This thesis examined the evolution and transition of agrarian labour relations in the aftermath of Zimbabwe‘s radical land redistribution, which reconfigured the agrarian structure in terms of landholdings, production practices and labour markets from 2000. Despite the importance of agrarian labour as source of livelihood for the largely countryside based population, insufficient academic attention has been paid to its evolution following the land reforms. Specifically, the issues overlooked relate to the mobilisation, organisation and utilisation of wage and non-wage labour against background of the changed land ownership patterns, agrarian policies and macroeconomic conditions. Historical-structural approaches rooted in Marxist Political Economy informed the analysis of the new agrarian labour relations since in former Settler colonies such as Zimbabwe these were based on a historical context of specific land-labour utilisation relations created by land dispossession and discriminatory agrarian policies during the colonial and immediate independence period. Beyond this, gender issues, intrahousehold relations, kinship, citizenship and the agency of the workers were taken into account to understand the trajectory of labour relations. Detailed quantitative and qualitative empirical research in Goromonzi and Kwekwe districts, as well as from other sources demonstrated that a new agrarian labour regime had evolved to replace the predominant wage labour in former large-scale commercial farms. There has been a growth in the use of self-employed family farm labour alongside the differentiated use of wage labour in farming and other non-farm activities. Inequitable gender and generational tendencies were evident in the new agrarian labour regime. The new labour relations are marked by the exploitation of farm workers through wages that are below the cost of social reproduction, insecure forms of employment and poor working conditions, while their individual and collective worker agency is yet to reverse their poor socio-economic conditions. Various policy interventions to protect their land and labour rights are thus required. The study shed light on the conceptual understanding of agrarian labour relations in former Settler economies, including the role of land reforms in the development of employment, and how the peasantry with enlarged land access are reconstituted through repeasantisation and semi-proletarianisation processes. / Public Administration and Management / D. P. A.

No description available.

Dans cette thèse nous démontrons que la paysannerie colombienne s'est constituée telle quelle, à partir de: 1) la construction et de la mise en œuvre des pratiques économiques et agro-productives compatibles avec l'environnement; 2) des habitus et des coutumes qu’elle a inventé et a récré à partir de l'interaction quotidienne avec sa famille et sa communauté et 3) de la lutte politique qu'elle a entrepris tant pour exiger à l'État sa reconnaissance sociale, territoriale et juridique, comme pour arrêter l'avance territoriale des entrepreneurs agraires. Par conséquent, la paysannerie ne peut pas être conçue comme une catégorie conceptuelle construite, a priori , définie dehors de l’histoire, comme un groupe social homogène, et avec caractéristiques égales à niveau global. La paysannerie colombienne, dans sa lutte politique pour la défense du territoire, a affronté à un entrepreneur agraire qui, orienté par une logique unidirectionnelle, élitiste et exclusive de « progrès » et du « développement », a nié à la paysannerie ses droits territoriaux, économiques, sociaux et culturels. De plus, en faisant un usage patrimonial de l’État, il l`a poursuivi, stigmatisé et expulsé de la communauté politique. La paysannerie a affronté un État et un entrepreneur agraire que, depuis l'État d’Exception et de la déclaration de la paysannerie comme “obstacle du développement” et “ennemi de la nation”, ils ont revendiqué le droit, inhérent des souverainetés classiques, de définir qui peut vivre et qui doit mourir. La dynamique historique et successive d'expropriation territoriale de la paysannerie et la mise en œuvre de ce qui est dénommé, dans cette thèse, nécro-politique agraire, ont été cachées dans le concept de “colonisation spontanée” et dans un discours qui présente au paysan comme « héros», «entrepreneur» et «constructeur de patrie», quand il a été obligé par raisons d'ordre économique, juridique et militaire, à entreprendre de nouveaux processus de colonisation forcée. La réponse de la paysannerie à cette dynamique a inclus des résistances de caractère intrasystémique et contre-systémique. Elle n'a jamais décliné à sa lutte par le droit à la terre – qui fait partie de son territoire et considère comme inaliénable - et à son droit d'avoir des droits. En étudiant le cas de la paysannerie de l'Amazonie colombienne, dans cette recherche, nous démontrons que la paysannerie a eu une grande capacité d'affronter les adversités économiques et politiques, et de s’inventer et de se refaire eux-mêmes dans nouveaux espaces. La paysannerie est un sujet social qui a refusé de façon entêtée et permanente, avec ses attitudes et ses actions, à obéir et à être domestiquée par les paramètres de la modernité. Elle s'est refusée à modifier ses dispositions internes et ses manières de voir le monde, son habitus et s’est reconstituée chaque jour dans une modernité qui menace sa subjectivité et son autonomie. La paysannerie formule des projets agro-écologiques, socioéconomiques et d'insertion politique dans un modèle du développement agraire qui insiste de le nier comme sujet avec des droits. / This thesis demonstrates that the Colombian peasantry has been constituted as such, from the construction and implementation of economic and agro-productive practices compatible with the environment; the habitus and