners at CIP-CRC (Center of Provisional Detention-Center of Firm Incarceration), five with the prisoners at CET (Center for Work and Study), one with the inmates at Prison of Chillán, and three at the CCP El Manzano of Concepción ( one workshop with male prisoners, and two with female prisoners). From my experiences in these ten workshops, I was able to discover and eventually comprehend the counter-culture of these inmates, their code of behavior and their system of values.My approach for studying the 112 naratives produced in these workshops consists of, first classifying them; then organizing them according to their global characteristics, such as contact information, the life of the author, the period described in the story, the genre etc…. After this initial work, I employed the AT.9 technique in order to uncover the ‘existential content' or the ‘affective tonality' of the ideas and feelings expressed in these stories, according to either the evidence of a vital energy or a morbid expression. I sought, also, to locate the “locus de contrôle” (control place) in each story to explain its impact.II. Incarceration and Memory/Imagination.In this part, I present the context and the history of the narratives that were produced in these prison writers' workshops and the content of these 112 fiction stories written by prisoners. These workshops were organized in a way that by the end of the process each prison inmate became conscious of the progress he had made during the project, and each was able to perceive the difference between the ending finally chosen for his story and that which he had considered at the start. To accomplish this, the writer needed to confront the various possible outcomes as they were considered in turn during the writing process.Here, I have proposed a typological summary of the stories to help prepare an approach to this corpus of collected naratives, which constitute the heart of my research and provide a vision the affective life and the quality of imagination of men, women and children who are incarcerated today in the prisons of Chili. I then take up the questions of the method and the purpose of this analyses, which seek to clarify their existential content of prison narratives, showing thematic recurrences. Finally I propose the experimental reading of a few of these stories.III. Characterization of the System of Incarceration.In this final part, I describe differences within the system of incarceration in Chili, including descriptions of conditions specific to certain institutions, as well as the universe of the inmates and the person guards. I present the socioeconomic conditions that exist in the Bio-Bio region of southern Chili, as this is the framework in which my research was developed. I emphasize the way in which the prisoner's life is organized, the social stratification of the prison and the utilization of space within the institution.

L'architecte Alfred-Nicolas Normand est un oublié de l'histoire. Après quatre années d'études aux Beaux-Arts, il obtient le Grand Prix de Rome en 1846. Pensionnaire à la Villa Médicis durant les cinq années suivantes, il se confronte aux canons de l'Antiquité. Il réalise cinq Envois d'une grande qualité, parmi lesquels une étude de la maison du faune à Pompéi, et la restauration du Forum romain en un travail mêlant art, érudition et archéologie. Il sillonne l'Italie et la Grèce, constituant un portefeuille de modèles qui nourrira sa pratique architecturale. S'y ajoute un beau corpus de calotypes influencé par les modalités du dessin. De retour en France, Normand réalise un hötel pompéien pour le prince Jérôme Napoléon. Il y voit l'occasion d'appliquer les leçons reçues de Rome, élaborant une juste synthèse entre archéologie, modèles canoniques et vie moderne. Puis il se verra confié la réedification de la Colonne Vendôme, effaçant ainsi le traumatisme mal assumé de la Commune. Sa carrière se diversifie, entre architecture privée et construction édilitaire : chäteaux, hötels particulier, halle métallique, maison centrale de Rennes. Il représente ces générations brillantes mais sans relief qui répondent aux exigences institutionnellles; Alfred Normand, en tant que banal modèle de l'excellence, incarne une histoire des strates, une figure du transitoire / The architect Alfred-Nicolas Normand is forgotten by the history. After four year at the Beaux-Arts, he obtains the Grand Prix de Rome in 1846. He is student at the villa Medici for the five next years. He makes five Envois in high quality. One of them is the house of the Faun in Pompeii. He realizes a great Restoration of the Roman Forum. His works proposes a synthesis of art, erudition and archaeology. During his pension he is travelling acrosss Italy and is given a recent authorization to reach Greece. the boarding school is opportunity for Normand to find out and to experience all the forms of his art which are well abovethe competences taught by the Institute. He will feed upon all these influences his architectural skills. In 1851, he discovers the calotype process, and after that he is taking photographs of the monuments in their context. The observer would remark a relative ressemblance between his practice as drawer and as a photographer. As he wants the process to be clearly documentary, the shooting process is drastically influenced by the drawing codes and method standards. Back in France he realizes a antique style Villa for the Prince Jérôme Napoléon. Normand finds here the opportunity to apply the lessons learned from Roma : monumentality and sense of decor. He does a good mix between archaeology, canonical models and modern lifestyle. A few years after, he is been given the maintenance of the Colonne Vendôme. As this monument has been thrown down during the Commune events, the State puts him in charge of its restoration in order to erase this painful episode from the popular memory. Throughout his career he will be required to build private prestigious residences (castles and private mansions) for which he will request a varied vocabulary : medieval, neo-Renaissance or XVIIIth century. He also achivied numbers of tombs and honorific monuments. Thereafter he turns to work on the penal institution architecture. He is appointed to be responsible for the conception of the Maison Centrale of Rennes, a prison for a thousand women serving a long sentence. He turns the panoptical system into a wide central courtyard to which converge all the windows of the prison building. Alfred Normand, as recognized as he could be in his time, is one of the history's forgotten people. He is a good representative of these generations : brilliant, but whitout relief, that could fit perfectly the institutional needs. He personifies the inertia of a professional corps facing the modern societies' individualistic conception

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