costumes that the peasantry itself has invented and recreated in the daily interaction with its family and community; and from the political struggle that it has undertaken not only to demand from the Colombian state its social, territorial and judicial recognition, but also to halt the territorial advance of agrarian businessmen. For these reasons, the Colombian peasantry cannot be considered a conceptual category, a priori constructed, that is a-historically defined as a homogenous social group with the same characteristics at the global level. In their political struggle to defend their territory, the Colombian peasantry has confronted agrarian businessmen who, oriented with an unidirectional logic, and an elitist, exclusive notion of “progress” and “development”, not only have denied the peasantry its territorial, economic, social and cultural rights, but also, in a patrimonial use of the state, have persecuted, stigmatized, and expelled the Colombian peasantry from the political community. The peasantry have confronted a state and a business group that, from the state of exception and their definition of this population group as “obstacles to development” and “enemies of the nation”, have abrogated the right, typical to the classic sovereignties, to decide who can live and who must die. The historical and successive dynamic of territorial expropriation of the peasantry, and the implementation of what is called in this thesis agrarian necro- politics, have been covered up from the concept of “spontaneous colonization” and from the discourse that presents the peasantry as “hero”, “entrepreneur”, “motherland builder”, when the peasantry has been compelled, because of economic, judicial or military reasons, to undertake new processes of forced colonization. The Colombian peasantry, in response to this dynamic, has undertaken intra-systemic and counter-systemic forms of resistance. It has never relented in its struggle for land rights - land that is part of its territory and that is considered inalienable- and for the right to have rights. Studying the case of peasants in the Colombian Amazonian region, it is demonstrated in this research that the Colombian peasantry has great capacity to face economic and political adversities, and to invent and re-do itself in new spaces. Through its attitude and its actions, the peasantry as a social subject has refused, obstinately and continually, to obey and be domesticated for the parameters of modernity. It has resisted against attempts to alter its internal dispositions and ways of seeing the world, its habitus and re-creates itself daily in a modernity that threatens its subjectivity and autonomy. The peasantry puts together agro-ecological, socio-economic and political inclusion projects in the context of an agrarian development model that insists on denying it as a subject with rights. / En esta tesis se demuestra que el campesinado colombiano se ha constituido como tal a partir de la construcción e implementación de prácticas económicas y agro-productivas compatibles con el medio ambiente, de los habitus y costumbres que ha inventado y recreado en la interacción diaria con su familia y comunidad, y desde la lucha política que ha emprendido tanto para exigirle al Estado su reconocimiento social, territorial y jurídico, como para detener el avance territorial de los empresarios agrarios. Por lo tanto, el campesinado no puede ser concebido como una categoría conceptual, a priori construida, que se define de manera a-histórica como un grupo social homogéneo y de iguales características a nivel global. El campesinado colombiano en su lucha política por la defensa del territorio, ha enfrentado a un empresariado agrario que, orientado por una lógica unidireccional, elitista y excluyente de “progreso” y “desarrollo”, no sólo lo ha negado en sus derechos territoriales, económicos, sociales y culturales, sino que además, en un uso patrimonial del Estado, lo ha perseguido, estigmatizado y expulsado de la comunidad política. El campesinado en Colombia ha enfrentado a un Estado y un empresariado que, desde el Estado de Excepción y la declaratoria de este grupo poblacional como “obstáculo del desarrollo” y “enemigo de la nación”, se han abrogado el derecho, propio de las soberanías clásicas, de definir quién puede vivir y quien debe morir. La dinámica histórica y sucesiva de expropiación territorial del campesinado y la implementación de lo que se denomina en esta tesis necro-política agraria, han sido encubiertas desde el concepto de “colonización espontánea” y desde un discurso que presenta al campesinado como “héroe”, “emprendedor” y “constructor de patria”, cuando éste es compelido, por razones de orden económico, jurídico y militar, a emprender nuevos procesos de colonización forzada. El campesinado, en respuesta a esta dinámica, ha incluido resistencias de carácter intra-sistémico y contra-sistémico. Nunca ha declinado a su lucha por el derecho a la tierra –que es parte de su territorio y que considera como inalienable- y por el derecho a tener derechos. Estudiando el caso de campesinos de la Amazonia colombiana, en esta investigación se demuestra que el campesinado ha tenido una gran capacidad para enfrentar las adversidades económicas y políticas, e inventarse y re-hacerse en nuevos espacios. El campesinado es un sujeto social que ha rehusado terca y permanentemente, con sus actitudes y sus acciones, a obedecer y ser domesticado por los parámetros de la modernidad. Se ha resistido a alterar sus disposiciones internas y maneras de ver el mundo, su habitus y se re-constituye cada día en una modernidad que amenaza su subjetividad y su autonomía. El campesinado fórmula proyectos agro-ecológicos, socio-económicos y de inserción política en el marco de un modelo de desarrollo agrario que insiste en negarlo como sujeto con derechos.

Ce mémoire porte sur le mouvement de l’Association des Paysans de Vallue (APV), qui a vu le jour après la chute de la dictature des Duvalier en Haïti en 1986. La recherche vise à cerner les stratégies mises en œuvre par l’APV dans le développement local, la portée et les impacts de ses initiatives locales sur les conditions de vie des paysans et sur leur relation avec le territoire de Vallue. Elle vise également à identifier les modes de participation des paysans dans la dynamique de développement local qui est implantée par l’APV à Vallue. Après avoir présenté une brève revue de littérature sur le développement local en Haïti, nous évoquons les problèmes confrontés par les paysans et les stratégies qu’ils ont développées en vue de trouver des moyens de survie. Pour comprendre et étudier l’expérience de l’APV à Vallue, nous nous sommes inspirés des perspectives théoriques portant sur le développement local et sur les stratégies d’intervention. La recherche est de type qualitatif ; elle est articulée autour de dix-sept (17) entretiens réalisés avec les vingt-et-un (21) participants recrutés à Vallue. Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que l’APV a su orchestrer des stratégies variées pour réaliser un développement qui est ancré localement et qui répond aux besoins des paysans. En misant sur l’éducation, la sensibilisation, la négociation, la concertation, le partenariat et en mobilisant des ressources locales et externes, l’APV a su réaliser des interventions qui provoquent tout un changement de mentalité et une conscience collective chez les paysans qui développent de nouvelles manières de faire dans l’éducation de leurs enfants et dans la protection de l’environnement de la zone. La route construite par l’association rend Vallue accessible et ouverte, ce qui facilite le développement et permet l’organisation d’une activité comme la foire de la montagne qui met en valeur les produits locaux et la culture locale. L’APV a su apporter des éléments de solution aux problèmes confrontés par les paysans et ses interventions ont des impacts sur leurs conditions de vie et sur leur relation avec le territoire de Vallue. Ils s’identifient mieux au territoire et développent toute une fierté par rapport à leur espace. En outre, la participation des paysans tant dans les élections, la prise de décision et les projets, constitue un élément important. Toutefois, cette participation comporte certaines limites liées au niveau d’éducation des membres de certains groupes. Enfin, il importe de souligner qu’à travers le dernier chapitre de la recherche nous dégageons les points de convergence et de divergence entre la partie théorique et la partie empirique. / This study focuses on the movement of Peasants Association from Vallue (PAV) which started in 1986, after the end of Duvalier’s dictatorship in Haiti. The research aims to understand the strategies used by this association in the process of local development, and the effects of these strategies and initiatives on the living conditions of peasants and their relationship with their territory. Also, its purpose is to identify different modes of participation in the local community. After a brief review of the literature on the local development in Haiti, we present the problems faced by the peasants and the ways to survive. In order to understand and study the peasants’ experiences, we adopt a theoretical perspective based on the literature about local development and intervention strategies. The data of this qualitative research comes from 17 interviews with 21 subjects living in Vallue. The results show that the PAV has built a variety of strategies to allow a development which is locally grounded and related with the peasants’ needs. By structuring their interventions on education, awareness, negotiation, concentration, partnership and mobilisation resources from inside and outside the community, the PAV has successfully brought up changes in mentality and collective consciousness. These results can be seen in new ways of educating children and protecting the ecosystem. For instance, a new road construction has facilitated new ways of communication and new activities, which highlights local culture and products. The PAV’s actions built a new sense of the territory and a feeling of pride and dignity about their local community. Also, peasants’ participation in the elections and the mobilisation in the process of local decision constitutes another impact of the PAV interventions. However, this participation shows some limits, particularly in the level of education of certain participants. Finally, the last chapter presents the link between the theoretical and the empirical part of this study.

Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar o processo de constituição de uma nova forma de assentamento proposta pelo MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) no estado de São Paulo, denominada Comuna da Terra, situada em áreas nas proximidades de grandes centros urbanos, buscando identificar no que ela difere de outras formas de assentamento, no sentido de sua organização interna, e qual a sua contribuição para o avanço da luta por reforma agrária e para o desenvolvimento social e econômico brasileiro. O discurso de intelectuais e parcela do governo de que a reforma agrária não seria mais necessária; a crescente importância atribuída ao agronegócio no país, seja pela política econômica seja pela mídia; e a mudança no caráter do sujeito social da reforma agrária em determinadas regiões, foram alguns dos fatores que levaram o MST a formular essa proposta de assentamento. Para compreender a Comuna da Terra foi imprescindível analisar a questão do sujeito social da reforma agrária. Para tanto, foi necessário compreender os processos migratórios no Brasil, e mais especificamente no estado de São Paulo bem como a crescente importância da migração de retorno. Analisamos então o processo histórico que envolve os grandes centros urbanos e as vidas das classes subalternas que aí se encontram, envolvidas num processo de migração e deslocamento constantes. Analisando os projetos de vida dessa população e o projeto político do MST de constituição das Comunas da Terra, como elemento de uma nova concepção de reforma agrária, pudemos perceber que essa proposta aponta para um novo projeto de desenvolvimento para o campo, no qual elementos do urbano sejam incorporados. Ao questionar os rumos da política agrária, ao reivindicar um novo modelo de desenvolvimento para o campo, ao propor a união de movimentos rurais e urbanos, o MST acaba por colocar em debate um novo modelo de desenvolvimento também para o Brasil. A Comuna da Terra é elaborada com a proposta de ser uma forma de assentamento em que haja infra-estrutura, acesso à informação, tecnologia etc. Em que haja também uma organização espacial que propicie uma maior centralidade. Enfim, a Comuna da Terra é elaborada de forma a ter um caráter mais urbano que os assentamentos convencionais. No entanto, ela não se enquadra como espaço urbano/rural a partir de imprecisões ou transições. Não constitui um espaço em transição do rural para o urbano. É um espaço que se propõe a ser rural, posto que de reprodução do modo de vida camponês, e urbano, ou com elementos do urbano, posto que demanda os benefícios que a urbanidade criou ao longo dos séculos. / This research project aims to analyze the creation of a new kind of land reform settlement in Brazil - the Comunas da Terra, or Land Communes. These settlements were proposed by Brazil\'s movement of landless workers, the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), and they have been thus far been located in São Paulo state, close to large urban centers. The project attempts to identify the differences between Land Communes and other kinds of land reform settlements, with particular attention paid to their internal organization. The project also seeks to outline the Land Communes\' contribution to the land reform struggle and, in a broader sense, to Brazil\'s social and economic development. A number of factors led the MST to propose the Land Commune model: the discourse, common among intellectuals and some segments of the Brazilian government, claiming that agrarian reform is no longer necessary; the growing importance of agribusiness, as reflected both in economic policy and in media depictions; and, in some regions, the changing nature of the social subjects who engage in the agrarian reform process. This last factor has particular importance. In order to understand Land Communes, one must analyze agrarian reform\'s social subjects. To approach this question, in turn, one must examine Brazil\'s migratory processes, and particularly the role that São Paulo plays in these processes, as well as the increasing importance of rural return migration. This thesis therefore reviews the history of Brazil\'s major urban centers and of the subaltern classes who live in them, classes which have been continually involved in a dynamic of migration and displacement. The thesis then analyzes the life plans of people from these classes, and the MST\'s political efforts to plan the Land Communes, as two factors leading towards a new conceptualization of agrarian reform. Both types of plan - life plans and Land Commune plans - point towards a new model for rural development, a model in which elements of the city are brought into the countryside. In its challenges to current agrarian policies, in its demands for a new rural development strategy, and in its proposals for unity between rural and urban social movements, the MST has in effect opened a debate about a new development model for Brazil itself. The MST\'s Land Commune proposal envisions a type of land reform settlement in which advanced infrastructure, information access, and technology are readily available. Moreover, the proposal aims to create settlements whose spatial organization is considerably more centralized than previous types of settlement. Land Communes, in summary, are created with a considerably more urban character than conventional land reform settlements. But the Land Communes\' hybrid status, as a urban/ rural space, does not come from their planners\' indecisiveness, nor does it reflect a process of transition. Land Communes are not a transitional space in which the rural becomes urban. Rather, they are a space at once rural - because in them a peasant lifestyle is reproduced - and urban, or at least with urban elements - because their inhabitants demand the benefits that, for centuries, urbanity has created.

Ce mémoire porte sur le mouvement de l’Association des Paysans de Vallue (APV), qui a vu le jour après la chute de la dictature des Duvalier en Haïti en 1986. La recherche vise à cerner les stratégies mises en œuvre par l’APV dans le développement local, la portée et les impacts de ses initiatives locales sur les conditions de vie des paysans et sur leur relation avec le territoire de Vallue. Elle vise également à identifier les modes de participation des paysans dans la dynamique de développement local qui est implantée par l’APV à Vallue. Après avoir présenté une brève revue de littérature sur le développement local en Haïti, nous évoquons les problèmes confrontés par les paysans et les stratégies qu’ils ont développées en vue de trouver des moyens de survie. Pour comprendre et étudier l’expérience de l’APV à Vallue, nous nous sommes inspirés des perspectives théoriques portant sur le développement local et sur les stratégies d’intervention. La recherche est de type qualitatif ; elle est articulée autour de dix-sept (17) entretiens réalisés avec les vingt-et-un (21) participants recrutés à Vallue. Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que l’APV a su orchestrer des stratégies variées pour réaliser un développement qui est ancré localement et qui répond aux besoins des paysans. En misant sur l’éducation, la sensibilisation, la négociation, la concertation, le partenariat et en mobilisant des ressources locales et externes, l’APV a su réaliser des interventions qui provoquent tout un changement de mentalité et une conscience collective chez les paysans qui développent de nouvelles manières de faire dans l’éducation de leurs enfants et dans la protection de l’environnement de la zone. La route construite par l’association rend Vallue accessible et ouverte, ce qui facilite le développement et permet l’organisation d’une activité comme la foire de la montagne qui met en valeur les produits locaux et la culture locale. L’APV a su apporter des éléments de solution aux problèmes confrontés par les paysans et ses interventions ont des impacts sur leurs conditions de vie et sur leur relation avec le territoire de Vallue. Ils s’identifient mieux au territoire et développent toute une fierté par rapport à leur espace. En outre, la participation des paysans tant dans les élections, la prise de décision et les projets, constitue un élément important. Toutefois, cette participation comporte certaines limites liées au niveau d’éducation des membres de certains groupes. Enfin, il importe de souligner qu’à travers le dernier chapitre de la recherche nous dégageons les points de convergence et de divergence entre la partie théorique et la partie empirique. / This study focuses on the movement of Peasants Association from Vallue (PAV) which started in 1986, after the end of Duvalier’s dictatorship in Haiti. The research aims to understand the strategies used by this association in the process of local development, and the effects of these strategies and initiatives on the living conditions of peasants and their relationship with their territory. Also, its purpose is to identify different modes of participation in the local community. After a brief review of the literature on the local development in Haiti, we present the problems faced by the peasants and the ways to survive. In order to understand and study the peasants’ experiences, we adopt a theoretical perspective based on the literature about local development and intervention strategies. The data of this qualitative research comes from 17 interviews with 21 subjects living in Vallue. The results show that the PAV has built a variety of strategies to allow a development which is locally grounded and related with the peasants’ needs. By structuring their interventions on education, awareness, negotiation, concentration, partnership and mobilisation resources from inside and outside the community, the PAV has successfully brought up changes in mentality and collective consciousness. These results can be seen in new ways of educating children and protecting the ecosystem. For instance, a new road construction has facilitated new ways of communication and new activities, which highlights local culture and products. The PAV’s actions built a new sense of the territory and a feeling of pride and dignity about their local community. Also, peasants’ participation in the elections and the mobilisation in the process of local decision constitutes another impact of the PAV interventions. However, this participation shows some limits, particularly in the level of education of certain participants. Finally, the last chapter presents the link between the theoretical and the empirical part of this study.

Dans cette thèse nous démontrons que la paysannerie colombienne s'est constituée telle quelle, à partir de: 1) la construction et de la mise en œuvre des pratiques économiques et agro-productives compatibles avec l'environnement; 2) des habitus et des coutumes qu’elle a inventé et a récré à partir de l'interaction quotidienne avec sa famille et sa communauté et 3) de la lutte politique qu'elle a entrepris tant pour exiger à l'État sa reconnaissance sociale, territoriale et juridique, comme pour arrêter l'avance territoriale des entrepreneurs agraires. Par conséquent, la paysannerie ne peut pas être conçue comme une catégorie conceptuelle construite, a priori , définie dehors de l’histoire, comme un groupe social homogène, et avec caractéristiques égales à niveau global. La paysannerie colombienne, dans sa lutte politique pour la défense du territoire, a affronté à un entrepreneur agraire qui, orienté par une logique unidirectionnelle, élitiste et exclusive de « progrès » et du « développement », a nié à la paysannerie ses droits territoriaux, économiques, sociaux et culturels. De plus, en faisant un usage patrimonial de l’État, il l`a poursuivi, stigmatisé et expulsé de la communauté politique. La paysannerie a affronté un État et un entrepreneur agraire que, depuis l'État d’Exception et de la déclaration de la paysannerie comme “obstacle du développement” et “ennemi de la nation”, ils ont revendiqué le droit, inhérent des souverainetés classiques, de définir qui peut vivre et qui doit mourir. La dynamique historique et successive d'expropriation territoriale de la paysannerie et la mise en œuvre de ce qui est dénommé, dans cette thèse, nécro-politique agraire, ont été cachées dans le concept de “colonisation spontanée” et dans un discours qui présente au paysan comme « héros», «entrepreneur» et «constructeur de patrie», quand il a été obligé par raisons d'ordre économique, juridique et militaire, à entreprendre de nouveaux processus de colonisation forcée. La réponse de la paysannerie à cette dynamique a inclus des résistances de caractère intrasystémique et contre-systémique. Elle n'a jamais décliné à sa lutte par le droit à la terre – qui fait partie de son territoire et considère comme inaliénable - et à son droit d'avoir des droits. En étudiant le cas de la paysannerie de l'Amazonie colombienne, dans cette recherche, nous démontrons que la paysannerie a eu une grande capacité d'affronter les adversités économiques et politiques, et de s’inventer et de se refaire eux-mêmes dans nouveaux espaces. La paysannerie est un sujet social qui a refusé de façon entêtée et permanente, avec ses attitudes et ses actions, à obéir et à être domestiquée par les paramètres de la modernité. Elle s'est refusée à modifier ses dispositions internes et ses manières de voir le monde, son habitus et s’est reconstituée chaque jour dans une modernité qui menace sa subjectivité et son autonomie. La paysannerie formule des projets agro-écologiques, socioéconomiques et d'insertion politique dans un modèle du développement agraire qui insiste de le nier comme sujet avec des droits. / This thesis demonstrates that the Colombian peasantry has been constituted as such, from the construction and implementation of economic and agro-productive practices compatible with the environment; the habitus and costumes that the peasantry itself has invented and recreated in the daily interaction with its family and community; and from the political struggle that it has undertaken not only to demand from the Colombian state its social, territorial and judicial recognition, but also to halt the territorial advance of agrarian businessmen. For these reasons, the Colombian peasantry cannot be considered a conceptual category, a priori constructed, that is a-historically defined as a homogenous social group with the same characteristics at the global level. In their political struggle to defend their territory, the Colombian peasantry has confronted agrarian businessmen who, oriented with an unidirectional logic, and an elitist, exclusive notion of “progress” and “development”, not only have denied the peasantry its territorial, economic, social and cultural rights, but also, in a patrimonial use of the state, have persecuted, stigmatized, and expelled the Colombian peasantry from the political community. The peasantry have confronted a state and a business group that, from the state of exception and their definition of this population group as “obstacles to development” and “enemies of the nation”, have abrogated the right, typical to the classic sovereignties, to decide who can live and who must die. The historical and successive dynamic of territorial expropriation of the peasantry, and the implementation of what is called in this thesis agrarian necro- politics, have been covered up from the concept of “spontaneous colonization” and from the discourse that presents the peasantry as “hero”, “entrepreneur”, “motherland builder”, when the peasantry has been compelled, because of economic, judicial or military reasons, to undertake new processes of forced colonization. The Colombian peasantry, in response to this dynamic, has undertaken intra-systemic and counter-systemic forms of resistance. It has never relented in its struggle for land rights - land that is part of its territory and that is considered inalienable- and for the right to have rights. Studying the case of peasants in the Colombian Amazonian region, it is demonstrated in this research that the Colombian peasantry has great capacity to face economic and political adversities, and to invent and re-do itself in new spaces. Through its attitude and its actions, the peasantry as a social subject has refused, obstinately and continually, to obey and be domesticated for the parameters of modernity. It has resisted against attempts to alter its internal dispositions and ways of seeing the world, its habitus and re-creates itself daily in a modernity that threatens its subjectivity and autonomy. The peasantry puts together agro-ecological, socio-economic and political inclusion projects in the context of an agrarian development model that insists on denying it as a subject with rights. / En esta tesis se demuestra que el campesinado colombiano se ha constituido como tal a partir de la construcción e implementación de prácticas económicas y agro-productivas compatibles con el medio ambiente, de los habitus y costumbres que ha inventado y recreado en la interacción diaria con su familia y comunidad, y desde la lucha política que ha emprendido tanto para exigirle al Estado su reconocimiento social, territorial y jurídico, como para detener el avance territorial de los empresarios agrarios. Por lo tanto, el campesinado no puede ser concebido como una categoría conceptual, a priori construida, que se define de manera a-histórica como un grupo social homogéneo y de iguales características a nivel global. El campesinado colombiano en su lucha política por la defensa del territorio, ha enfrentado a un empresariado agrario que, orientado por una lógica unidireccional, elitista y excluyente de “progreso” y “desarrollo”, no sólo lo ha negado en sus derechos territoriales, económicos, sociales y culturales, sino que además, en un uso patrimonial del Estado, lo ha perseguido, estigmatizado y expulsado de la comunidad política. El campesinado en Colombia ha enfrentado a un Estado y un empresariado que, desde el Estado de Excepción y la declaratoria de este grupo poblacional como “obstáculo del desarrollo” y “enemigo de la nación”, se han abrogado el derecho, propio de las soberanías clásicas, de definir quién puede vivir y quien debe morir. La dinámica histórica y sucesiva de expropiación territorial del campesinado y la implementación de lo que se denomina en esta tesis necro-política agraria, han sido encubiertas desde el concepto de “colonización espontánea” y desde un discurso que presenta al campesinado como “héroe”, “emprendedor” y “constructor de patria”, cuando éste es compelido, por razones de orden económico, jurídico y militar, a emprender nuevos procesos de colonización forzada. El campesinado, en respuesta a esta dinámica, ha incluido resistencias de carácter intra-sistémico y contra-sistémico. Nunca ha declinado a su lucha por el derecho a la tierra –que es parte de su territorio y que considera como inalienable- y por el derecho a tener derechos. Estudiando el caso de campesinos de la Amazonia colombiana, en esta investigación se demuestra que el campesinado ha tenido una gran capacidad para enfrentar las adversidades económicas y políticas, e inventarse y re-hacerse en nuevos espacios. El campesinado es un sujeto social que ha rehusado terca y permanentemente, con sus actitudes y sus acciones, a obedecer y ser domesticado por los parámetros de la modernidad. Se ha resistido a alterar sus disposiciones internas y maneras de ver el mundo, su habitus y se re-constituye cada día en una modernidad que amenaza su subjetividad y su autonomía. El campesinado fórmula proyectos agro-ecológicos, socio-económicos y de inserción política en el marco de un modelo de desarrollo agrario que insiste en negarlo como sujeto con derechos.

As the historical text by João Cabral de Melo, even today many severinos - husbands, fathers, sons and brothers - leave the Northeast, motivated by dreams of thriving in toil and find a meaning for their existence, fleeing from a place that feels like death and going in search of another life. However, in these new times, the destination is not the city-capital, but distant and almost uninhabited regions of the country. A question arises: if to the men still remains this possibility, for the women who stay here, what is reserved? And what is expected of them? And what they expect? Through some narratives, this work aims to discuss and problematize the meetings of Severinas women, northeastern of the backlands of Sergipe, with the news and vices that the work of his men gives them and the changes it produces in the life of the place and the people. How to occupy, if they occupy, those territories and what tatics invent to better put themselves in them. How they see themselves in these places and how in them, they assign territories, between lack of the kinsman, the expectation for his return and requirements that him absence presentified. / Como no histórico poema cabralino, ainda hoje muitos Severinos - maridos, pais, filhos e irmãos - saem do Nordeste, motivados pelo sonho de prosperar na labuta e encontrar um sentido para suas existências, fugindo de um lugar como sendo de morte e indo em busca de outra vida. Porém, nesses novos tempos, o destino não é a cidade-capital, mas regiões distantes e quase inabitadas do país. Surge uma questão: se aos homens resta ainda essa possiblidade, às suas mulheres que aqui ficam, o que é reservado? E o que delas se espera? E o que elas esperam? Por meio de algumas narrativas, esse trabalho propõe discutir e problematizar os encontros de mulheres Severinas, nordestinas do sertão sergipano, com as novidades e vicissitudes que o trabalho de seus homens lhes propicia e as alterações que produz na vida do lugar e das pessoas. Como ocupam, se é que ocupam, aqueles territórios e que táticas inventam para melhor se colocarem neles. Como se enxergam nesses lugares e como neles fixam territórios, entre a falta do ente, a expectativa por seu retorno e as exigências que sua ausência presentifica.

The project entitled From the energy which is planted to the peasants subjects: The National Program for Production and Use of Biodiesel and its effect in the backwoods of Sergipe , analyzes the contradictions of the National Program for Production and Use of Biodiesel in the backwoods of Sergipe and its effect in the peasants production. The study got back the debate about the discovery of oil as a great energy potential during the Second Industrial Revolution, and later, the increase of consumption through the economic activities, which brought up a shortage context of this resource, responsible for imposing a review of the world energetic base. The demand for a new energetic base is joined with the creation of a new development approach that suggests the rational and sustainable use of natural resources. In this outlook, the continuation of the production model depends on the creation of this new base, and Brazil, created many programs to support the energy production, especially, through agrofuels, whose history brought changes in the Brazilian rural areas. In Sergipe, the National Program for Production and Use of Biodiesel has been introduced in the country since 2007, presenting as an objective, the diesel production through the sunflower cultivation, and making it stand out by the promises of bringing environmental, social and economic benefits. Actually, the National Program for Production and Use of Biodiesel expresses the importance of the context that no structure change is highlighted to definitely stamp out the poverty in the country. In the study area, a program was observed that after spatializing, it went deeper into the vulnerability of the country person to the market guidelines, as the oil seeds production happens under the command of an outside agent, supporting the capitalist relations nowadays. / A pesquisa intitulada Da energia que se planta à sujeição camponesa: O Programa Nacional de Produção e Uso de Biodiesel e seus rebatimentos no Alto Sertão Sergipano , analisam as contradições do Programa Nacional de Produção e Uso do Biodiesel (PNPB) no espaço agrário do Alto Sertão Sergipano e seus rebatimentos na unidade de produção camponesa. O estudo recuperou o debate acerca da descoberta do petróleo como um rico potencial energético na 2ª Revolução Industrial, e posteriormente, o aumento do consumo pelas atividades econômicas, que trouxe à tona um contexto de escassez desse recurso, responsável por impor uma revisão da matriz energética mundial. A situação de demanda por nova matriz energética se coloca ao lado da elaboração de um novo paradigma de desenvolvimento que sugere o uso racional e sustentável dos recursos da natureza. Nesse panorama, a continuidade do modelo de produção depende da criação dessa nova matriz, e o Brasil, criou vários programas para atender a produção de energia, principalmente, a partir de agrocombustíveis, cujas trajetórias trouxeram transformações no espaço rural brasileiro. Em Sergipe, o PNPB vem sendo introduzido no campo desde 2007, apresentando como objetivo a produção de diesel a partir do cultivo do girassol e destacando-se pela promessa de trazer benefícios econômicos, sociais e ambientais. Na realidade estudada, o PNPB expressa a sua importância no contexto em que nenhuma mudança estrutural é apontada para erradicar definitivamente a pobreza no campo. Na área de estudo, observou-se um programa que ao se espacializar, aprofundou a vulnerabilidade do camponês às diretrizes do mercado, à medida que a produção de oleaginosas se realiza sob o comando de um agente externo, atendendo ao momento atual das relações capitalistas.

This Masters Thesis, titled |A Política dos Arranjos Produtivos Locais na Busca Sisifiana pelo Desenvolvimento|, aims to analyze the structural changes expressed by adjusting socio productive in the municipalities of Porto da Folha (SE) and Gararu (SE) with the institutionalization the National Policy on Support to Local Productive Arrangements (LPAs), considered as catalysts of development included in the territorial approach. The analysis was based on the assumptions of dialectical materialism, observing the main determinations in contradictory relation between capital/work on different scales. Speaking of Territorial Development submits the Hinterland of Sergipe to a Development Plan that involves the internalization and devolution of productive activities in Sergipe, linking the field to the market through the National Policy to Support LPAs. We have analyzed the limits of planning the state, while the second order mediation, from the regulator thought and the tripartite relationship Capital-Market-State, and we have investigated the contradictions of Local Development opposite the Structural Crisis of Capital, as well as its bases on studies about productive agglomerations and their ideological substrate. In this context, unveil the LPA on the scales of capital and its forms of local control forth the market, while totalizing process, mischaracterizing planning under the uncontrollable character of capital. The expansion of the logic of capital carries the intensification of exploitation of labor. Without autonomy, the peasant suffers from capitalist control of production, labor and land. Finally, we have analyzed the main contradictions of institutionalization of APL through the involvement of familiar production units characterized as small productive centers; the adequacy and enhancement of the productive process for the market; search for sustainable activities; incorporation of productive innovations; the territorial pact and encouraging the named social capital. We have concluded that LPA is part of the Development Project which seeks to alleviate the crisis of capitalism by market regulation. Thus, the state acts as mediator of the capital, the guarantee of private property as a function of capitalist system. Beyond duality between the Keynesian view and the liberal, the analysis of LPA has showed that the State and the market are inseparable in the capital system. In this sense, the quest for production control, land and labor reveals the quest for expansion and domination of territory to the capital, emerged in the insolubility of its structural crisis. / A presente Dissertação de Mestrado, intitulada A Política dos Arranjos Produtivos Locais na Busca Sisifiana pelo Desenvolvimento , teve como objetivo analisar as alterações estruturais expressadas pelo ajustamento sócio produtivo nos municípios de Porto da Folha (SE) e Gararu (SE) com a institucionalização da Política Nacional de Apoio aos Arranjos Produtivos Locais (APLs), considerados como catalizadores do desenvolvimento, inscritos na abordagem territorial. A análise foi fundamentada nos pressupostos do materialismo dialético, observando as principais determinações na relação contraditória capital/trabalho em suas diferentes escalas. O discurso do Desenvolvimento Territorial submete o Sertão Sergipano a um Plano de Desenvolvimento que envolve a desconcentração e interiorização das atividades produtivas em Sergipe, vinculando o campo ao mercado através da Política Nacional de Apoio aos APLs. Analisamos os limites do planejamento do Estado, enquanto mediação de segunda ordem, a partir do pensamento regulador e pela relação tripartide Capital-Estado-Mercado, e investigamos as contradições do Desenvolvimento Local frente à Crise Estrutural do capital, como também sua base nos estudos sobre aglomerações produtivas e seu substrato ideológico. Nesse contexto, desvelamos o APL nas escalas do capital e suas formas de controle local ante o mercado, enquanto processo totalizante, descaracterizando o planejamento sob o caráter incontrolável do capital. A expansão da lógica do capital carrega consigo a intensificação da exploração do trabalho. Sem autonomia, o camponês fenece ao controle sociometabólico da produção, do trabalho e da terra. Por fim, analisamos as principais contradições da institucionalização dos APL por meio do envolvimento das unidades de produção familiar caracterizadas como pequenos núcleos produtivos; da adequação e potencialização do processo produtivo para o mercado; da busca por atividades sustentáveis; da incorporação de inovações produtivas; do pacto territorial e do estímulo ao chamado capital social. Tendo concluído que o APL faz parte de um Projeto de Desenvolvimento que busca mitigar a crise do capitalismo por meio da regulação do mercado. Dessa forma, o Estado age como mediador do capital, na garantia da propriedade privada em função do sistema sociometabólico. Para além da dualidade entre a visão keynesiana e a liberal, a análise do APL permitiu concluir que o Estado e o Mercado são indissociáveis no sistema do capital. Neste sentido, a busca pelo controle da produção, da terra e do trabalho revela a busca pela expansão e domínio do território para o capital, emergido na insolubilidade de sua crise estrutural.